University of Texas Bulletin 
No. 2H7: August 20, 1921 
SELECTIONS 
ON 
AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP 

For Use in the Declamation Contests of the University Ї Interscholastic League 
Edited by 
EDWIN DUBOIS SHURTBR 
State Chairman, Univenity lnterooholastie Leque 



PUBLISHBD BY 
THB UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS 
AUSTIN 



University of Texas Bulletin 
No. 2147: August 20, 1921 
SELECTIONS 
ON 
AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP 

For Use in the Declamation Contests of the University 
Interscholastic League 

Edited by 
EDWIN DuBOIS SHURTBR 
State Chairman, Univeraity I nterocholaatic Lea&ae 

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY SIX TIMES A MONTH, AND ENTERED AS 
SECONDЇCLASS MATTER AT THE POSTOFFICE AT AUSTIN, TEXAS, 
UNDER THE ACT OF AUGUST 24, 1912 

Th.e b~nefits o.f educ!l~ion a11-d of useful knowledge, generally diffused through aЇ community, ~re esaential to the preservation of a free governЇ ment. 
Sam Houston 
Cultivated mind is the guardian genius of democracy. . . . It is the only dictator that freemen acknowlґedge and the only security that freeґmen desire. 
Mirabeau B. Lamar 
PREFACE 
This bulletin contains selections that may be used in the declaґmation contests of the University Interscholastic League in all divisions except that for the Junior Girls. The nature of the selecґtions herein is intended to c,arry on the Americanism or CitizenshipґTraining program that was instituted last year. Other sources for declamations are given on page 42 of the Constitution and Rules. 
In order to reimburse our limited appropriation for printing, a charge of twenty-five cents is made for this bulletin. (Stamps not acceptable. Please send check, P. 0. order, or coin). Any excess from receipts of sales over the cost of printing will be deposited to the credit of the League membership fee fund. 
E. D. SHURTER, Chairman. 

CONTENTS 
Page The Fundamental Principles of Amerґican Constitutional GovernmenL..____Thomas Jefferson ----------------ЇЇЇЇЇ-7 
The Constitution of the United States....Elihu Root -----ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-----------Ї-ЇЇ-Ї 8 The Battles of Peace....---Ї-ЇЇ-ЇЇ-----Ї-Ї-ЇЇ-----Pat M. Neff_________________ _______________ Development of the Human Resources 
of Texas Through Education........~ ...Robert E. Vinson________ __ ______
_______ 11 Respect of FlagЇ--Ї-Ї-ЇЇЇЇ-Ї--Ї-ЇЇ------------Ї--------Alvin M. OwsleY----------------------~-13 A Toast to the Flag..........----------------Ї-----Arthur E. Staples__ __ _____
___ ______ ___ 13 Hallowed Ground ---Ї-ЇЇЇЇ-------Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇ----Ї-ЇЇЇ----Warren G. Harding_________________ ___ 15 International Relations ---Ї----------------------Charles E. Hughes____________________ __ 16 
We Can't Afford War--------ЇЇЇ--Ї--------Ї---ЇЇ----George Horace Lorimer______ ___ ___ 17 Pay Back and Work Back________________________Calvin Coolidge ------------------------19 Self Starters -------------Ї---------------ЇЇ-ЇЇ-Ї-ЇЇ-----President Ray Lyman Wilbur.... 
At the Gate....---------Ї-ЇЇ--------------------Ї-ЇЇЇ----A Brooklyn Prize Essay__ __ ________ 22 A Yank's Opinion of the Statue of Liberty ---------Ї----------ЇЇ---------Ї-ЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇ-Ї .....Anonymous ---ЇЇ---Ї--ЇЇ-ЇЇЇ--Ї-------Ї-ЇЇ-23 Arguments for a Federal Department, of Education ........................................Hugh S. McGill.....________________ __ _____ 24 The Spirit of America_____________
________________ Woodrow Wilson -----------------------Ї 25 My Americanism --------------ЇЇ----------Ї----ЇЇЇЇ---Warren G. Harding_______ __ ___________ 26 Texas-Undivided and Indivisible..__ __
___Joseph W. Bailey____________
___________ 27 Everett and Lincoln at Gettysburg________Adapted ----------------------------------ЇЇ 29 
The Good American____
_______________________
___J. B. Robertson__________________ _______ ___ True Americanism --ЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-----------------Henry Van Dyke__ __ ____________________ 30 The American Spirit ------------------------------S. P. Brooks________ ___ ______ ___,______ ___ __ 32 What about the Immigrant?----------ЇЇ---Ї----Frederick A. Wallis______ ___ __ ____Ї----33 "What Doth Strengthen and What Maim" ---Ї-------------------Ї------------ЇЇ---ЇЇ--------Henry Van Dyke________ ________________ 35 Equal Justice and Popular Rule..............Theodore Roosevelt ------------------36 Constitutional Government ЇЇЇЇ---ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ---Louis J. Wortham_________ _______________ 37 Columbus Day ----------------------------------------B. D. Tarlton_______________,.............. 39 A Plea for DisarmamenL......................John G. HibbenЇ-Ї-Ї--Ї-ЇЇ-Ї--Ї-ЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇ The Modern Ku Klux Klan_______ _
___________James R. Hamilton.................... 42 Work, Love, and Service__________________________ Stockton Axson ЇЇЇЇЇ--Ї---------ЇЇЇ-Ї-Ї 44 Tribute to the American Army___ ____ _
____ ___ Marshal Foch -ЇЇЇ--------ЇЇЇЇ-Ї-ЇЇ-ЇЇ-Ї-Ї 47 Is There a Labor Problem?__________________ ____W. L. HugginsЇ-ЇЇ-----------Ї-Ї-Ї---ЇЇЇ-Ї 45 Trippers and Stoppers------ЇЇ-------Ї-ЇЇЇ-ЇЇ--Ї----The Saturday Evening Post____ 48 
Cultivating Courage ________________ __ __ __ ________ The Saturday Evening Post.... 49 
Our National Heritage_______ _
______________ _____Selden P. SpencerЇ-ЇЇ-Ї-----Ї-Ї----Ї--ґ
National Propaganda Ї--------------Ї--------Ї---Selden P. SpencerЇ--------ЇЇ-----Ї--ЇЇЇ 52 
Trade and Patriotism Ї----Ї---------ЇЇ-----------Selden P. Spencer...................... 53 

The Spirit of the Pilgrims.____
___ _____________John Kelman --------------Ї-ЇЇЇЇ---ЇЇЇЇЇ-Ї 54 
Contents 
Page Making Americans ----Ї Ї--Ї-ЇЇЇ Ї-~: __ _;___ ,_____:..:.Burges Johnson ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ 56 The Value and Limitations of Conґtests ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ--ЇЇArthur T. Hadley..........---ЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇ 57 How the University Interscholastic League Promotes Training forЇ Citizenship ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-'.-:ЇЇЇЇ---ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇE. P.. Shurter..........∙.----.-ЇЇЇ----,,,._..5.9 America Is Calling.............∙...."Ї-ЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇWoodworth Clum ЇЇЇЇЇ-Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇ--Ї;Ї∙';.. 60 I Am the Farmer...Ї---ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-James .P. McDonnell__ _______ ,, ___ ,___ 63 Keep God in American History............Harry F. Atwood....Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ,.---ЇЇЇЇЇ 63 Heroes in Homespun ._........:....................Henry Watterson ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-Ї-ЇЇЇ--Ї 65 Patience Ї------ЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇ----ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ--Ї-Joseph Henry George.....Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇ 66 The Effect of Psychology of Amerґicanism -ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇ---ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇGeorge Eames Barstow ---ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ .68 The Revolt of the Inefficient....................Harold MacGrath ЇЇ--Ї--ЇЇЇЇЇЇ---ЇЇ-ЇЇ 69 Only the Stump of Dagon Was Left........George Horace Lo:r:imer..__ __ ____ ;_ 70 The Man in Gray...Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇ---Henry Watterson ЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ 72 Democracy and PersonalitY-ЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ--ЇWilliam M. Grosvenor..----ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ 73 Citizenship Clubs for Coming Citizens....Henry E. Jackson.........---ЇЇЇЇ------Ї-74 Am I A Good Citizen?............................Meredith Nicholson ----Ї-------------76 The Man America Needs........................Ralph Waldo Emerson....__ __ ........ 77 Economic Liberalism in Its Funda-' mental Features Cannot Be Aban-_ doned Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ--ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇ------David Kinley ЇЇ--ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ--ЇЇЇЇ 78 The Value of a Ba_ckground....._________ ____ __ John Kelman ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ--ЇЇЇЇЇ 79 Wasting Billions in Smoke..................--..S. W. Straus....Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇ-Ї--ЇЇЇЇЇ---Ї-ЇЇ-Ї-80 Liberty and Law....................'ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇJames A. Moyer.....___ ................ 82 George Washington and. Present' American Problems ...,......................__ Albert J. Beveridge_____,........,..,... 83 Americanski ЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ--ЇЇThe Saturday Evening Post____ 85 The Pilgrim Spirit ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-----Howard C. Robbins.................... 87 Deflating the Taxgath~rer........Ї---ЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇThe Saturday Evening Post____ 88 Dante's Dream of Universal Peace......._New York. Times...Ї-Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇ--ЇЇЇ 89 Nation Builders ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇFrederick H. Gillett___ ___
______ ,_______ 90 
America's Need of Youth__ ЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇЇ--ЇЇЇЇ-Ї ___James M. Beck__ ЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇ-ЇЇЇЇЇ----ЇЇЇЇЇ 92 From Mars to the Master......... _______________College Oration -ЇЇЇ------ЇЇЇ-----Ї-ЇЇЇ-93 The Other Fellow's Rights.Ї--Ї-ЇЇЇ--ЇЇЇЇ--ЇЇЇ ___ Stewart Edward White._____________ 94 The Men to Make a State.Ї-ЇЇЇЇ--Ї-ЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇЇ----George Washington D:ia:-ie..:..... 96 At the Grave of an Unknown Soldier..-...Warren G. Harding____________________ 97 
THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF AMERICAN 

CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 
From the First inaugural address of 
THOMAS JEFFERSON 
The last paragraph of this 	sele.ction has been called "The Bible of Democracy" 
During the throes and convulsions of the ancien.t world., during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceґful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety. But every difference of opinion is not .a difference of.principle. If there be any among us whQ would wish to dissolve this Un.ion or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety-. with which error of opinion may be tolґerated where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government can not be strong, that this Government is not strong enough; but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on .the theoґretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. . I b~lieve it the ~mly one where every man, at the . call.. of the law, would fly ЇЇto the standard .of the law, arid would meet inґvasions of the public order as his own personal concern. Someґtimes it is said that man can Їnot Їbe trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels in the forms .of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question. 
About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the. exercise. of duties which comprehend everything dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our Government, and consequently those which ought to shape its Administration. I will compress them within the. narrowest compass that will bear, stating the gener;;tl principle, but not all its limiґtations:ґ
Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuaґsion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the State governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns and the surest bulwarks against antirepublican tendencies; the preservation of the General 
University of Texas Bulletin 
Government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right oi election by the people-a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics from which is no ai>ґpeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of desґpotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them;-the supremacy of the civil over the military authority, economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burthened; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion; freedom of the press, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright con13tellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty and safety. Ї 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 
From an address by 
ELIHU ROOT 
In that great army which crowded across the Atlantic and went to the battle line in France, as General Mangin said of the soldiers at Chateau-Thierry, "They ran to the fight. as one going to a feast"-in that great army, composed of the best military material in the world, since the dreadful slaughter of those early years had destroyed the noblest and the best of England and Belgium and France,-in that great army, the vital and conspicuous element of strength was the independence of individual manhood, which came from a self-respecting life in free America. Nothing can defend liberty but the character of a people who deserve to be free; and nothing can preserve the character of independent manґhood except the kind of limitation upon the power of all officers of all governments which is imposed by the Constitution we meet here to-night to celebrate. 
The Constitution of the United States was framed by a group of men such as never had met before in this world. Not that there were not as good, as patriotic, as able men in other countries; but these men had become familiar with the practical working of free self-government during one hundred and fifty years of colonial life. They were not theorists, like the men who initiated 
the French Revolution. They dealt with questions of government 
with a knowledge of the character of the material with which 
government has to deal, that is to say, human nature with its 
multitude of feelings and impulses and passions of weaknesses. 
They were not as a man who, seeking to build, builds of ir.on as 
if it were stone, or of brick as if it were wood, or of wood as if it 
were concrete. They knew their people, and they knew how their 
people would act under the provisions which they discussed, so 
that it was the most practical instrument ever written for governґ
ment. 
But that is not all. These men represented colonies which were 
the inheritors of a great tradition, and they embodied in the instrument which they made for their country all the results of that age-long struggle during which, for more than 600 years, since before the Magna Charta, the Commons of England, with labor and agony and sacrifice, had been working out the practical prinґciples of Anglo-Saxon liberty. They embodied in that instrument the spirit of Magna Charta and the Petition of Rights and the Bill of Rights and the Habeas Corpus Act, of all that made the people of England great, and an adaptation of those great principles . to American life through the practical working of 150 years of American government. So that the Constitution we meet to celeґbrate is the embodiment of the principle, the spirit, the ideals of American institutions at their best, and when we celebrate this Constitution we declare our loyalty to the American type of liberty and order; for the signing of it is the one act which illustrates and presents sharply and distinctly the whole spirit of American instituґtions. If we mean to preserve the rules of conduct and the system of government which have made us free and great, prosperous and powerful, we will defend the Constitution of the United States 
against all assaultll and against all detraction. 
The Constitution is worthless unless it is applied. It is of no 
use to hAve a Constitution if you pay no attention to it. 
Thank Heaven, those millions of young men who went abroad to 
fight for their country have come back better patriots, more 
fitted for the duty of citizenship, more determined to preserve out' 
liberty and peace than ever before. Thank Heaven, the spirit of 
the people of the United States awakened by the trials and sacrifices 
of these recent years, is more ready than ever since the earliest 
days to do whatever their country needs for the preservation of 
its institutions. We must be vigilant and we must be earnest-ґ
University of 'fexas Bulletin 
but we shall be, and we shall preserve for the generations to come, and for the peace anlf blessing of our children and children's children, that liberty and order which this Constit;ution has given to us beyond all other people of this or any other time. 
THE BATTLES OF PEACE 
From an address 'by 
GOVERNOR PAT M. NEFF 
Before the State Convention of the American. Legion, at El Paso, September 26, 1921 
"The greatest battles that are ever foughtґ
Shall I tell .you where and when? 
Not at the raging front of war; 
But. in the hearts of men." 
In fighting .these battles the A.merican Legion, properly directed, will be the most potential power for good in all the. land. The work of those who wore the nation's uniform did not end with the, signґing of the arm,istice. Questions unnumbered remain to be threshed out. Governmental diseases, begotten by war, that are no;w sapґping democracy's. strength, must be eliminated. We must fight .the Huns and :vandals of our own country in their insidious efforts to plant the 1:1eed of ):>olshevism among our people. We must see to it that no propaganda of disloyalty .to the flag creeps into any ofЇ our institutions. Let no fc;>reign sentiment J:>urrow into the granite foundati0ns of this government. Permit no war lor4s or moneyed autocracy to flourish here. The you.th of the laI)d must be inocuґlated with the precepts of our forefathers and with the principles of our Constitution. The .ballot box must be kept pure. The blood-bought right of franchise must be held sacred. Our people both native and foreign born, must be Americanized. If America is to be the melting pot of the world, then we must see to it that the melting and the welding process is complete. 
Wherever floats. the protecting folds of our nation's ensign there should be but one language, loyalty to but one gqvernment, alleґgiance to but one flag, the Sta.rs and Stripes forever. When the strongholds of civilization were threatened by the advocates of might over right the men and women of the American soldiery rendered invaluable service.to mankind. As you defended us when attacked by enemies from without, so we. hope you will now, with the same courage and fidelity, help us conquer the enemies within. If the members of the American Legion fail to help fight and win these battles of peace, not less glorious than those of war, then your comrades who fell on the fields of France died in vain. To do this, the members of the organization tnust think more Їof their obligations to the governmertt than they do of' their 'r-ights unc-' c the Їgovernment. They triust understand that they have duties to perform, asЇ well asЇ privileges to enjoy. They must think straight in private life and lift high the standard of serVice in public life. They must be defenders of principles, rather tlran champions of personalities. 
The burden and duty of the government rest upon all men. 'There is no man free from the responsibility. No one can shift his obliґgation. Ї Every citizen is a paid-up stockholder in hisЇ country's welґfare. He participates' alike in her glory and her gloom and shares alike in her prosperity and her poverty. There is no interest exґcept the people's interest. Therefore', "He alone deserves to be great who either saves or serves his state." No man should put private pursuits above public duty. Any ex-service man who is not willing to fight the battles of peace with Їthat same courage and patriotism with which he fought the battles of war, is unґworthy to share the name and fame of an . American Legionnaire. "He who saves Їhis country saves all things, and all things saved bless him; he who lets his country die lets all things die, and all things dyirtg, curse him." 
Pass the word down the line to the remotest private that the 
battle is on in Texas for law and order, for honesty and economy, 
for peace and prosperity, for 100 per cent Americanism, for civic 
righteousness, and for all the things that make a people both great 
and good. By the united effort of all right thinking people we can 
whip the enemies of good , government and make Texas the best 
place in all the world in which to live. 
DEVELOPMENT OF THE HUMAN RESOURCES OF TEXAS THROUGH EDUCATION 
Adapted from an address by 
ROBERT E. VINSON 
President of the University of Texas 
There are three words that are coming to be included more and more in the vocabulary of the average man of today: conservation, preparedneaa, and development. 
There can be no possible criticism of the ideas which underlie these words, with the single exception that there is Ї a tendency to stop short of their fullest and, it may be said, their ideal appliґcation. As used in the majority of instances, they deal with things, whereas living men and women are the greatest resource of a state and the end upon which all efforts at conservation, 
University of Texas Bulletin 
preparedness, and development should terminate. If the present usage should obtain for any considerable period, we shall incur at least the danger of subst}tuting something that is good for that which is best. It is important to save our timber, to conserve our minerals, to make one acre yield two bales of cotton instead of one, and to do all else with the resources at our command of which we may be capable. But, after all, if we lose sight of the best development of the hundreds of thousands of children and 'young people of Texas, we shall be guilty of selling our birthright for a mess of pottage. It seems to me, therefore, that one of the wisest and most far-sighted pieces of legislation ever adopted in Texas is that of the last legislature in providing the sum of one million dollars for the common rural schools of the state and the more adequate approp;iations which were made for the institutions of higher learning. The various religious denominations of Texas also deserve the highest commendation for their educational poliґcies; for the present and rapidly increasing human resources of this state far outstrip the combined efforts of all our institutions. With our greatest endeavor thus far, we have only been able to touch the fringe of that which needs to be done. 
The point, however, which I most desire to make is that, in the failure to provide adequate educational facilities for its youth, the state has already lost, and lost heavily, simply because her Їvaluable human resources have not been developed. Vicious pracґtices and vicious men find in ignorance their most fertile field. A true democracy presupposes individual intelligence. It grows Їin security only as proper education grows. The ignorant man is perhaps a greater menace to our American institutions and ideals than the scoundrel, and the state will seal the doom of the demaґl?Ogue upon the day when she determines to give to every citizen 
the opportunity for adequate development. 
College professors and teachers of all grades are often classed 
as unproductive members of society, and money given or approґ
priated for education is often looked upon as if it were given in 
charity. This is not only an error in our thinking; it is a fatal 
error-indeed, it is almost a crime. It is an expression of value 
judgments seriously in need of revision in accordance with facts. 
It is loose thinking, and, like all other loose thinking, it is really 
hurtful. It is one of the adverse circumstances in education of 
which its representatives and proponents should be relieved. Eduґ
cation is the highest conservation, the most efficient preparedness, 
the greatest development. Seek first this kingdom and all other 
things will be added unto us. ' 
RESPECT THE FLAG 
AL VIN M. OWSLEY 
Director of the Americanization Commission of the American Legion 
When you see the Stars and Stripes displayed, son, stand up and take off your hat. 
Somebody may titter, It is in the blood of some to deride all expression of noble sentiment. You may blaspheme in the street and stagger drunken in public places, and the bystanders will not pay much attention to you; but if you should get down on your knees and pray to Almighty God or if you should stand bareheaded while a company of old soldiers marches by with flags to the breeze, some people will think you are showing off. 
But don't you mind! When Old Glory comes along, salute, and let them think what they please! When you hear the band play "The Star Spangled Banner" while you are in a restaurant or hotel dining room get up, even if you rise alone; stand there, and don't be ashamed of it, either! 
For of all the signs and symbols since the world began there is none other so full of meaning as the flag of this country. That piece of red, white and blue bunting means five thousand years of struggle upwards. It is the full-grown flower of fighting for liberty. It is the century plant of human hope in bloom. 
Your flag stands for humanity, for an equal opportunity to all the sons of men. Of course, we haven't arrived yet at that goal; there are many injustices yet among us, many senseless and cruel customs of the past still clinging to us, but the only hope of rightґing the wrongs of men lies in the feeling produced in our bosoms by the sight of that flag. 
Other flags mean a glorious past, this flag a glorious future. It is not so much the flag of our fathers as it is the flag of our i:hildren, and of all children's children yet unborn. It is the flag of tomorrow. It is the signal of the "Good Time Coming." It is not the flag of your king, it is the flag of yourself and of all your neighbors. Ї 
Don't be ashamed when your throat chokes and the tears come, as you see women of all races, colors and tongues, that they may come to understand that our flag is the symbol of liberty, and learn to love it. 
A TOAST TO THE FLAG 
By courtesy of 
ARTHUR E. STAPLES 
Editor of the Lewiston (Maine) Evening Journal 
I give you today a Toast to the Flag of our Country-t.he Flag that has set the whole world free. 
ljl University of Texas Bulletin 
I give you this Flag, wit\i aU fts hisloh. The Flag of the first republic on earth to make the People .superior to the State and to declare that all white men are free and equal under the law. The 'first Fla'g to cleanse its folds from the da'.rk stain of liuman slavel'y Їin the blood of its hero.es. The first Flag to sail the seas, free and unmolested. The first Flag to go journeying forth, across the .broad prairies beyond the Mississippi; to ripple forth in all its glory. from the lofty sn<>w-clad peaks of the Rockies and to. b.lazon in the .s~nshine .of the great Northwest along the trail .of Fremont and. Clark. . The first,Flag to float over enfranchised Cuba. and Ї Hawaii, redeemed. The first Flag t(} greet the silent dawn in the vast; interminable. wastes .of .the North Pole. 
I give you this Flag, with all its. Symbols. Its red, as of the blo.od of .heroes, living and dead, who . have loved it and defended it. Ї Its blue, as of the sheen of the restless seas, that encompass and protect it. Its white, as of the clear day; the union of all .of the colors of the spectrum; the peaks of her transcendent moUIJґtains and the drifting snows of her prairie wastes-Aye! White clear thru. The Flag that reached into the Heavens; plucked the field of azure and the stars for Symbols and then set the American Eagle above it, to watch, with tireless and searching eye, that not a star be dimmed or desecrated. 
I give you this Flag, with all its hopes and prayers; its Faith and 'Purpose. The bright Flag; the cheerful Flag; the undying, the courageous and the merciful Flag. The Flag, that rose triumphant from the sea, where the Lusitania . went down. The Flag that flung its protecting folds over the widowed, the fatherless and the homeless in stricken Belgium. The Flag that would not yield a single foot in the terrible storm of St. Mihiel, but ever advanced! The Flag that has limned the face of the pitying Christ, triumphant yet sorrowful in the work of Mercy where the wounded and the dying lay in long rows amid the gathering shadows of the night. The Flag that the little children of the world love and do not fear. The Flag that spells a new-found liberty to the oppressed of all lands. The Flag that has never touched the ground or been set beneath the feet of Tyrant Hun or Unspeakable Turk. 
I give you, Americans, the world over-our Flag! The Flag 
of a Free People. The Flag of an undying Union of sovereign 
states joined together in the yet greater Sovereignty of a Nation. 
I give you this Flag, with its history, its achievement, its ideals! 
The Flag of the United States of America. 
HALLOWED GROUND 
From a Memorial Day ad.dress at Arlington Cemetery, 
May 30, 1921 by 
PRESIDENT HARDING . 
. Fell.ow-Americans: We a;r:e met on sacred soil today for a solemn !;lour of sacrament and consecration. But the soil whence we come is itself sanctified through the sacri:(ices of those who lie here. Wherever our flag flies, with the boundaries of the Repubґlic, it is our lands whose freedom and security have been wrought through these sacrifices. 
It is the privilege--of this -comp11-╣y to utter our tribute of love and gratitude in this sacristy of beauty within sight of the naґtional capital. But others no less devout, will assemble all over our lands, under foreign 1skies. ;md among alien people, to pay like tribute of love and memory. 
There are no restricted boundaries to the reverence of this day. There is no discordant note in the hymn of gratitude. With old wounds healed and a new generation's offering on the altars of our patriotism,. there is no sectionalism in our memorial. Above the murmurings of grief in the swell concord of union and the dominant note is our faith in the Republic. 
It will be a tribute today, spoken in many tongues and by diverse races. Wherever men are free they are wont to give thought to our country's services in freedom's cause. Where men may but aspire to a freedom not yet achieved, their instinct turns the eye and the thought of hope this way and they pray that their cause may gain our approbation. They know that we have never drawn the sword of oppression, that we have not sought what was not our own, nor taken all that we might have claimed. They have seen our protecting arm stretched over the outposts of liberty on every continent. 
For more than a century our plighted word warned tyranny from half the world; then, when the gauge was taken up by mad ambiґtion, men felt the blow that army could strike when freedom anґswered Їin its utmost might. Across the sea we sent our hosts of liberty's sons, commissioned "to redress the eternal scales." Today the sons and daughters of other lands to which they gave their all are placing with loving hands their laurels on American graves, not less reverently than we are doing here. 
In the inspirations that we may gain through today's contemґplation of the deeds of these, our heroes of all our wars, we are called to look toward tomorrow's obligations. Our country has never failed to measure up to the demands presented to it in beґhalf of humanity and it never will. When it ceases to meet these 
University of Texas Bulletin 
drafts it will no longer be our country; it will be, if that time ever comes, the wretched and decaying memorial of another conґviction which crumble'd of another ideal which has failed, of another ambition for men's happiness which somehow has gone awry. We feel, aye, in our hearts we know, that ours is not to be that fate. We believe that the torch will flame more brightly in our hands that we will hold it safe and high aloft and that its light will help at least to point the way for humanity, on the path of safety and in the task of building for all time. 
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 
From an address by 
CHARLES E. HUGHES, 
Secretary of State, at the commencement exercises of Brown l)'niverґsity, June 15, 1921 
The message of America is one of cordial friendship to all nations. We have no questions which mutual good-will and the processes of reason cannot solve. We have no subtleties, no dupliґcity of meaning, no soft words to conceal a purpose of self-aggranґdizement at others' expense. The only method of diplomacy we know is that of candid discussion of the merits of problems. This, we think, is the way to prosper a cause believed to be just, and we shall advance no other. , 
The world is settling down, but it is not yet settled. The counsels of power and expediency still dominate, as the serious problems left by the great war press for solution. This country seeks not an acre of territory by reasons of its participation in the strugґgle that led to victory, nor do we wish any exclusive advantages in the possession which as a result of the war have passed under new control. We simply ask that we shall not be excluded from equal privileges whenever our interests are affected. That seems to be a reasonable position. 
This is a time when it is vastly important that the principle of equal opportunity for legitimate enterprise should be maintained in order that in the development of natural resources essential to the progress and security of nations there should be a fair and equal chance for all. A frank recognition of this principle will offer the basis of that genuine co-operation of which we delight to speak, and will diminish the occas.ions for misunderstanding and antagonism. It is believed that international agreements may well be made which will assure complete reciprocity with respect to opґportunity in the development of natural resources throughout the world. 
I believe that our people are thoroughly determined that we will safeguard our future by reserving independence of action in such exigencies as may arise according to our conception of duty at the time. They are not disposed to put their liberty in pawn. .Nor is it desirable that our helpful influence should be frittered away by relating ourselves unnecessarily to political questions which inґvolve rivalries Qf interest abroad with 'which we have no proper concern. 
It is equally true that we cannot escape our relation to the econoґmic problems of the world. It would be impossible to view with indifference arrangements which would deny to our people equality of economic opportunity or agreements, involving what we believe to be an unjust discrimination against us. It must not be forgotten that the prosperity of the United States largely depends upon the economic settlements which may be made in Europe and the key to the future is with those who make and control the settlements. 
We desire to see conditions stabilized and a renewal of the 
productivity which depends upon security of life and property, 
upon the perception of opportunity and the feeling of hopefulness 
which is needed to quicken industry. 
We desire also to find a sound basis for the helpful intercourse 
of peace and to see the beginning of a new era of international 
justice secured by the application through appropriate institutions 
of accepted principles of right. 
WE CAN''f AFFORD WAR 
From an editorial by 
GEORGE HORACE LORIMER 
In The Saturday Evening Post of October 15, 1921 
The peasants, farmers, laborers, mechanics, tradesmen, merґ
chants, manufacturers and bankers of the whole world want peace. 
Those who are not inspired by humanitarian motives want it for 
business reasons. The idea that anyone can make a profit out of 
war and keep it has been exploded. 
Who is it then that wants war? Who then stands in the way 
of disarmament and world peace? When an overwhelming maґ
jority of the people everywhere want something that will above all 
else make for their happiness and prosperity-why can't they get 
it? It is because the world's leaders are fumblers, unfitted for 
the responsibilities that they have assumed? 
We are going to find out. We shall know then whether these 
University of Texas Bulletin 
leaders are sincerely for peace, secretly for war, or just incompeґtent trimmers; whether they are really statesmen or merely politiґcians with the vision and ideals of ward heelers, dressed up in broadcloth. In many of its aspects the Versailles fiasco was like a partisan convention where every petty politician of the dominant faction got his. We can't afford another like it. 
The truth is that war must go because we can't. afford it. We can't afford it physically, in spite of the amusing little pieces that are written by apologists for war, telling us how it improves the health of a nation. Setting-up exercises and hygienic instruction are their major and minor premises, the weeding out of the unfit their conclusion. It is hardly necessary to start a war to give youth the blessing of setting-up exercises. They might be taught in the schools. We might even have compulsory setting-up exerґcises for all males under forty and compulsory golf for all over that age. But perfect physical condition and faultless hygienic habits are hardly worth while if, as soon as a man has acquired them, he is sent into a filthy trench to be killed by a germ or a bullet. It is hard to take much interest in the study of hygiene when one is covered with lice, hard to care much about adding an inch to one's stature when all it will gain for one is a longer coffin. 
As for the argument that war strengthens a nation and weeds out the unfit, one needs only a brief glance at Europe to find the answer. The strong young men have been killed; the weak old men survive. That is the war. The children in whole nations are undernourished; in others, young and old alike are dying of starvation, of typhus and of cholera. That is the aftermath of war. 
We can't afford it spiritually. The apologists for this fine old fashion of death and destruction tell us that it is good for the soul. Yet never were the pavements of the world so thronged with poor, pitiful streetwalkers-women who have lost their husbands, their sons. their all; never was contempt for law so rampant; never were Jawbreakers so brazen; never was morality so lightly reґgarded; never has religion had so slight a hold on the people. And why not? When men disregard the teachings of religion, when they license destruction and the taking of life in the sacred name of war, when they throw common sense and reason in the discard and decree force as the arbiter :>nil death as th~ portio.., of the world-just why should they expect in the sequence a sweet, camp meeting spirit of holiness to possess mankind? 
We can't afford it economically. We can't afford to have the mark at a cent, the lira at four, the franc at seven, and the pound sterling at three-seventy. There can be no comeback in world trade while that condition lasts, and it will continm! as long as France keeps eight hundred thousand men in the field, and Great Britain, Japan and the United States maintain their great navies. We can't afford to rob American business of billions every year to be sunk and shot up and wasted in wars and their aftermath. Even less can other nations afford their gigantic tax bills for armaґments. We can't afford these forty-five-million dollar battleships that are built out of the pennies of the poor; these great armies of unproductive men, endlessly consuming and wasting, that must be carried on the bent backs of the producers. We can't afford any or all of it, and least of all can we afford the propagandists of hate; the fat-headed politicians who build up artificial economic barriers between the nations; the pompous rulers who scheme for personal power and aggrandizement, no matter what the cost to the world. 
We can't afford to have these hordes of the unemployed; to have our farmers work from sunup to sundown for a bare subґsistence; to have our manufacturers shutting down and going bankґrupt. But we cannot cure these conditions until the world stops wasting its stored, as well as its surplus, wealth in wars; until we make our leaders understand that we will no longer stand this indefensible confiscation by taxation, this damnable squandering of our substance and our lives in war. 
Every nation must be prepared to sacrifice something, to abate a little of its demands, for the sake of world. peace. Even partial disarmament will prove an impossible task for petty politicians, but a few men of vision and decision can initiate a program at this conference that wil1 finally lead to peace. The world is going to attend the conference and back up these men. 
"PAY BACK AND WORK BACK" 
From a Labor Day address by 
VICE-PRESIDENT COOLIDGE, . 
September 5, 1921 

