Browsing by Subject "Ethnic politics"

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Political regimes and minority language policies : evidence from Taiwan and southeast Asia
(2021-12-06) Wu, Chun-Ying; Liu, Amy H.; Lin, Tse-min; Maclachlan, Patricia; Madrid, Raul L.; Hsu, Madeline Y.
What explains why some governments recognize minority languages – i.e., allow them to be taught formally in schools – while others do not? What explains why some governments impose more administrative restrictions on minority language education while others do not? Conventional wisdom would suggest government ideologies and structural factors. In this paper, I shift the focus and call attention to political regimes. I formally model minority language policies as the product of strategic bargaining between three actors: the head of government, the minority faction in the opposition, and the minority faction in alliance with the government. Specifically, I demonstrate that language policies made in democracies, royal dictatorships, and electoral dictatorships are more likely to recognize minority languages than either one-party dictatorships or military regimes. I test this proposition by tracing the development of political regime and language policies in Taiwan’s history (1683-2019) and by using an original time-series cross-sectional dataset of Chinese language education in twelve Southeast Asian States (independence - 2015). The dataset, built on my field research in Singapore and Taiwan, looks at language recognition on various levels including public versus private schools and primary versus secondary levels, as well as teaching hours and self-governance of minority schools. The results – estimated using Bayesian modeling, which are robust to different model specifications – suggest political regimes matter for language policies. Furthermore, some Southeast Asian dictatorships adopt a flexible and pragmatic strategy to simultaneously accommodate nationalist and Chinese educator’s request: they tolerate Chinese-owned schools using Chinese as the medium of instruction, yet they do not recognize the diploma of these schools. The contribution of this study is multifold: It speaks to research on ethnic politics, political institutions, Taiwanese studies, Southeast Asian studies, and Chinese diaspora studies.
We will not be quiet: clientelism, keystone organizations, and the dynamics of protest in indigenous Southern Mexico
(2015-12) Price, Jessica Jean; Madrid, Raul L.; Brinks, Daniel M; Dietz, Henry; Speed, Shannon
This dissertation examines how local people organize, despite poverty and ethnic discrimination, and use public protest to gain a voice in politics. The municipalities of Chiapas and Oaxaca, Mexico, provide a vantage point to observe the forces that drive public protest in ethnically-diverse new democracies. How frequently people protest varies among residents of different counties, as does whether or not local people include ethnic rights demands in their protest repertoires. I develop a new theory about how protest networks spread at the local level to explain this variation. I theorize that political clientelism inhibits the growth of protest networks. By contrast, keystone organizations, which are organizations that have a disproportionate effect on the political environment relative to their actual abundance, facilitate protest. The growth of keystone organizations provokes changes in the local political environment that encourage local people to adopt public protest as part of their political repertoires. I argue that the partisan left and ethnic minority organizations are the most important keystone organizations for protest in ethnically-diverse new democracies. These organizations build political efficacy among poor people and ethnic minorities. Local people internalize the moral narratives that keystone organizations forward, which portray public protest as justified and appropriate, and they become more likely to protest. If these moral narratives rely on rights claims, people who internalize these narratives become more likely to demand rights. The government also encourages local people to shift their protest demands to include group rights through the implementation of ethnic rights regimes. I evaluate this theory using comparative case studies of five Mexican municipalities and a statistical analysis of protest events. I rely on an original dataset of protest events that I coded from local newspapers that covers the period surrounding each Mexican federal election from 2000 through 2012 and includes 1,103 protest events. I conclude with a discussion of the strengths and weakness of protest as an accountability mechanism.