America is not the product of conquest. It has come into being as the result of a steady and unflinching adherence to those princiґples of human relationship which provide for the freedom and the independence of the individual. All of her great historic efґfflrt~, from the landing of te Pilgrims to the calling of the disarmaґment conference, have been in accordance with that great theory and, by her efforts, that stil1 greater reality. 
It is this conception of the individual that has been nourished in New England. It has become the American ideal. This conception must continue to be maintained locally and nationally. Our people must continue to be free, to be independent, to be self-supporting. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
Either they must be that or there may as weil be candid confesґsion that we must return to feudalism and serfdom. 
It may seem at first glance a hard and cruel doctrine that the Government cannot take from the people the burdens and the resґponsibilities of existence. But under our system the people are the Government; whatever it has they supply. If they cannot supґply themselves directly, they cannot supply themselves indirectly through the Government. 
But in America the Government does not make business. It can assist, it can open opportunity, but here the people of the nation make the business of the nation. All that can be done by the States or the Federal Government will be in vain without a proper attitude on the part of the people. No power on earth can immediately restore pre-war conditions. The only way to come back to them is to pay back and work back. 
Meanwhile it is perfectly obvious that if the Government is comґpelled to take five or six times as much from the rewards of effort as it did before 1914, there cannot be so much left to the people. This result would seem to be absolutely inevitable. 
The Government is but the agency of the people; it will do what it can, but the issue lies with the people themselves. There is no help for them unless they help themselves. No one likes to see fair profits or wages dimtnished. But those who have the responsibility for the management of great enterprises should recognize that it is more in the line of their duty to operate at diminished profits than not to operate at all but those who perform service should consider wheher it is not better to work for diminished returns than not to work at all. Every business man knows that many are natriotґically J;Ursuing this course. 
Economic success will be found not in resisting but in obeying economic laws. That country which first recognizes this and acts accordingly will take the lead in the business world. Whether America will be. that country depends on the will of her people. We can spend our efforts in bickerings and lose, or we can spend our efforts in industry and win. We can fall Їback with the arguґments of Kings, or we can go forward \Vith the arguments of free men. 
SELF-STARTERS 
From an address by 
PRESIDENT RAY LYMAN WILBUR 
At the commencement exercises of Stanford University, June 21, 1921 
The world needs self-starters asking "why?" and showing "how." Man is a social animal, slowly and painfully building up a social structure in which all must have a helpful part. But if we look at history we find that the acts of single individuals, have time after time molded the progress of all. A Julius Caesar, a Napoleon, a Lincoln or an Edison changes the course of history for 'whole peoples. 
The Anglo-Saxon has considered each mentally-sound person as independent and capable of making up his own mind. We have tolerated that most unsocial being, the conscientious objector, even in the midst of the greatest common danger. Our respect has often gone out to the man who was true to himself, as he conceived himґself even though it made him a burden upon society. Every public health measure for the common welfare has to fight its way against individual desires and so-called right. Were it possible for each to take the full effects of his own acts the rest of us would be unconcerned. But our lives are so interlocked that no one can live unto him~elf: All individual rights must be viewed in the light of the rights of others and of duty to others. 
One of our common mistakes is to want to tear things down 
just because they exist. It is the carry over into adult life of the 
natural destructiveness and curiosity of the young. Old heads 
have learned that time compels us to keep on building and that 
it is wise to at least keep a firm retaining hold on known foundaґ
tions. Unless you are willing to listen to the voice of history and 
feel stirring within you the desire to build and not to destroy, look 
out for the siren song of the emotional radical. All the world 
knows now that it is better to live within the much patched frameґ
work of sane government than to knock down all the barriers. 
Your chance to be a leader, to be a "self-starter," will depend 
on your ability to get away from the idea that an education is a 
mere insistence upon a certain series of facts. You may have in 
your mind a mixture of general or professional facts, but it is your 
method of thought and your capacity to keep your thinking machine 
working all of your life that will determine your career. There 
are many so-called educated menЇwhose minds crystallize early, and 
we_get from them merely the reflections of habit and tradition, and 
even superstition. Such minds develop when men fool themselves, 
as someone has. said, by using their intellects to defend the deґ
~i~ions of their emotions and prejudices. 
Ї Educated men must turn to legislation and political life. They 
must serve as experts in collective living as they provide trained 
services to individuals or corporations. If you are to help in the 
political life or in the economic life, you have to study questions 
and act as one of a great group seeking a conclusion by majority 
choice and as an individual of free choice. 
You have learned some of the principles of navigation on the 
sea of life. Above all, launch your ship and begin to steer. No 
~hip reaches a new port that hugs the safe home harbor. Have 
University of Texas Bulletin 
foresight, not hesitation. New winds may blow outside to favored shores, but you will never know it if you wait for the crowd to start. Work with what you have and constantly add more. Be a self-starter.. Germinate your own motive poweiЇ. Accept the challenge of Louis Ginsburg: 
Let me not hide behind the pane, To sheltered and too snugiy warm; But let me drink the wind of fight And brave the buffets of the storm! From every torpor set me free-Past rocks of struggle make me fling My spirit's waters into song. As bowlders make the brook to sing! 
AT THE GATE 
A Brooklyn Prize Essay 
At the port where the great ships come and go, under th(Ї 8hadow of that gigantic figure holding aloft her torch to set the wot:1.d on fire with liberty, three men have met. 
"I have come," said the first, "to meet an immigrant-a potenґtial evil, or at best a doubtful good, and one whom I must scruґtinize suspiciously. Let's hope he'll shift well for himself, how or where's all one, as long as he keeps out of sight and does not bother me. There men bear watching. I am sick of them. The law's my name-of course you know me." 
The second spoke: "And I have come to meet a dirty foreigner. I don't think much of him, but he has uses.Ї He will work for very little till one puts ideas into his head. If I had my way I'd lock him up with others of his kind, before they run amuck with too much liberty." 
The third man did not speak at once, for he was watching an approaching ship, with eager interest in his face. At last he turned and said: "It is a guest that I have come to meet-a sort of friend, although I have not seen him yet. He is a stranger here and will not know his way, so I shall have to help him. There will be much to do for him, I think. He does not know our language. Ї I must teach him that, and show him where is best to live, and how. Things are so different for him here. Then he must meet with friendly faces, learn our social customs, history and ideals, and ultimately found a home, here in the midst of friendly folk. He will be a help to the community, I know, for he is bringing many quaint and thrifty ways and high ideals and aspirations, too. I think we shall be very glad of him." 
The ship draws near and nearer. In the bow, with eager wistґful eyes, stands young Guiseppe, wondering, wondering who will meet him. 
A YANK'S OPINION OF THE ST A TUE OF LIBERTY 
A Legionnaire who saw service over-seas spoke of the Statue of Liberty enlightening the world, in New York harbor, as follows: 
The last sight of the States that I had as our Transport was leaving for "Over There" was the Statue of Liberty; and what an impressive sight it was, for does she not stand for all those things that America holds dear, and does not her flaming torch light the path and cheer the hearts of those who fight in Liberty's name'! 
When a fellow's on the firing line, he doesn't have time to think of anything but the matter at hand at that particular moґment, but there was one particular moment that I had a most inґspiring thought, and that was just as we had the order "Over the Top," when the Statue of Liberty flashed through my mind and I realized just what that figure with her torch of freedom meant, and I resolved that if I never came back there would be more than nne Hun left behind to pay the price for the life that I might give, and that I, one of the many of Uncle Sam's Sons, would have made that light shine out just a little brighter, just a little stronger because I had done my bit. After that I thought several times of the dea1: old Statue and its wonderful meaning to us. 
At Jast the war was over and we were homeward bound. Oh, hvw we longed for the time when we could catch a first glimpse of that grand old Statue, the grand old girl, the girl we left behind us. As ~he time drew near, the decks and every available place in the vessel's rigging upon which a man could stand, were filled with m,Їn straining their eyes for the dear familiar sight. "There she is-~-no--yes--no, I'm not so sure-there-there-yes-yesґHurrah-Hurrah-," and oh, what a mighty cheer arose from the JustJ throat of every Yank on board. 
Oh, it is wonderful to have lived at a time like this. Oh, it's wonderful to be a Yank. Wonderful to have fought and won in Freedom's name, and oh, how wonderful to be greeted home by that dear old Girl of Liberty. Why, she stands for a fellow's freedom, for his country and his folks. Oh, I'm so glad I'm a Yank, for only a Yank can appreciate what that old girl means. 
The editor of the little paper nublished on board our vessel was waiting for the first glimpse of the glorious old Statue before sending the last edition to press, and in tribute to our home-comґing, and in ti;ibute to the Maid of Liberty upon whom th8 eyes of the world arcЇ now resting, he iidded this little poem : 
Unfrersity of Te;i,~as Bulletin 
She greets us, she greets us, 
Her torch al\ aflame, 
She greets us. she greets us. 
In Liberty's Name. 
She greets us, she greets us, 
Our hearts are awhirl, 
Yes, she stands there to greet us, 
And say, she's some girl! 
ARGUMENTS FOR A FEDERAL DEPARTMENT OF 
EDUCATION 

From an article by 
HUGH S. McGILL, 
Field Secretary of the National Education Association 
The primary argument for a Department of Education is the manifest need for an adequate and comprehensive plan of co-opґeration between the Federal Government and the States for the promotion of public education, based on the following generally accepted facts: that the conduct of public education is a State function, each State being primarily responsible for the support and management of its public schools; that the primary purpose of education from the standpoint of the State and the Nation is to develop good citizens; that a citizenship, physically, intellectually, and morally sound is essential to the life and prosperity of our republic since a government of the people can be no stronger than the composite citizenship of which it is composed; that the priґvileges and responsibilites of Amercan citizenshp are not affected by State boundaries; that whatever tends to elevate and strengthen the citizenship of any State promotes the welfare of the entire country; that any weakness or disorder in any State subtracts from the general health and security of the Nation; that to negґlect the proper training of any considerable portion of the future citizens of our country is to endanger the future of our Nation as a whole; and, therefore, that it becomes the imperative duty of the Federal Government to encourage and promote education in all the States to the end that every American child shall have an opportunity for the fullest physical and intellectual development of which he is capable, thereby conserving and developing the human resources of the Nation. 
It is the universal opinion of those who have given the subject careful study that in order that the Federal Government may perform its proper function in the promotion of education in the States, the Department at Washington must be given such dignity and prominence as will attract public recognition, and that it must . 
be under such leadership as will command the .respect and conґfidence of the educational forces of the country. This is absolutely essential. Anything less will mean failure. The authority of the Federal Government in the promotion of public education can not and should not be mandatory, but must be exercised through the persuasive influence of facts and suggestion emanating from a source of recognized leadership. It is too much to expect the public to accept the educational leadership of an under-secretary, or bureau chief, who is not allowed to express an opinion on any public question without first obtaining permission from the head of the department, and whose salary is far below what is regarded as fair compensation for persons of recognized national leaderґship. The experiences of the past fifty years have demonstrated the futility of such an arrangement. The educational leader of the Nation, because of the paramount importance of education, must hold an outstanding position, with powers and responsibilities clearly defined, and subordinate to no one except the President. 
THE SPIRIT OF AMERICA 

WOODROW WILSON 
In January 1916, when the submarine controversy was the 
subject of the hour, President Wilson made a series of speeches, 
preparing the American people for any emergency that might 
follow their exchange of diplomatic notes. At Milwaukee, Wisconґ
sin. he spoke as follows: 
Who shall say what the spirit of America is? We have many 
times heard orators apostrophize this beautiful flag, which is the 
emblem of the nation. We have many times heard orators and 
philosophers speak of the spirit which was resident in America. 
I have always, for my own part, felt that it was an act of 
audacity to attempt anything of that kind. And when I have been 
outside of the country in foreign lands and have been asked if 
this, that, or the other was true of America, I have habitually said, 
"Nothing stated in general terms is true of America, because it is 
the most variegated and varied and multiform . land under the 
sun." Yet, I know that if you turn away from the physical 
aspects of the country, if you turn away from the variety of the 
strains of blood that make up our great population, if you turn 
away from the great variation of occupation and of interest among 
our fellow citizens, there is a spiritual unity in America. I know 
that there are some things which stir every heart in America, no 
matter what the racial derivation or the local environment, and 
one of the things that stirs every American is the love of individual 
liberty. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
We do not stand for occupation. We do not stand for material 
interests. We do not stand for any narrow conception, even of 
political institutions; but we do stand for this, that we are bonded 
together in America to see to it that. no man shall serve any master 
who is not of his own choosing. Ana we have been. very liberal and 
generous about this idea. 
Peace lies in the hearts of great industrial and agricultural popuґ
lations and we have arranged a Government on this side of the 
water by which their preferences and their predilections and their 
interests are the mainsprings of government itself. And so, when 
we prepare for national defense, we prepare for national political 
integrity; we prepare to take care of the great ideals which gave 
birth to this government; we are going back in spirit and in energy 
to those great first generations in America when men banded themґ
selves together, though they were but a handful upon a single 
coast of the Atlantic, to set up in the world the standard which 
have ever since floated everywhere, that Americans asserted the 
P╟'"er of their Government. 
Do not deceive yourselves as to where the colors of that flag came from. These lines of red are lines of blood nobly and unselfishly shed by men who loved the liberty of their fellowmen more than they loved their own lives and fortunes. God forbid that we should have to use the blood of America to freshen the color of that flag. But if it should ever be necessary again to assert the majesty and integrity of those ancient and honorable principles, that flag will be colored once more, and in being colored will be glorified and purified. 
MY AMERICANISM 
By 
PRESIDENT WARREN G. HARDING, 
In The Forum, September and October, 1920 
I believe in America. I believe in America First. I believe that America should and will join in any association of nations that is workable and that has the approval of the whole united Nation, but I believe the best service that America can render the world is by example rather than by meddling, and by deeds rather than by words. 
I believe in an Americanism that recognizes no clai::s and that condemns all attempts to gain special favor, whether thPse special favors be for great and powerful money interests or for a minority group of discontents. 
I believe in an Americanism that recognizes in the claim of power by a revolutionary minority the same claim of autocracy that is made by a Czar or a Kaiser. 
I believe in an Americanism that instead of reducing the fit and the unfit to a common level provides equal opportunity for all to show their fitness and unfitness and to succeed or fail according to their own merit, capacity and worth. 
I believe in an Americanism that comes up from the people and is expressed by their will, and I oppose the anti-American idea that democracy is a kind of free boon handed down from powerґful official hands or distributed from some possible magic source by a dictatorial government. 
I believe in representative government and not in the domination 
of one-man government. 
I believe in an Americanism that is willing to give first place 
to the education and the absorption into our brotherhood of citizenґ
ship of those who seek new homes in America rather than first 
place to suppression of free speech and of free thought and of 
free action. 
But I believe in an Americanism that when the time and necesґ
sity comes, and, acting on behalf of the great, steady majority, 
is capable of using a resolute hand in the name of Liberty, whether 
that resolute hand is used to punish wrongdoers that are rich 
and powerful and seek autocratic special privilege, or is used to 
restrain the ignorant plotter for minority control. 
TEXAS-UNDIVIDED AND INDIVISIBLE 
From a speech delivered in the United States Senate, January, 1906 By 
JOSEPH WELDON BAILEY 
Throughout this discussion we have heard many and varied 
comments upon the magnitude of Texas. Some senators have 
expressed a friendly solicitude that we would some day avail ourґ
selves of the privilege accorded us by the resolutions under which 
we entered the Union, and divide our state into five states. 
Mr President, if Texas had contained a population in 1845 
sufficient to have justified her admission as five states. it is my 
opinion that she would have been so admitted. I will even go 
further than that: I wil! say that if Texas were now five states, 
there would not b0 five men in either state who would seriously 
propose the consolidation into one. But, sir, Texas is not divided 
now, and under the providence of God she will not be divided until 
Unive1'Sity of Texas Bulletin 
the end of time. Her position is exceptional, and excites in the minds of all her citizens a just and natural pride. She is now the greatest of all the states in area, and certain to become the greatest of all in population, wealth, and influence. With Ї such primacy assured her, she could not be expected to surrender it, even to obtain increased representation in this body. 
But, Mr President, while from her proud eminence today Texas looks upon a future as bright with promise as ever beckoned a people to follow where fate and fortune lead, it is not so much the promise of the future as it is the memory of the glorious past which appeals to her against division. She could partition her ferґtile valleys and broad prairies, she could apportion her thriving towns and growing cities, she could distribute her splended popuґlation and wonderful resources, but she could not divide the fadeґless glory of those days that are past and gone. To which of her daughters, sir, could she assign, without irreparable injustice to all the others, the priceless inheritance of the Alamo, Goliad, and San Jacinto? To which could she bequeath the name of Houston, Austin, Fannin, Bowie, and Crockett? Sir, the fame of these men and their less illustrious but not less worthy comrades, cannot be severed. The.ir names are written upon the tablets of her grateful memory, so that all time shall not efface them. The story of their mighty deeds, which rescued Texas from the condition of a despised and oppressed Mexican province and made her a free and independent republic, still rouses the blood of her men like 
the sound of a trumpet, and we would not forfeit the right to repeat it to our children for .many additional seats in this august assembly. 
The world has never seen a sublimer courage or a more unselfish patriotism than that which illuminates almost every page in the early history of Texas. Students may know more about other battle-fields, but none is consecrated with the blood of braver n╟en that those who fell at Goliad. Historians may not record it as one of the decisive battles of the world, but the victory of the Texans at San Jacinto is destined to exert a greater influence upon the happiness of the human race than all the conflicts that N:tablished or subverted the petty kingdoms of the ancient world. Poets have not yet immortalized it with their enduring verse, but the Alamo is more resplendent with her heroic sacrifice than was Thermopylae itself, because while "Thermopylae had its messenger of d1>feat, the Alamo had none." 
Mr President, if I may be permitted to borrow Webster's well known apostrophe to Liberty and Union, I would say of Texas: She is one and inseparable, now and forever. 
EVERETT AND LINCOLN AT GETTYSBURG 
Adapted 
Abraham Lincoln and Edward Everett spoke at the dedication of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, November 19, 1863. The place, the occasion, the audience, the associations were in the highest degree inspiring. Everett was an orator of deserved reґnown, with copious and glittering vocabulary, graceful rhetoric, strong, cultivated mind, elegant scholarship, a rich flexible voice, and noble presence. His address occupied two hours in delivery, and was worthy of the speaker and Ї his theme. At its close Lincoln rose slowly on the platform of the pavilion. From an ancient case heЇdrew a pair of steel-framed spectacles, with bows clasping upon the temples in front of the ears, and Їadjusted them with deliberation. He took from his breast pocket a few sheets of foolscap, which he unfolded and held in both hands. From this manuscript, in low tones, without modulation or emphasis, he read 266 words and sat down before his surprised, perplexed, and disappointed auditors were aware that he had really begun. It left no impression, so it was said, except mild consternation and a mortified sense of failure. None supposed that one of the great orations of the world had been pronounced in the five minutes which Mr Lincoln occupied in reading his remarks. But the studied l'laborate and formal speech of Everett has been forgotten, while the few sonorous and solemn sentences of Lincoln will remain so Jong as constitutional liberty abides among men. Lincoln spoke as follows:-Ї 
Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this Їcontinent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. 
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long enґdure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. 
But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate-we cannot consecrate we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us-that from these honored dead we take increased devoґtion in that cause for which they gave the last full measure of 
University of Texas Bulletin 
devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have oied in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth cf freedom, and that government of the people, by the people and for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 
THE GOOD AMERICAN 
By 

J. B. ROBERTSON, 
In The Concord Times 
The Good American is Loyal. If our America is to become ever greater and better, her citizens must be loyal, devotedly faithful, in every relation of life. 
Therefore, first, I will be loyal to my family. In loyalty I will gladly obey my parents or those who are in their places. I will do my best to help each member of my family to strength and usefulness. 
Secondly, I will be loyal to my school. In loyalty I will obey and help other pupils to obey those rules which further the good of all. 
Thirdly, I will be loyal to my town, my state, my country. In loyalty I will respect and help others to respect their laws and their courts of justice. 
Lastly, I will be loyal to humanity. In loyalty I will do my best to help the friendly relations of our country with every other country, and to give to every one in every land the best posґsible chance. 
If I try simply to be loyal to my family, I may be disloyal to my school. 
I:f I try simply to be loyal to my school, may be disloyal to my town, my state, and my country. If I try simply to be loyal to my town, state and country, I may be disloyal to humanity. 
I will try above all things to be loyal to humanity; then I shall surely be loyal to my country, my state and my town, to my school and to my family. 
And he who obeys the law of loyalty obeys all the other nine laws of the Good American. 
TRUE AMERICANISM 
From an address by 
HENRY VAN DYKE 
What is true Americanism, and where does it reside? Not on the tongue, nor in the clothes, nor among the transient social forms, reґfined or rude, which mottle the surface of human life. The log cabin has no monopoly of it, nor is it an immovable fixture of the stately pillared mansion. Its home is not on the frontier nor in the populous city, not among the trees of the wild forest nor the cultured groves of Academe. Its dwelling is in the heart. It speaks a score of dialects, but one language, follows a hundred paths to the same goal, performs a thousand kinds of service in loyalty to the same ideal which is its life. True Americanism is this: 
To believe that the inalienable rights of man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are given by God. To believe that any form of power that tramples on these rights is unjust. ' 
To believe that taxation without representation is tyranny, that . 
government must rest upon the consent of the governed, and 
that the people should choose their own rulers. 
To believe that freedom must be safeguarded by law and order, 
and that the end of freedom is fair play for all. 
To believe not in a forced equality of conditions and estates, but in a true equalization of burdens, privileges, and opportunities. To believe that the selfish interests of persons, classes, and ~ections must be subordinated to the welfare of the commonwealth. To believe that union is as much a human necessity as liberty is 
a divine gift. 
To believe, not that all people are good, but that the way to 
make them better is to trust the whole people. 
To believe that a free state should offer an asylum to the 
oppressed, and an example of virtue, sobriety and fair dealing to 
all nations. 
To believe that for the existence and perpetuity of such a state 
a man should be willing to give his whole service, in property, in 
labor, and in life. 
That is Americanism: an ideal embodying itself in a people; a creed heated white hot in the furnace of conviction and hammered into shape on the anvil of life: a vision commanding men to follow it whithersoever it may lead them. And it was the subordination of the personal self to that ideal, that creed, that vision, which gave eminence and glory to Washington and the men who stood witf> him. 
This is the truth that emerges, crystalline and luminous, from the conflicts and confusion of the Revolution. The men who were ab!!:' to surrender themselves and all their interests to the pure and loyal service of their ideal were the men who made good, the victors crowned with glory and honor. The men who would not make that surrender, who sought selfish ends, who were conґtrolled by personal ambition and the love of gain, who were willґing to stoop to crooked means to advance their own fortunes, were 
Uniuersity of Texa$ Bulletin 
the failures, the lost leaders, and, in some case, the men whose names are embalmed in their own infamy. The ultimate sec1et of greatness is neither physical nor intellectual, but moral. It is the capacity to lose self in the service of something greater. It is the faith to recognize, the will to obey, and the strength to follow a star. 
THE AMERICAN SPIRIT 
From an address by 
PRESIDENT S. P. BROOKS, 
of Baylor University 
Governments cannot create happiness, but they may clear away that which hinders the development. Governments cannot make love and purity and honesty and brotherly kindne:ss, but governґments may protect the individual and society while the people get schools and churches and homes and clothes and food and whatever else to the life that ought to be. 
But we call upon the citizens of the South to remember that we will never get out of life or out of g01:ernment more than we '[YUt into them. We remind them that much is expected of those who have much, and that no man has a right to throw off on good citizenship because he is poo;Ї. Our fathers taught the way. 
I know a motorman who for twenty years has been on the same run. He is loved and respected by all the men, women and children, because of his uniform kindness and courtesy to them. He carries a smile of good morning to every passengr and good cheer is written on his face. One day we missed him. He had gone to the sanitarium for a capital operation. I went to see him to give a word of comfort if I could. His greeting on the bed of suffering was so full of brotherly kindness that he gave me !> benediction greater than I carried. What matter if he butchers the king's English, but meets a brother on the square? He dignifies ~ervice, he is my brother man, he has the. American spirit. 
The American spirit not only teaches these principles for social Sf>rvice, but seeks to live them over again in deeds well done and in sons a'nd daughters for the propagation of the race. It seeks to make them concrete in the humble homes of the people as set out in the actual stories of two men: Ї 
The first man died. Of him it was widely published from platґform and in papers that he was very wealthy, that he was a member of many exclusive clubs and fraternities, and that his sons were following his footsteps. This man had none of the American spirit. He was a snob. 
The other man died. He had been a man whose life was full of human tasks. He trod the paths of labor and economy. His sons and daughters were many. Their lives were like that of their father. Each had taken a place in some responsible position where a livelihood could be earned. This man was American to the .heart. 
America has been the cradle of liberty. She has not stood like some giant beast, ready to devour all who come withii-1 her borders. The oppressed of all the world have found Їa welcome here. 
America craves to be the teacher of the sorrow-blinded and the helper of all, not the domineering mistress. She returned the lfoxer Indemnity Fund to China, thereby winning the respect and admiration of the world. 
America has defended the Monroe doctrine, not so much for her own safety as for that of the weaker American republics. She may yet, by her example, knit in close Pan-American purpose the peoples of all the Western world. 
America has sent out missionaries and Red Cross nurses and 
salesmen and scholars and diplomats upon all the oceans wide, 
and she stands ready to-day to bring the blessings of peace to all 
the nations of the earth, if by any means it can be done. 
WHAT ABOUT THE IMMIGRANT? 
From an article in The Rotarian for October, 1921, by 
FREDERICK A. WALLIS, 
United States Commissioner of Immigration for the Port of New York 
Many fail to appreciate our country's need of the immigrant or 
the large and important place he fills in its growth and developґ
ment. He is thought of only as a foreigner, a keen competitor in 
the labor markets of this country. He is calculated as likely to 
move into our already over-congested tenement districts, thus imґ
posing a greater tax upon our courts and upon our penal and 
eleemosynary institutions. Little do we recognize in the good immiґ
grant what he has done for this nation. Indeed, the nation itself 
is largely the work of his hands and brain. 
It was the immigrant who founded this country. He cleared 
the forests, he developed its resources, he fought for it, he died 
for it, and the last war proved that the new immigrant was not 
greatly different from the old in patriotism in loyalty, in the fineґ
ness of his fibre as a citizen. 
I saw them every day, fresh from the trenches, expressing a 
willingness to make any sacrifice for the security of this country, 
and how glad these reservists were to return ! 
University of Texas Bulletin 
There is room in the United States for the good immigrant, t.he alien who is in sympathy with the American ideals, is willing to work and become a corporate part of the United States. Withґout him today the manufacturers could scarcely turn a wheel, our great factories would cease to function and our industrial activities would be wholly impotent. But we do not need men and women whose first object is to mount a soap-box in the public square or a public school platform to proclaim a new order wherein force and violence will give the laboring man more wealth and power. The immigrant belongs to what we call the peasant class, but he is flesh and blood and spirit. If properly selected, he brings two strong arms, a good brain, a driving ambition and an almost superґhuman capacity for work. These are indispensable assets to our development and growth. 
How important, therefore, that the immigrant should be accorded decent consideration by our immigration officials and committees, a;1d given a welcome in our churches and public schools, our parks and places of amusement. Let the immigrant know that his labors are appreciated, that America is his opportunity and that this government is his friend. Only in this way Ї can the immigrant make his best contribution Їto our American life and labor. 
The matter of restricting immigration, desirable as it may be at recurring periods in our national development, must be and will be of particular concern to the people of the United States for the next few years because of our social and economic conґditions, but it is only a problem of economics, resting largely with us to solve by readjustment of our social and industrial systems so as to make use of and not be ruined by immigration. 
Face to face with the immigrant on Ellis Island, day in and day out, a business man learns to look upon immigration as an exґceedingly simple and purely business proposition, after all. One looks upon the upturned faces of the great throng of aliens in the inspection hall, all eyes fixed upon the desk of the inspector as tho it were some holy shrine of deliverance, and one's mind turns back countless pages of history to the chapter of Genesis, which tells how Cain crossed over into the land of Nod, or to the book of Exodus, when the Israelites fled Egypt, or to that chapter' in our own national history about the Pilgrims. 
It is the same old story. The immigrant of today is coming here to better his condition. To let him do so without lowering our standards of living is the whole question. The gates at Ellis Island swing both ways, inwardly in cordial reception to the alien in symґpathy with American ideals, who is willing to work and become a corporate part of the United States, but outwardly, eternally and impassably to the man or woman, who by word or deed would destroy the peace and tranquility of the nation or threaten the overflow of her free institutions. 
"WHAT DOTH STRENGTHEN AND WHAT MAIM" 
From an address by 
DR. HENRY VAN DYKE, 
Before the National Education Association 
John Keats, whose centenary has just been celebrated throughout the English-speaking world, has a very fine remark on the moral side of poetry. You will find it in his ode entitled "Bards of Passion and of Mirth": 
"Here your earth born souls still speak 
To mortals of their little week, 
Of their sorrows and delights, 
Of their passions and their spites, 
Of their glory and their shame; 
What does strengthen and what main." 
Now, Keats is distinctly a poet's poet; he represents the aesthetic spirit in all its beauty. Here is a line in which he reveals the application of the moral law to art: "What doth strengthen and what maim." That's the question to ask about a work of artґdoes it make your spirit stronger or weaker, does it build you up and inspire you and move you with sane and healthy feelings or does it cripple you and lower your moral tone and fill you with morbid thoughts and hysterical impulses? 
Take the art of music. Great music, even merely good music which has melody and harmony in it, flows around us like a stream of pure, clear water or, like the billows of the great sea, it refreshes and it strengthens; but sensual music, lascivious music, means music -if it can be called music at all-irritates, demoralizes and vulґgarizes those who listen to it. 
Jazz, for example, I think, was invented by imps for the torґment of imbeciles. True, it does not contain any distinct immoral teaching, because music is not a didactic art, but jazz does contain a real immoral influence, because it confuses, bewilders, benumbs and befuddles the mind through the ears. It is, in effect, the hope or knockout drop in the art of sound. 
Laws against immoral art? They can do a little to help us, but not very much. To rely upon legislation as a safeguard against immorality in art-that is, as a real safeguard-is a great mistake. The true defense must be found in the discrimination, the taste, 
University of Texas Bulletin 
the conscience of the individual and the public. 
We must learn to ask ourselves and we must teach our children to ask in art as well as in commerce and other human activities what is good in its effect and what is evil. After all, in thinking of art, that is to say, art of the higher kind, I come back to the words of an old book: 
"Whatsoever things are pure and lovely and of good report, if there be any virtue and if there be any praise, think on these things." 
A man is made by his thoughts. What he loves he is apt to look at; what he looks at long he grows to be like. These are my views on art and morals. 
EQUAL JUSTICE AND POPULAR RULE 
From a speech by 
THEODORE ROOSEVELT 
In opening the Presidential Campaign of 1912 
Friends, our task as Americans is to strive for social and indusґtrial justice, achieved through the genuine rule of the people. This is our end, our purpose. The methods for achieving the end are merely expedients to be finally accepted or rejected according as actual experience shows that they work well or ill. But in our hearts we must have this lofty purpose, and we must strive for it in all earnestness and sincerity, or our work will come to nothing. In order to succeed we need leaders of inspired idealism, leaders to whom are granted great visions, who dream greatly and strive to make their dreams come true; who can kindle the people with the fire from their own burning souls. The leader for the time being, whoever he may be, is but an instrument, to be used until broken and then to be cast aside; and if he is worth his salt he will take care no more when he is broken than a soldier cares when he is sent where liis is forfeit in order that the victory may be won. In the long fight for righteousness the watchword for all of us is spend and be spent. It is of little matter whether any one man fails or succeeds; but the cause shall not fail, for it is the cause of mankind. We here in America, hold in our hands the hope of the world, the fate of the coming years; and shame and disgrace will be ours if in our eyes the light of high resolve is dimmed, if we trail in the dust the golden hopes of men. If on this new continent we merely build another country of great but unjustly divided material prosperity, we shall have done nothing; and we shall do as little if we merely set the greed of envy against the greed of arrogance, and thereby destroy the material well-being of all of us. 
To turn this Government either into government by a plutocracy or government by a mob would be to repeat on a larger scale the lamentable failures of the world that is dead. We stand against all tyranny, by the few or by the many. We stand for the rule of the many in the interest of all of us, for the rule of the many in a spirit of courage, of common sense, of high purpose, above all in a spirit of kindly justice towards every man and every woman. We not merely admit but insist, that there must be self-control on the part of the people, that they must keenly perceive their own duties as well as the rights of others; but we also insist that 'the people can do nothing unless they not merely have, but exerґcise to the full, their own rights. The worth of our great experiґment depends upon its being in good faith -an experiment--the first that has even been tried-in true democracy on the scale of a continent, on a scale as vast as that of the mightiest empires of the Old World. Surely this is a noble ideal, an ideal for which it is worth while to strive, an ideal for which at need it is worth while to sacrifice much: for our ideal is the rule of all the people in a spirit of friendliest brotherhood towards each and every one of the people. 
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT 
From an address by 

LOUIS J. WORTHAM 
Before the Catholic Central Union, at San Antonio, July 4, 1911 
It is no vulgar display of National conceit to declare that our forefathers were men of marvelous sagacity and prophetic wisdom, 
.for they founded an empire Republic in the midst of an unexplored hemisphere, and forced that Republic upon the reluctant admiration of the nations of the old world with a Declaration of Independence aglow with the promise of the best Government that genius has yet given to the children of men and with a Constitution that has guaranteed the fulfillment of that promise to posterity. 
Because they did their work severally, as well as in harmony of united purpose so well, the men of that time have had no peers in the science of republican government in any subsequent period of our National history. The unanimity of purpose and perfect confidence in each other with which they laid the foundaґtions of a great government and secured the blessings of civil liberty to their posterity so long as posterity is loyal to their imperishable doctrines, is shown not alone in their statement of 
University of Texas Bulletin 
cardinal principles, but in their marvelously courageous and unselґfish spirit. When about to sign the Declaration of Independence, Hancock, addressing himself to his colleagues, said: "We must be unanimous; there must be no pulling different ways; we muts hang together." 
Then answered the great I<'ranklin, who at the court of France was the idol of the hour: "We must hang together or we will be pretty sure to hang separately." 
Mr Adams, in separating from his beloved fellow-student, John Sewall, who urged upon him on his departure to join the Congress at Philadelphia that 'Great Britain was irresistible and would destroy all those who persevered in opposition to her designs,' answered: 
"I know that Great Britain has determined on her system and that very fact determines me on mine. You know I have been constant and uniform in opposition to her measures; the die is now cast; I have passed the Rubicon; to swim or sink, live or die, survive or perish with my country in my unalterable deterґmination." 
Reviewing the teachings, the services and accomplishments of the fathers of the American Republic and the steadfast courage and faultless wisdom with which they met and conquered the perils of their time, it seems to me that the student who today stands upon the sunlit plains of constitutional government, revealed and illumined in the white heat of their majestic patriotism, must inevitґ'ably reach the conclusion that there is not one single danger threatґ;ening government, either in State of Nation, which can not be diverted if we, their descendants, will but return to their teachings and philosophy of government and be guided accordingly. 
Gathering wisdom and courage from the experience of Nations and States in ancient and modern times, let us strike with strong and brave arm at the hydraheaded monster of sumptuary legisґlation, whether it be of a kind with the edict of a Caesar, who sent 
1his lictors and soldiers into the market places to seize and imprison citizens who dared buy or eat proscribed foot, or of a kind with a 'somewhat recent homemade doctrine, that the highest duty to 'which a State Ranger can be put is to dispatch him to a law-abiding community to override the local authorities and invade, without the warrant of law, the private premises of the private citizen. 
Let us keep the difference of opinion between constitutional conservatives and radical regulators as to the true and rightful province of government and law always in mind. The first hold that government should only step in where the civil rights, properly or person of the citizen call for protection; the latter contend, by their well-known legislative propaganda, if not in plain terms that government should fix a standard of morals and enact laws to enforce and maintain them, regardless of the personal choice, 
inclination and customs of all who may differ as to the necessity or propriety of such interference. 
What good reason, sense or justice is there in having such laws and in such profusion as can be seen in most of the States, I do not know. Is it that the further civilization progresses the greater number of drastic restraints needed to keep it from retroґgrading? Or is it because frenzied moralists are bent on Edenizґing the age, even if ali but a few choice spirits have to be put in jail toЇ accomplish the work? 
To practical, reasonable thinkers it seems that there ought to be some place in the lives, manners and customs of the people at which governmental expansion and intrusion should stop. 
COLUMBUS DAY 
From an address by the late 
JUDGE B. D. TARLTON, 
For some time Professor of Law in the University of Texas, delivered 
in the Hall of the House of Representatives, State Capitol, 
October 12, 1911 

There is no doubt that a sublime and lofty piety animated 
Columbus in his great enterprise. His ardent desire was not only 
to advance the standards of his sovereign but the holier and loftier 
standard of the Prince of Peace. The genius of Shakespeare 
ascribes to Mark Anthony the following language as the latter 
contemplated the stricken body of Caesar: "O mighty Caesar, dost 
thou lie so low? Are all thy conquests, glories, triumphs, spoils, 
sunk to this little measure?" 
The great conquerer had overcome Vercengetorix, the Gaul, 
and Pompey, his mighty rival, and had pushed the Eagles of Rome 
even to the confines of Britain. What had he accomplished? He 
had welded the power of blood and iron. The good of humanity 
was not in his mind. Personal ambition was his exclusive incentive. 
National glory was but the means to an end. So that it might 
indeed be said that his achievements were measured by the corpse 
prostrated before the gaze of Anthony. 
Different are the achievements of Columbus. They were not 
"interred with his bones." They have lived-and will live-through 
out the centuries. What are these achievements? The discovery 
of a great continent, stretching from Alaska and beyond h Cape 
Horn; the bestowal of this mighty continent upon Christianity and 
civilization. The republics of South America are peopled by 
inhabitants the majority of whom speak the language in which 
Columbus reported his experiences to the king and queen of Spain. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
From day to day these republics are making wondrous strides in progress and civilization. 
But, above and beyond all, behold the United States of America! At and about the date of the great discovery, conditions in Europe so shaped themselves that it became necessary that a scheme of government, in character unknown to European statesmanship and impracticable there, should be devised for the securing of the proper protection and happiness of mankina. Hence the immortal Declaration of Independence of July 4, 1776; hence, the establishЇ ment of the principles of that Declaration by the sword of the illustrious Washington and his compatriots; hence, the Constitution of the United States, under the provisions of which we live and move and have our civil being, and to which every true American citizen is bound by the ties of unquestioning fealty. Well may the school children sing the hymn, "America.", and well may those more advanced in years swell the growing chorus. Consider the development of this mighty republic. De Toqueville, writing in 1835, calls attention to this stupendous fact. "But the growth of the great Republic has outstripped the prescience of the French publicists. Consisting at first of a population of about 3,000,000 people, it has long overreached its original limitations. The benign sway of the American Republic has crossed the Rocky Mountains; it extends to far Alaska on the north, it sweeps across the Pacific and its banner floats over the islands of the sea~ Ї 
And of the States of the American Union we who are here assembled most cherish the State of Texas. Great in its past history, it is destined to be more resplendent in its future career. The extent of its area, its varied resources in soil and climate, the patriotism and intelligence of its people are auguries of the magnificence of its coming years. It is meet and proper that the Legislature of the State has enumerated with the Fourth of July and the twenty-second of February and the Second of March the twelfth day of October as a legal holiday. This is a just tribute to the name and fame of the life and achievements of Christopher Columbus. 
A PLEA FOR DISARMAMENT 
From an address by 
PRESIDENT JOHN G. HIBBEN 
at Princeton University, October 2, 1921 
The conference at Washington to discuss the question of reducґtion of armaments is big with possibilities. The peace of the world hangs upon its decisions. The power of Christianity and the progress of civilization are at stake. The decisions of the disarmaґment congress largely depend upon whether America takes a decided and insistent stand for reduction of armaments and is willing to lead the way. America's decision can be determined now as in the past if the people speak and urge with importunate demand what they all desire, but have so far only feebly expressed. Back of the conference, back of the American representativs there, the voice of public opinion should be heard with no uncertain sound. 
There is hope if the conscience of America is awakened. The one thing that will cause disarmament is the united voice of the young men of our land-the men who would be the first to volunteer and to do their part if war should ever come upon us, but who can be as equally determined to do their part now in order to remove those present war conditions which make war inevitable. I feel that this is particularly true of the young men in our universities. They stand today upon a high vantage ground, with a wide and sweeping vision of the past and of the future. 
We find ourselves as a nation, and the same is true of Great 
Britain and of Japan, overburdened with taxation, with the high 
cost of living, with the burden of navy and army appropriations, 
which sap the vitality of industrial life, drawing all our resources 
into channels which impoverish the pursuits of peace. The army 
appropriation for the present fiscal year ending June 30, 1922, is 
$1,027,750,000; for the navy $697,500,000, making the total anґ
nual expenditure $1,729,250,000. 
In comparison with this, Germany's indemnity debt annually 
is estimated as between seven hundred million and eight hundred 
million. Yet Germany has declared to the world that payment of 
such an enormous sum each year is a crushing burden upon the 
nation's industrial enterprises and upon the nation's spirit as well. 
What is the logic of this? It is not that the armament item in 
our national .budget will prove a crushing burden to us also? Both 
Great Britain and Japan have expenditures comparable to ours, 
and in each case far exceeding that of the indemnity debt of Gerґ
many. While Great Britain, Japan and America are under the 
crushing burden of ever-increasing armaments, Germany is preґ
vented by force from armament expenditures, and therefore is 
placed by the concert of the Allies in a position of tremendous 
'industrial advantage regarding the future. 
The strained economic conditions such as we face at present 
not only retard industrial progress, but have a very vital effect as 
well upon the intellectual, moral and spiritual life of the nationґ
a permanent obstacle to progress which is the flower and fruit 
of civilization and the cherished consummation of Christ's mission 
upon the earth. What would it mean at this particular period of 
our history if some small fraction, even of the enormous approґ
priation for armaments could be diverted to the purpose of aiding 
University of Texas Bulletin 
education, to scientific research, to missionary enterprises of the church, hospitals and benevolent institutions of all kinds? 
More than this, it is obvious that with the rapidly increasing competition of armaments there will be bred a natural suspicion among nations, one of another, secret diplomacy, the spirit of arroґgance, national self-sufficiency and unfriendliness of attitude in international relations-all leading inevitably to war. I may be wrong, but it seems to me that there is a general attitude of the American people toward this conference at Washington which exґpresses itself in a sort of cynical pessimism, that the conference is inevitably destined to end in another chapter of diplomatic futility. 
I wish to urge upon your serious consideration, therefore, the possibility of organizing a movement here which, with the co-operaґtion of the representatives of other universities throughout the country, might give expression to the convictions upon this subject which I am sure you hold. 
THE MODERN KU KLUX KLAN 
The following selection is adapted from the charge to the grand jury at Austin, October 3, 1921, by District Judge 
JAMES R. HAMILTON 
The address was quoted 	from and commented upon by the press of the whole country 
This court does not impugn the motives of the "Emperor" or any member of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. H is of the opinion that some of the best citizens of Texas, acting in good faith for what they believe to be for the best interest of society, are members of this organization. But the court is of the opinion, from the lights before it, that the "invisible government" of society, under the criminal code and code of criminal procedure of the "Invisible Empire," is against the Constitution and statutory laws of this State, 100 per cent un-American, and an insult to the flag of this country. We can not have two systems of government for 'punishing crime, one visible, prescribed by law through the courts of the country, and the other invisible, through an unlawful secret order of masked men, created for the purpose of punishing citizens for any crime, at will, in the night-time, at their homes, on the public highways, and in creek bottoms, and, on its own initiative, acting as judge, jury and lord high executioner. Our visible govґernment stands for constitutional law and civil liberty. It has stood the test of endurance for almost a century and a half. It is recognized by the civilized nations of the world as the best 
government for freemen ever devised by man. And it will conґtinue to stand so long as the lights of liberty burns and patriotism genius and virtue are honored by man. The government of the "Invisible empire," is of short duration and can not live. In the opinion of this court, from the lights before it, as delivered to a grand jury at the June term of this court, this secret organization is against all constitutional law, pregnant with evil, and if not checked by the law enforcing powers of this Nation, it will finally shake the foundation of our Government from center to circumґference. We are taught by the principles of the "invisible empire" that we are incapable of self-government. These principles lead to anarchy, a reign of terror and national desolation. A governґment that seeks to stop lawlessness by committing lawless acts is 
but adding fuel to the flames. 
The "Invisible Empire" claims to have sprung from the ashes of the old Ku Klux Klan of Reconstruction days and to practice and to hold sacred its principles. Orators of the "emperor," in sophomoric eloquence, speak of the condition of the\ down-trodden South from 1866 to 1872, without local self-government, con-ґstitutional law or civil liberty. They say that during these dark hours the patriots and heroes who had shouldered their muskets and fought and bled for the sanctity of the Southern home, civil liberty and constitutional law, sprang from the graves of the bloody war-scarred battlefields of the South and came back to protect home and Southern womanhood. 
But are the conditions of this country now as they were from 
1866 to 1872? Suppose it were possible for these heroes of God's 
invisible empire to visit us again, clothed in their ragged uniforms 
of gray, witness and pass sentence upon some of the culprits who 
are committing outrageous deeds in the uniform and in the name 
of the Ku Klux Klan; suppose they could have witnessed and 
passed sentence upon the masked mob of criminals, who, at the 
dead hours of night, dragged a helpless white woman of the 
South-I care not what crime she had committed-from her home 
into a creek bottom, and could have seen with their own eyes 
these creatures in human flesh heaping upon this woman unspeakґ
able indignities, what would have been the judgment and sentence? 
It is the opinion of this court that those old klansmen of the 
days of reconstruction would have denounced and condemned such 
cowardly conduct in no uncertain terms. 
You can not stop crime in this county by working at night with 
a bucket of tar and sack of feathers. Civilization and good 
government begin and end at the polls and in the jury box. Good 
citizens should do more voting and better voting, and perform 
more jury service and better jury service. They should elect 
honest, fearless, clean, capable men to offices of pub!ic trust who 
University of Texas Bulletin 
will perform their full duty without fear or favoritism, and then aid and assist these officers in the performance of their duties. Good officers can not enforce the law unless they are backed by the juries of Texas. 
WORK, LOVE, AND SERVICE 
From an address by 
DR. STOCKTON AXSON 
At the commencement exercises of the Hockaday School, Dallas, May 28, 1921 
We should not separate our citizenship from our personal charґacter. This is done so often and we hear people condone certain actions because "it is politics." We should apply the same high principles in politics as we do to our own personal business. 
In the long run people get just exactly the kind of government they deserve. You give to some the whole charge of the governґment and I hope in many respects it will be conducted better than it has been done before-and I believe it will. The English p~ople speak of the little respect the young people have for their elders because the young people can see the errors the older people have made in their government. 
Money doesn't buy happiness is a favorite saying of many perґsons, even though they use money in an effort to do so. Now, since money floats so freely, the people of America are not as happy as they were before the armistice was signed. There is a tendency to make a business of pleasure. The most unhappy people are those who spend their whole time in an attempt to find pleasureґhabitual pleasure seekers. The remedy is plain, hard work. Our Nation needs a new baptism and a new dedication to the gospel of work. There is too much class jealousy, for people are always afraid there is someone no better than themselves who is getting more than they get. The only remedy for this condition is service. The country was never so useful as in 1917, when everyone, from the youngest to the oldest was interested in trying to help, attemptґing to be of some service. A little of that dedication to service in times of peace would make a better country of America. 
Some people translate patriotism to mean that we must hate another country to show our love for our own. There is too much of the inculcation of prejudice against other countries which may mean the shedding of more blood of our boys. All the countries, should understand each other better. The national and internationґal life is much too artificial now and let us not make it more artificial. Whether or not this is done will depend on our attitude. 
Work, love and service can be understood by everyone. If we bring to bear upon these problems the same attitude we have in our personal life we can then settle them. 
I speak of the new attitude. But it is not so new. When I was a boy an old man told me the only practical thing is to follow the teachings of the founder of Christianity. Happiness is not in selfґishness, but in service; not in hate, but in love. Whether or not a Nation is good and happy depends on whether or not it is comґposed of good and happy people. 
IS THERE A LABOR PROBLEM? 
From a speech before the Rotary Club at Topeka, Kansas 
October 30, 1919, by 

W. L. HUGGINS 
"If you can keep your head when all about you Are losing theirs and blaming it on you,If you can trust yourself when all men doubt you, But make allowance for their doubting too; 
If you can talk with crowds and keep your virtue 
Or walk with kings--nor lose the common touch; 
If neither foes nor loving friends can hurt you; 
If all men count with you, but none too much; 
If you can fill each unforgiving minute 
With sixty seconds' worth of distance run, 
Yours is the Earth and everything that's in it, 
And-which is more-you'll be a Man, my son!" 
It would seem that Kipling's "If" were written for this especial time and occasion. From eminent authority we learn that, in the early stages of the Peace Conference, "Stones were clattering upon the roof and wild men were shrieking at the keyholes." That conґdition, so graphically described, seems to prevail at this time all over the United States of America. Never have so many tremenґdously important problems presented themselves for solution at the same moment, and never have so many designing demoniacs busied themselves with throwing stones nor so many wild men been shrieking through the keyholes. It is a time of conflict and conґfusion, worse confounded. It is a time when every man should keep his head, but, nevertheless, many individuals high placed, are shrieking at the keyholes, predicting revolution, civil war and dire disaster, and shouting, "Hurry, hurry, hurry,'' at the few sane and sober men in places of governmental authority who realize that study, reflection, cooperation and calm judgment are vitally essential. 
4G University of Texas Bulletin 
In answer to the question, "Is there a labor problem," I will state that, in my opinion, the industrial crisis now upon us preґsents the most momentous problem which ever confronted the American people. If we fail to solve it by peaceful and lawful means, then, and in that event, democracy will have failed. Howґever, I do not anticipate a revolution or civil war. The comforting thought comes to me that, in matters of government, at least, we are an Anglo-Saxon people and Anglo-Saxons do not re-volve; they e-volve. 
The new industrial code should provide that all lines of industry whose business affects the production or distributio~ or cost of the necessaries of life be impressed with a public interest, because they affect the entire public, and that in case of any dispute which may affect the operation of such industries, the matter shall be brought into court, investigated and adjudicated. The rights of each individual should be protected. If an individual desires to work as a member of a labor union, that fact should not be held against him. If he desires to go it alone as a private American citizen, that fact should not be against him. His rights should be guaranteed just the same. Every labor union should be made responsible by taking out a charter or by some other means proґvided by laws; and the strike, the lockout, the boycott, and the black list, all should be prohibited and penalized. 
Is there a labor problem? No. We minimize its importance if we call it a labor problem. It is an industrial problem of a nature so serious that it vitally affects every man, woman and child under the flag. In going about its solution we should keep our hearts warm and our heads cool. It must be solved according to lawful formulas. In our country the law is supreme. But the law should also be just. Every American citizen must have the opportunity to provide himself and his family with a decent and comfortable home, wholesome food and clothing, and means of moral and intelґlectual advancement. To that end wages of labor, as well as returns upon capital, must be protected by law. We have dethroned King Alcohol. His tyranny and his power are ended. That accomґplished, we ought to be able within this generation to abolish the unsanitary tenement and the ragged hovel, and give to every child born under the stars and stripes a real home. 
During the past five years we have learned beyond the peradґventure of a doubt that in time of crisis the American people, with practical unanimity, will support their government to the extreme limit. Our enemies have learned that fact to their sorґrow. 
A story is told of one of Napoleon's soldiers who had been wounded in the breast, that he said to the surgeon treating his wound, "Cut a little deeper, sir, and you will find the image of my emperor." Gentlemen, within the deepest recess of the soul of the average American citizen will be found indelibly impressed a monogram which, when deciphered, is found to be composed of three magic letters-U. S. A. 
TRIBUTE TO THE AMERICAN ARMY 
On November 1 last, at the third annual convention of the American Legion at Kansas City, Marshal Foch, Commander of the Allied armies in France, spoke in part as follows: 
"I cannot tell you how great is my satisfaction at finding myself amongst you, valiant soldiers of 1918, to live again our glorious memories. Three years ago on the first of November 1918, the entire American army in France took up vigorously the pursuit of the defeated enemy and did not halt until the German surrender. Hour of glory for the American army, a proper culmination for a military effort, prodigious alike in its intensity as in its rapidity. One and all, you have had your share in it. You may well be proud! In responding in mass to the call to arms of your government, in equipping, training and organizing yourselves as rapidly as possible you had in view only the purpose to take your place as soon as possible in the line of battle. 
"Nothing could discourage or check your army. It threw itself with generous ardor into the immense melee. The task was a rude one, but it was carried out to a thorough finish. 
"Fighting without respite night and day for a month, advancing in spite of the pitfalls and the counter attacks of the enemy, it succeeded by pure force of tenacity and heroism in liberating the wild region of the Argonne. 
"After St. Mihiel it could now inscribe proudly upon its banners the name of the Argonne. "On the 6th of October, this great task finished, it joined hands with the Fourth French army in the defile of Grand Pre. "In consequence of this, the enemy's resistance was severely shaken, the moment had arrived to give him the final blow. 
"On the 1st of November, just three years ago today, the first American army again attacked, and in a splendid advance reached Buzancy, penetrating the German line for more than ten kiloґmeters. 
"The enemy this time retired definitely: the Stars and Stripes at once took up the pursuit, and six days later floated victoriously over the Meuse reconquered. 
"After St. Mihiel, after the Argonne, the American banners now bore the name of Meuse. In a few months you had taken 45,000 prisoners and 1400 cannon from the enemy. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
"Glory to the first American army, glory, also, those of your division, which distributed among the French and British armies contributed in great measure to the final success, whether with the fifth French army to the northwest of Rheims, or with the fourth French army, in which they carried in magnificent assault the strong positions of Orfeuilles; or again with the British armies for the capture of the famous Hindenburg line, or with the group of armies of Flanders, pursuing the enemy upon the road to Brussels. 
"During this time your second army impatiently awaite~ to attack in its turn in the direction of Metz, which already was stretchґing her arms to us for deliverance, but harassed and defeated, the enemy laid down his arms. 
"A solemn hour which compensated all the sacrifices freely given for the cause of right. 
"It is you who have made the sacrifices; more than 75,000 of your countrymen were buried in the soil of France. May they rest in peace. Your French brothers in arms watch over them. 
"Glory to you who survive them and who enjoy victorious peace. You may well be proud of your past exploits. 
"Your country had asked of you to lay down a redoubtable enemy. You have placed him at your mercy and after having asґsured every guarantee for the liberty of our peoples you have imґposed upon him the peace which our governments have dictated. Has not your task been completely fulfilled? 
"As for me; the great honor of my life will be to have guided 
along the road of victory the American army of 1918." 
TRIPPERS AND STOPPERS 
From The Saturday Evening Post, October 8, 1921 
Too many people visit the West as trippers and not as "stoppers." 
A "stopper," as the term is employed by mountain ranchmen in 
Northern California, is one who stops, or stays a while, riding 
and fishing, climbing and camping in the wilderness. Trippers 
visit the national parks to see but not to use them. They gulp down 
their sunsets and bolt their scenery. They turn from the Grand 
Canon to buy a picture postal of it; they spurn the trail horse for 
the rubberneck wagon; they turn their backs on the sunset glories 
of the mountains for the allurements of the curio store; their inґ
terest in wild life stops at the bunny hug and the grizzly bear; 
they snap the Almighty with a two-by-four camera and pronounce 
their negatives good. 
But every year a larger proportion of these trippers are conґ
victed of sin and come back as "stoppers." Among the parks they have found one that has stirred the dormant wilderness instinct in them, one to which they long to return, in which they will abanґdon the road for the trail. There they will find again something of the happiness that a simpler generation found in its simple pleasures. And even for those who never come back or who in future journeyings fail to rise from the estate of tripper, the sprint is worth while. Some part of what they have "done" will stick and make better Americans of them. They have had a reveґlation, even though it be a hazy and jumbled one, of the glory and grandeur of their country, and they can never again think wholly in terms of little old New York. 
But however one sees the West, madly, gladly or sadly, the trip, we repeat, is worthwhile. It will open one's eyes to what we had and what we have wasted, to how little is left and how much that little is worth saving. 
America's voice of waste, as well as its virtues, was bred of the wilderness-once an apparently inexhaustible store of wealth and beauty. Today there is nothing left to waste, but there is much left to save, both of wealth and of beauty. The conservationists are trying to save the wealth; the vacationists must get together and save the beauty. ЇЇ 
These national parks of ours approximate as nearly as anything 
on earth to heavenly scenery. Everyone who loves them has his 
pet park, but we believe that all good trippers go to the Grand 
Canon when they die. There they sit along the rim of Bright 
Angel Canon, purged of the pernicious picture-postal habit; freed 
from the insidious craving to ride the rubberneck wagon; impervious 
to the insistent urge to buy Navajo blankets; unheeding the old, 
old question: "What's there to do here?" They are sensible only 
of the lilac and purple mysteries of the distant desert; of the 
majesty of the red-gold mountains beneath them; and of the dark 
pines marching away to far horizon<.; and remote peaks, calling 
them to come into tht' forest. 
Summer is over and life is closing in gray for the winter. But 
those who went into the wilderness came out with new strength 
and courage to carry on over the long portage to another sprin~. 
CULTIVATING COURAGE 
From The Saturday Evening Post, October 8, 1921 
Courage is the product of familiarity. Fear is ignorance plus imagination. Contempt of danger is the reward of facirrg danger; it is but the sense of security afforded by rut travel. This is not psychology, but simple common sense. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
The coward is ashamed of his weak;iess. He endeavors to hide it, and his very shame will afford ;;he d"?speration necessary to reґdeem his pride. One will swallow a bitter dose when sure that nothing more palatable will save his life. 
If the coward would develop a biceps he exercises it; if he would become a runner he practices running; in like manner he may deґvelop courage. Let him make a list of things he is afraid to do. He is afraid to ask his employer for increased pay; he is afraid to ask the young lady to whom he has given his heart; he is afraid to park his knuckles under the left ear of the bully who works at the next machine. These, then, are the bitter doses he must swallow if he would be made whole. His employer may wither him with sarcasm; his girl may slap his ears; the bully may loosen his front teeth. But when he has run the gauntlet and found himґself whole, he will have discovered that his imagination is a liar and utterly unworthy of confidence. There will be a new light in his eye and a new confidence in his bearing. 
Thereafter let him search for ordeals whereby to perfect his courage. If his cowardice would thwart him in any matter, large or small, let him accept the challenge. Let him, if need be, neglect all other duties and go to the mat with fear, for he is engaged at the noble business of transforming a coward into a man, and need not count the cost. 
OUR NATIONAL HERITAGE 
From an ;iddress by 
SELDEN P. SPENCER 
Before the New England Society, in the City of New York, 
December 22, 1920 

Chief Justice White, of the United States Supreme Court, once began a public address by saying, "I was a Confederate soldier, and I fought to disrupt this Union." And then after a pause he conґtinued: 
"Did you ever read the 'Cricket on the Hearth'? Do you rememґber Caleb Plummer and his blind daughter, how anxio.us the poor father was that his blind daughter should never know of their poverty, and do you remember how one day, when the father came in with his greatcoat, much worn, and the little blind girl put her hand upon it and said: 'Father, you have on your greatcoat, haven't you?' and he said: 'Yes, daughter, made by the most expensive tailor in all London; oh, a wonderful garment, extravagant even for us.' She said: 'What color it it?' And he said: 'It is blue, bright blue, invisible blue.' Then, continued the Chief Justice: "As 
look back on it now, all the time I was fighting for the Confederacy, there was in my heart and my life, as there is now, an unconquerґable love for the blue-though for the moment invisible-of the Stars and the Stripes, my flag and yours." 
We may not read as clearly as we should the meaningЇ of the red-and white-and blue....:...we may not think as often as we should of their priceless worth~but we must be sure that it is in fact the real underlying, controlling principle of our individual political life. 
The American boyhood and girlhood, the coming power of this nation, if there is inseparably interwoven in their life the knowґledge of and the devotion to the principles of this country which characterized the Pilgrim Fathers, are invincible in their power; they will be quick to understand, and equally quick to resent any principle or propaganda that endangers the Republic. 
Oh, my friends, what a heritage of citizenship we have. Nothing shall interfere with our possession of it. Nothing shall interfere with our understanding of it, or with our safeguarding of it. If for a time commercialism and the love of money and the events that daily crowd around us and occupy our attention seem to obґscure, it is only on the surface. 
A man once caught an eagle when it was young, and clipped its wings and threw it into the barnyard; there is pecked for its food as the fowls of the yard were accustomed to do. One day a man looking at it said: "Why, you have an eagle in the yard:" and going up to it, he lefted it as high as he could reach, if perґchance it might remember that it was an eagle, but when his hand was withdrawn, the great bird fell back, pecking for its food. Upon the following morning he took that bird early to the very top of the barn and held it high as the sun was rising in the East, and, said he, "that great bird turned its eyes toward the rising sun and blinked as the rays of the sun fell upon them, and then it turned its head toward the hills where its home had been, and, full grown now, with a scream it flapped its wings and flew away." It was an eagle again. 
Oh, sir, when we turn our eyes back to the record and remember what was done and suffered by our ancestors to make this governґment of ours possible, it makes us determined-though with full recognition of existing difficulties--both international and domestic -that we will ourselves settle those difficulties consistent with our history, fulfilling our obligations and preserving our independence, so that you and I shall hand down to our children what we have received from our forefathers, safer because of our possession of it, and untainted in its honor and unweakened in its power. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
NATIONAL PROPAGANDA 
From an address by 
SELDEN P. SPENCER 
Before the New England Society, in the City of New York, 
December 22, 1920 

The ideals of a nation can be changed and you and I have seen them changed in a generation of time. It is one of the lessons of the war. 
When Germany-the Prussian element of Germany-first brought out the doctrine that the great desideratum of a state was power, not justice or humanity, those who loved the Fatherland of Gerґmany regarded it as atrocious then as we do now, and they came in great numbers to our own shores. It took three simple steps to change the ideals of Germany. A predetermined national propaґganda accomplished it. They took first the little child in the kindergarten and they taught him that the thing to be revered was a soldier; that quite above the merchant, quite above the professional man, was the man who wore the uniform. The lesson was not hard to teach. The child easily learned it. The military carriage, the brilliant uniform, helped the lesson and the first step had been taken; then they took that little child as a boy or a girl in school and taught him by song and study and picture that that soldier whom he had learned to revere was when combined with his felllow soldiers an invincible power, that the aggregate of the military force of his country was unconquerable; that no nation or combination of nations could overwhelm it, and the second lesson was taught. Then they took the third step. When that boy came into the college and the university, they taught him hereґand the shame of it--they taught him in the church, where the gospel of salvation by faith in Jesus Christ ought alone to have been taught-that that great invincible army, when acting for the Fatherґland, could do no wrong. "All crimes become virtues," said a great writer in Germany. The ideals of the nation had been changed in a generation of time. 
We have our lesson from it, that in this country, the boyhood and the girlhood, from the earliest years of life, shall be taught what our flag stands for; shall be made to understand what this nation is, so that unconsciously, but inseparably, there 'shall be interwoven in heart and brain and ambition, the controlling influence of what it means to be an American, and that which concerns the Republic is of first importance. 
TRADE AND PATRIOTISM 
From an address by 
SELDEN P. SPENCER 
Before the New England Society, in the City of New York, 
December 22, 1920 

In a nation like ours the ideals that you and I love can never be developed with a changing people. National stability can only be secured by a continuity of those characteristics which are pecuґliar to that nation itself. A changing people is as dangerous to a nation as a shifting foundation is to a superstructure, for when the floods descend and the rains fall and the winds blow and beat upon that house, in either event, with such a foundation, it falls. We must guard with intense interest, the door through which the immigrant comes. We have acres broad enough and opportunґity big enough and a welcome generous enough for any from the other shores who can and who will measure up to American citizenship. 
But we have not a foot of ground or a word of welcome for those who come to this country for the mere purpose either of reґcouping their fortunes and then returning back to the land of their birth, or who come Їas immigrants with no intention or desire of complete identification with us. Such is the simple and obvious lesson which is associated with the glorious history of our foreґfathers, and which comes from the recollection of their love of country as well as their determination that their children should understand and love this nation. Every ounce of vitality which they had was directed to their personal profit, their own gain, but went as well into the upbuilding of the land that they loved. They were a combination of trade and patriotism, with patriotism always domiґnant. 
In the State where the Monongahela: and the Allegheny Rivers come together to form the Ohio, there was, in the days of our forefathers, a trading post, near which an old Indian Chief and his tribe lived. One day the Indian Chief came into this trading post, and looking around the stores that were assembled there, his eye lit upon a hat with a feather in it, and a belt with a bright buckle on it, and his heart Ї craved them, but he had nothing to pay, and nothing to exchange; after a considerable time of quiet thought, he turned to the man who owned that trading house, and said: "White man, Indian dream dream. Indian dream hat, feather, belt, buckle, Indian's, not white man's." Our ancestor, with that keenness of a bargain which was characteristic, replied: "Chief, dreams come from heaven. Dream; true. Hat, feather, belt, buckle, Indian's, not white man's." The Indian, delighted with the result of his dream, took his possessions and marched out. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
About two weeks after, our ancesto.r went to that place where the Chief had his wigwam in the most beautiful and fertile valley by the side of the Monongahela and after some quiet he spoke to the Indian who sat in front of his wigwam smoking: 'Chief, white man dream dream. White man dream valley to mountain (about twenty-five miles off) white man's, not Indian's." The old Chief was somewhat staggered at the dimensions of. the dream but was game and Їanswered: "White man's dream true. Land white man's not Indian's;" and then with a grunt of resignation concluded: "White man, Indian no more dream with White man. White man dream too hard." 
That same trader, wli.en the soldiers of Washington needed muniґtions and clothing, and when the existence of our nation was hanging in a balance ,that man gave every dollar that he had in the world and pledged every bit of his personal credit that his country might not fall. It was that combination of trade and patriotism that characterized our ancestors and is one of the lessons of to-day; that we establish the principles upon which we stand. 
THE SPIRIT OF THE PILGRIMS 
From an address by 
REV. JOHN KELMAN 
Before the New England Society, of New York City, 
December 22, 1920 

There was among the Puritans an experiment in communism and it has been a peculiarly valuable piece of American history. No circumstances could have been more ideal for the trial of communism than theirs, nor could there be imagined a community more free from those temptations to selfishness which make comґmunistic experiments so difficult and hopeless in complicated soґcieties. Yet this experiment failed. The young men who did most of the work repined against the older and weaker brethren receivґing an equal share of the fruits of labor, and Bradford in memorable sentences records his judgment of their repining. "Let none object that this is man's corruption, and nothing to the course itself. answer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God in His wisdom saw another course fitter for them." 
So they passed on through land tenure to representative governґment. It was not the first time that this had been tried upon American soil, for there had been previous experiments in Virginia; yet it is unquestionable .that the written constitution drawn up in the cabin of the Mayflower was the main source from which was derived the plan of self-government of which the United States are so justly proud. That plan in later days was happy to have found its epigram, invented by Theodore Parker and made immortal by Abraham Lincoln. It ran, "Government of the people, for the people, by the people." 
That the Pilgrim Fathers have had their detractors need cause us no surprise. It is true that most of the faults loosely attributed to them are matters that concern their successors rather than themselves. And yet it would be no great honor to these Pilgrim Fathers if one were able to say of them, after so long a time, that they had left no enemies. But perhaps their worst Їenemies have been those who have idealized them as the one and only type of Christian thought and living. In reply to this apotheosis of Puritanism, Matthew Arnold has said in one of his greatest sentenґces that "The human spirit is greater than even the most priceless of the forces which bear it onwards." That is a golden sentence and one well worthy to be remembered. 
Mr Arnold, speaking to Americans said further: "You have also had, more entirely and more exclusively than we, the Puritan disґcipline. Certainly I am not blind to the faults of that discipline. Certainly I do not wish it to remain in the possession of the field forever or too long. But as a stage and a discipline, and as a means for enabling that poor inattentive and immoral creature man, to live and appropriate and malfo part of his being, divine ideas on which he could not otherwise have laid hold or kept hold, the discipline of Puritanism has been invaluable. For this contriґbution alone we owe them an eternal debt. They set our affections still, after three centuries, upon whatsoever things are elevated, whatsoever things are nobly serious, and they keep our reluctant consciences within call of these." 
How then may we best pay that debt to those whose graves are now covered with ancient moss? Not certainly by appropriatґing their detailed faith or imitating their detailed practice, but by carrying over their dauntless and indefatigable spirit to deal with problems which never confronted them. It is the spirit that lives on forever, the letter and the detail pass and change. Nor yet can we pay that debt by further separations or unnecessary protest. We have passed from the age of separation to that which longs for union and a larger comprehensiveness. In their day the world had fallen hopelessly asunder, and the task that was set to men was to defend and find refuge for its separate elements of good. In our day the task is to gather up the wreckage of many generaґtions and to reunify the world in justice and in love. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
MAKING AMERICANS 
Written by 
BURGES JOHNSON 
For the National Security League 
I am an average-minded American citizen. I like to think that my mental heritage is that of a long line of village-post-office philosophers and sugar-barrel sages-men who contributed someґthing to the community's productivity and then found time in their brief hours of leisure to settle all the problems of the uniґverse in solemn conclave around the stove in Mr. Pease's general store. 
I have no other claim to authority on questions of national welґfare than such an ancestry and my present citizenship. 
I consider myself a liberal, with socialistic leanings. I am not an internationalist, if I understand the word. I am afraid that the world cannot lift itself to higher things by its own boot-straps. I consider that some people, for reasons I cannot fully understand, have advanced further than other peoples and nations. I do not believe that the shortest cut to the millenium is to be found by first going through a leveling process that pulls Anglo-Saxons, for instance, down to the level of the Hottentots in order that all may move upward together. 
It seems to me that it is well for our nation to go forward as fast as it can, and as it gains in enlightenment and sense of justice as well as in all of the more material advantages of civilization, it must gain in sense of responsibility toward those who have moved more slowly toward the realization of humanity's hopes. 
Reasoning in this way, somewhat crudely, I admit, I can have no patience with an alien disturber who comes within my national boundaries purposing to destroy in order that he may force us to drop back and begin on a level with his people. 
I believe absolutely in human brotherhood, and in our responsiґbility for the welfare of his people, but we are not going to inґcrease their welfare by that method, and we are going to decrease our own. 
"Free speech" and "free press" are phrases crowded with history and splendid tradition, and any human being ought to thrill at the sound of them. I do not thrill as I should, because both phrases have been mouthed by vapid thinkers, emotional manufacturers of clap-trap, who climb on board such words and think they are riding to the destination which these phrases formerly attained. 
I want my people to move forward as rapidly as so great and unwieldly a people can move. I do not want demagogues pulling us back, and "free speech" and "free press" do not mean to me two institutions which alien disturbers may pervert for their own purposes, to retard the progress of my land toward knowledge of truth, and direct it toward their own aggrandizement. 
I am not certain which is the right or wrong side of the question of restricted immigration. But I do believe that, if unґrestricted immigration is to admit all the world, those who will take advantage of it are in great measure those who have progressed the least at home, probably as a result of human injustice. If they are to be allowed to come in vast numbers, we must attempt to establish among them our best standards of living. They must not be allowed to enforce theirs. 
If some orator assures me that their standards are fundamentally better than ours, even though they include ignorance, dirt and disease, I must emphatically disagree with him. Which is right? It is a question of fact that neither of us can prove, unless God will testify in a language we both understand. 
Until He does, my reasoning is that this nation must act accordґing to its best lights, refuse to permit outside forces to block its path, but, with increased sense of responsibility for other peoples share with increasing unselfishness whatever it has gained in the way of blessings, material, mental and moral; that it must go forward as a unit with all of the added vigor that comes from an esprit de corps, pulling thP-world after, if so be that fate has given it the power and the worthiness to be a leader. 
THE VALUE AND LIMIT A TIO NS OF CONTESTS 
From an address by 
PRESIDENT ARTHUR T. HADLEY 
.. At the commencement exercises of Yale University, June 20, 1921 .. 
"Let us run with patience," Paul wrote to the Hebrews, "the race that is set before us." 
Life is a series of contests, and Paul knew it. Over and over again he speaks of the Christian life as a race. But the sportґing instinct is simply one of those human emotions which can do either great service or great harm, according as it is rightly or wrongly directed. 
The pacifist who thinks the fighting spirit fundamentally bad, and the militant, who thinks it fundamentally good, can both find plenty of facts to support their contentions. To the pacifist all strife is a cruel and un-Christian thing; unworthy of intelligent men if devoted to a trivial object like winning a game; cruel and destructive if carried into life's more serious business. The strongґest men get the prize; the less strong are crowded back; the weakest 
University of Texas Bulletin 
even though they strain themselves to the breaking point, can get nothing but disappointment or loss. The result of such a contest seems to the pacifist a mere triumph of strength or cunning; the. glory accorded to the victor a defiance of social justice. 
The militant takes the opposite viewpoint. He looks only at theЇ good. In every contest he sees a chance for men to show what they can do. The winner proves his power to lead. Those who just fail to win are trained in manly qualities essential to human progress. Even those who drop out altogether learn the measure of their powers and limitations more effectively in this way than in any other and are given the choice between following the leader at a distance or finding some other more congenial line of effort instead of being allowed to block the wheels of progress and reґduce the pace of the whole body to suit the powers of the slowest. 
Either view of life has much to justify it; either works badly when ca.rried to an extreme. Where people have become so peaceful that they refused to fight on principle, religion and philosophy have lost touch with life. Peace has been purchased at the cost of progress; morality has suffered for lack of men who could fight in behalf of the oppressed. 
But in going to the other extreme of loving a fight for its own sake, and making success the primary test of fitness, militant philoso-. phers have lost touch with real life just as completely as did the pacifist philosophers, and have failed just as decisively. For po-. litical or commercial successes which win the admiration of oneЇ age meet little but contempt in the next. Militant Germany seemed but a few years ago unconquerable; where do its leaders stand toґday, even in the estimation of heir own people? 
Neither pacifist nor militant is right, because neither takes the trouble to look at the indirect and lasting effects of conflict. A contest is good or bad according to the spirit in which it is conґP"ct0d "'"r a ~olfi.s'1 P.nd and 'fi:v nnscr1rnulous methods, it breeds selfґish leaders and narrow-minded followers. If conducted for an unselfish end and by honorable methods, it trains leaders who can serve the people and _followers who have better ideals than those of personal aggrandizement. 
Washington at Valley Forge, Howard in the English prisons, Florence Nightingale in the Crimea, Livingston in South Africa, drank of the cup of the Master's sufferings before they were priґvileged to enter into the joy of his triumph. "Laying aside every weight, and the sin which does so easily beset us"-this is no idle metaphor. It is the rule to which each one of us must submit if he hopes to endure to the end and claim the prize. 
James Bryce once told a Yale audience that every man who ex.. pected to serve the public ought to go into politics as early as possible, in order to get the habit of being abused for doing his duty without minding it. "I went in too late, he said sadly. I still" try to do my duty in spite of the abuse, but I cannot prevent its weakening my effectiveness." 
And for the man who runs the race in this spirit of whole-souled consecration, there are rewards from the beginning to the end. which many times outweigh the discouragements. The appreciation of those who understand comes to mean more to him than the criticisms of those who cannot see or know what he is doing. He feels himself part of a larger world to which belong the great. men of old and the great men that are yet to come. 
HOW THE UNIVERSITY INTERSCHOLASTIC LEAGUE PROMOTES TRAINING FOR CITIZENSHIP 
E. D. SHURTER 
Our country today is suffering from the reactions' and readjustґ
ments caused by the great World War. The menace of alien docґ
trines that are being urged as substitutes for long established 
American institutions, gives some color to the prophecy of Macaulay 
uttered more than sixty years ago: "Your Republic," he wrote, "will 
be as fearfully plundered and laid waste in the Twentieth Century 
as the Roman Empire was in the Fifth; but your Huns and Vandals 
will have been engendered within your own institutions." 
What is the remedy? Nothing in the world but education; for 
the words of Mirabeau B. Lamar are just as true today as when 
he uttered them in the days of the Texas Republic: "Cultivated 
mind is the guardian genius of democracy; it is the only dictator 
that freemen acknowledge and the only security that freemen 
desire." 
No one can doubt that as a result of the war the school must 
be more intensely American than ever before. We sent 2,000,000 
men to the western front as our army of Immediate Defense, and 
they did their work nobly and well; .but today in this state and in 
other states of our union the teachers must train, the children in 
our schools as our Army of Future Defense, for it is. 
"Not on the field where cannon pour shells upon the foe Can you train the soul of Freedom in the things it ought to know. The old Bell at Philadelphia rang its notes and then was still; But its voice today is speaking from the schoolhouse on the hill." 
It is generally admitted that our University InterscholasticґLeague is the greatest influence in Texas today for stimulating-ґtraining in citizenship. The system of contests, in the first place,. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
gives to the pupils in our schools the zest of striving for a coveted award. The county meets bring together the pupils, teachers, and citizens from the school districts; and for one or two days they rub shoulders, get acquainted, learn to be generous winners and sportsmanlike losers, and after having had a good time in a friendly rivalry, they return to their homes with a renewed school spirit and a stronger sense of community solidarity. 
During and since the war we have specifically related all of the literary contests, so far as practicable, to a Better Citizenship program. Now, consider a moment what this means in a governґment ruled by public opinion, and wherein public opinion, in tum, is largely formed through public discussion. Our Federal Governґment spent millions of dollars during the war in organizing 30,000 Four Minute Men for the express purpose of informing and mouldґing public opinion through public speech on the issues of the hour. The Texas Interscholastic League sent out last year at least 40,000 pupils from the public schools as campaign speakers and writers on behalf of good citizenship, reaching audiences aggreґgating 800,000 people. The infinite possibilities of such an organiґzation in stimulating a better citizenship may well incite our admiґration and our united efforts in extending its influence to every school in Texas. 
Certain it is that if we properly train the citizens-in-the-making now in our schools and send them forth as thorough-going, bed-rock Americans, equipped and eager for service to country, our Republic is safe; and more and more true will become the fine saying of Zangwill: "Ah, what is the glory of Rome and Jerusalem, where all the races and nations come to worship and look back, compared with the glory of America where all the races and nations come to labor and look forward." 
AMERICA IS CALLING 
From an address by 

WOODWORTH CLUM 
Director of the Better America Federation of California 
Here is a real job for you young men and women,-students in the high schools and colleges of America. 
Within three, four or five years, most of you will have comґpleted your schooling and will be starting out in the business world. Why are you giving these years of your life to the acquiring of an education? What are you going to do when you complete your schooling? Most of you are going to work. For what? To earn a living? No,-to earn more than a living. I wish you would keep that distinction in mind, because all of the unrest in the world today is caused by a difference of opinion as to whether or not you and I should be satisfied to earn a mere living or should demand more than a living. Our form of government in the United States of America guarantees to each one of us the right and opportunity to earn more than a living,-that is, to be able to provide our loved ones and ourselves not only with the comforts and some of the luxuries of life, but also to own our own homes and to accumuґlate a fund in the bank to take care of us in our declining years. In other words, the right to earn and receive individual reward for the exercise of individual skill and energy and thrift. That is what we call the right of private property. 
All over the world, including America, there are groups of men and women whom we call radicals and who are endeavoring to so change our form of government that none of us can earn more than a living. They would turn all private business over to the governґment. There would be no business in which you could engage, no profit for you to make, no incentive for you to study hard and work efficiently. Whether it be Sovietism from Russia or the extreme Socialism of Karl Marx,-it all means the same thing. Their friends say that these proposed new forms of government will equalize all mankind,-put us all on the same level. . This is very, very true,-we will all be on the same level,-but it will be the lowest level and not the highest. 
What you all want to do, and the reason for your spending these years in school, is to go out into the big world and make good, -to make a business and a social success and, in a broad way, to contribute your fair share to the progress of civilization. That is your ambition; that is the American ideal. In America you can do this, but you could not do this in Russia today. The difference between the two countries is a fundamental difference in the form of government. 
A form of government is prescribed by adopting a Constitution, and the Constitution of the United States is probably the most remarkable government document ever created out of the human mind. The population of the United States at that time was made up of men and women of vision and courage, with minds and hearts of their own, who had come to America because of governґmental oppression on the other side of the ocean. And so, when they devised this Constitution they put into the Preamble-just fifty-two words--all of their pent-up ideals and ambitions and hopes. For thousands of years the mass of mankind had grovelled at the feet of kings and emperors and princes, but now, in this new found land of America they proposed to set up an ideal governґment, -a government, in fact, by the people. 
I should like to see every school and college in America not only learn the Preamble to the Constitution so that they could repeat it 
Univeraity of Texas Bulletin 
verbatim at any time or any place, but I also would have them know its meaning so well that when they repeat it they would reґcall the entire philosophy of the American government. It is all contained in that wonderful Preamble: 
"We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the Ї general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America." 
Alexander Hamilton was appointed sales manager for the Conґstitution. He got the help of Gouverneur Morris, John Jay, James Madison, and one or two others, and they started a publicity campaign, with the idea of selling the Constitution, or the idea of the Constitution, to the people. They did a fine job, with this single exception that, in order to impress the people with the importance of the Constitution, they overworked that phrase, "the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." If our forefathers had only created this phrase, "The rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness are inalienable just so long as the Constitution stands inviolate"-and no longer; if they had made our people realize in the first place that these rights were inalienable because of the Constitution, we would have developed a different philosophy in America and would not be having the trouble today that we are. I hear men discussing business and the profits of business; we are passing laws saying whether or not men may receive this much or that much for the articles they have to sell. They must begin to thirik seriously of maintaining the integrity of the Constitution, because, if these groups of free thinkers or liberals in America succeed in materially changing our Constitution or substituting some other kind of government, there will be no profits to worry about in business. Maintenance of the Constitution of the United States is the highest form of business insurance. Without it, you will not need much of an education. 
You boys and girls who Ї are attending the schools and colleges of America,-will you learn that Preamble of our Constitution by heart? Ї 
And will you learn its meaning? 
And when you hear anyone denouncing America or recommending some other form of government for America,-will you be good soldiers,-all of you,-and defend your country, and its Constituґtion? 
If anyone-man, woman, boy or girl,-asks you to read radical books or magazines; if they tell you that the honest acquirement 
of wealth is a crime; if they endeavor to poison your mind with class hatred, repudiate them with all the courage of a true Ameriґ'Can. There is your job-will you do it? 
I AM THE FARMER 
By 
JAMES P. McDONNELL 
From the University of North Carolina News Letter of April 6, 1921 
I am the provider for all mankind. Upon me every human being'Constantly depends. 
A world itself is builded upon my toil, my products, my honesty. 
Because of my industry, America, my country, leads the world. Her prosperity is maintained by me; her great commerce is the work of my good hands; her balance of trade springs from the furrows of my farm. 
My reaper brings food for today; my plow holds promise for tomorrow. In war I am absolute; in peace I am indispensable-my country's constant reliance and surest defense. I am the very soul of America, the hope of a race, the balance wheel of civilization. 
When I prosper, men are happy; when I fail, all the world suffers. 
I live with nature, walk in the green fields under the golden sunlight, out in the great alone where brain and brawn and toil supply mankind's primary need. And I try to do my humble part to carry out the great plan of God. 
Even the birds are my companions; they greet me with a symґphony at the new day's dawn and chum with me till the evening prayer is said. 
If it were not for me the treasuries of the earth would remain Їsecurely locked; the granaries would be useless frames; man himґself would be doomed speedily to extinction or decay. 
Through me is produced the energy that maintains the spark 'Of life. 
I rise with the early dawn and retireЇ when the chores of the world are done. 
I am your true friend. 
I am the farmer. 
KEEP GOD IN AMERICAN HISTORY 

HARRY F. ATWOOD 
The proudest heritage of this country is that all through its history there has run, like a golden thread, a deeply religious strain. It would seem that our great leaders in the past have sensed the sublime truth which Dr Frank W. Gunsaulus phrased so strikingly 
University of Texas Bulletin 
when he said: "Statesmanship is seeing where almighty God is going and then getting things out of His way." 
Bishop Frank M. Bristol, referring to the Discovery of America, said: "When it is remembered that Columbus desired to spread the gospel to the uttermost parts of the earth, that his expedition of discovery was begun in prayer, that he insisted upon the worship of God as one of the duties of the ship's company, that after a voyage of seventy days on an unknown sea the sight of the new world was greeted by the exultant sailors with the 'Te Deum,' that magnificent thanksgiving to God, that Columbus sprang upon the new world, planted the Cross and knelt in prayer; and when the history of America is remembered from that great hour to this, the Christian thinker sees in it all the hand of God, leading a devout genius to the execution of a Divine plan." 
The great theologian, dear old Dr. George Northrup, once deґclared: "God Almighty writes a legible hand." All over the walls of this republic we find the handwriting of God. We find it written into our state papers, in the words spoken by our statesґmen, on the coins that we circulate, in the songs that we sing, in the literature that has been written, and in the aspirations of our people. More, far more than any other country, we have been esґsentially a religious and God-loving nation; and it is that fact more than anything else which has put character into our statesґmen, courage into our soldiers, justice into our government, and conscience into our people. 
We have been drifting from the guide-posts of a Republic toward the danger signals of a Democracy, from constitutional restraints toward emotional impulses. This innovation has not been confined to any party or any country. It seems to have been general, and every twenty-four hours' confusion of thought becomes more conґfused, chaos grows more chaotic, and the crowd increases in mob mindedness. It is humiliating to dwell upon the deplorable aspects of the political life of this country during the last nineteen years as we have drifted toward class consciousness and appeal to the mob mind. 
But we must have faith that America has neither abandoned 
God, nor been abandoned by God. The same Divine Providence 
that watched over the founders of this Republic, that guided them 
in the framing of our Constitution, is still with us to guide and 
strengthen us. There is need of a petitent return to reliance upon 
Divine Providence, both in attitude toward that matchless docuґ
ment wrought out with prayer and faith; and in sublime trust in 
the beneficent guidance of Almighty God. No nation can perish 
which will in all sincerity humbly pray: 
God forgive us for our follies and blindness;; 
Help us to abandon the hypocrisy of popular fallacies; ; 
Give us a thorough understanding of the Constitution; 
Save us from demagogism, that we may return again to reliance upon Divine Providence; 
Grant us renewed faith in the Word of God; 
Imbue us with common sense and Common honesty in safeґguarding this glorious Republic; Reveal to us a comprehensive appreciation of the marvelous heritage bequeathed to us by the founders and guardians of this Republic; 
Guide us that we may administer our government as a continued blessing to the American people and a beacon light to all the other governments of the world. 
HEROES IN HOMESPUN 
From an address by 

HENRY WATTERSON 
In commemoration of Harrison and his men, Tippecanoe Battlefield, June 15, 1902 
Travelling from out the twilight of the past into the radiance of the present, and tracing as we go the history of the country along the glorious but rugged route of battlefields by the glare of fagot flame and rifle-flash, it seems ages since Tippecanoe; since Harrison and his hunting-shirts met and vanquished the hordes of the two Tecumsehs; yet are there men still living, and here to-day, who, if they were not contemporary with the event and its valiants, can distinctly recall the spirit of those times; the aspects, the very familiar features, of those valiants ; the atmosphere, the form, and body of an epoch, when, from Faneuil Hall to Boston, from Raleigh Tavern in Virginia, to Fort Wayne and old Vincennes upon the confines of this borderland the redskin and the redcoat alike stirred to its depths the heart of the young Republic. 
There were giants in those days; and there was need that there should be. No vestibuled trains, no palace coaches waited to fetch them hither; no noisy procession, with banners waving and brass bands playing, marched forth to honor their arrival. They jourґneyed for the most part afoot. They picked their way through trackless canebrake and wooded waste, across swift-runnning bridgeґless streams, their flint-locks their commissariat. They had quitted what they regarded as the overcrowded centres of the populous East to seek the lonely but roomier wilds of the far West, keenly alive to the idea of bettering their condition, having a fine sense of pure air and arable land-it may be for town sites; but their hearts beat true to the principles of civil and religious liberty, and 
University of Texas Bulletin 
they brought with them two accoutrements of priceless value; the new-made Constitution of their country and the well-worn family Bible; for they were God-fearing, Christian soldiers; heroes in hopespun as chivalric and undoubting as mailed Knights of the Cross; hating with holy hate the Indians and the British; revering the memory of the patriots and sages who had made the Declaraґtion of Independence, warm with the blood of the Revolution, the echoes of Lexington and Bunker Hill, of King's Mountain and Yorktown still ringing in their ears. 
The bed-rock of civil and religious liberty is the law; the bellґtower of freedom is tolerance. The mute inhabitants of these sweliґing mounds, could they speak, would tell us that it were little worth the toil and travail endured by them when, amid these greenwood shades, they sought and found emancipation from ages of feudal wrong, if overflowing :with properity, bustling with pride we should forget the lesson and dissipate the heritage; repeating, under the pretentious nomenclature of Democracy, the dismal story of Greece and Rome. It can never be. We live in the twentieth, not in the first of the centuries. Though human nature be ever the same, the tale is told by human environment, by mortal conditions, and we shall the rather go forward than backward; the Constitution in one hand, the Bible in the other hand, the flag overhead carrying to Ї all lands and all peoples the message alike of Civilization ahd Religion, the Ark and the Covenant of American freedom along with the word of God. 
The hunters of Kentucky, the pioneers of Indiana, united as brothers in the bonds of liberty, fought the battle of Tippecanoe. It was not a great battle as battles go, but it proved mighty in its consequences: the winning and the peopling of the West; the ultimate rescue of the Union from dissolution; the blazing of the way to the Pacific. They Їwere simple, hardy men. They set us good examples. They loved their country, and were loyal to its institutions. They were comrades in hearts and comrades in arms. Be it ours to bless and preserve their memory and to perpetuate their brotherhood. 
PATIENCE 
From a Baccalaureate Sermon by the 
REV. JOSEPH HENRY GEORGE 
At the commencement exercises of the University of Texas, 
June, 1911 

Perhaps if there is any virtue neglected more than any other by good people, it is the virtue of patience. We are an impatient folk, and the more earnest and consecrated we are in our work the 
Selections on American Citizenship 
more impatient we are apt to become. Have you known the footґ
ball coach to become impatient with the individual members? Have 
you not found the Dean impatient because of negligence somewhere? 
Have you not found students growing impatient with their profesґ
sors if they are not as interesting or as lenient as they ought to 
be? You have it in the churches. This is impatience; men imґ
patient with one another as they are engaged in united efforts for 
some great work; ministers impatient with their congregations beґ
cause there are not more intent listeners; deacons impatient beґ
cause the funds of the church are not as liberal as they ought to 
be. You find it everywhere. But this word has a deeper meaning 
than mere indifference or irregularity on the part of our friends.. 
Amid all the reforms that we are trying to bring about, there 
never will come the millenium until we cultivate the patience in 
our own souls. Long-suffering-we need it. 
I saw the most splendid illustration of this about three years , ago. I was in Boston lunching with an old friend, and he asked me if I would not like to go out and see the annual game that day beґtween Yale and Harvard, that it was going to be a fine game. I loved college sports, so we went out on the athletic field. It was a marvelous sight. There were the amphitheater seats filled and decorated with crimson, tier upon tier, men and women. They had two or three bands. They had innumerable instruments of noise, and they were making the most tremendous din you ever listened to. And up along one little streak were the Yale sympathizers. The hour for the conflict came. It was announced, Harvard at the bat, Yale in the field. There was a young lad who didn't look more than nineteen to me, slim and straight, not very strongly deґvelopel muscles so far as I could see at the distance at which I sat, for there was no seat in the grandstand. But he went out there into the pitcher's box and listened to the noise. No runner in the arena ever listened to greater din, but he was perfectly patient. He kept twisting the ball and looking around to the right and left to the short stop, and he still rolled the ball in his hands and waited patiently. There was a crash from the band; there was a cry, one of those horrid cries that only students can make up and call college yells. There was all kinds of confusion, but he was perfectly still. He rolled his ball and waited, and he shot it over the plate, and they called, "Strike," and so the game went on and Harvard's men were just as good as Yale's men; but somehow or other they had not worked in harmony and patience and Yale won out. That is what I call patience in these athletic illustrations. There is enough goodness in the United States to save it from all wrong-doing. There is enough of church power, of honest men and women, to accomplish anything in life, if we could only unite as 
University of Texas Bulletin 
that team united and have that patient endurance. Lay aside every weight and the sin which is death-dealing and run with patience the race that is set before you. 
THE EFFECT OF PSYCHOLOGY ON AMERICANISM 
By 
GEORGE EAMES BARSTOW 
Life is far more than a play-day-a thing to be idled awayґprodigiously more than vain tinsel and cheap display and the satisfying of one's lusts and vanities in all their varied forms. In such selfish and careless satisfaction lies the seeds of dissolution and decay. From these possibilities of disruption America is no more immune than other peoples and nations, save only is so far as she learns to understand her own psychology and persistently exercises her great powers to buttress herself against the forces of evil that are so rampant within her. 
Life should be and is joyful and gladsome if meaning to each one of us the accomplishment of the noblest and best that lies within our minds and souls! And because some of us have not been so fortunate as to obtain a college education, or to receive a post graduate training in the universities abroad or even a full common school course at home, can we plead an excuse? Most assuredly not. In the parable of the marriage supper we are told how they "all went about to make excuse,'' how these people, failing in that hour to grasp the opportunity so generously offered to them, suffered an irretrievable loss in morale and power. When the test came to them, when their common sense and common gratitude were put to the proof, they failed lamentably to grasp "the skirts of happy chance." 
Think, on the other hand, of such a dauntless soul as Abraham Lincoln, than whom no man, dead or living, is more revered the world around to-day. Consider his early environment, his excepґtional limitations, the almost utter hopelessness of his position as a struggling young lawyer. Yet he was in no wise dismayed. He found the courage to "breast the blows of circumstance," and hence, and doubtless largely because of those very drawbacks that he surmounted so successfully and with such unexampled spirit, he rose to become one of the little company of the world's preeminent apostles of a genuine, not a hypocritical democracy. 
One of the wisest sayings that has come down to us from the civilization of ancient Athens is embodied in the proverb, "Many meet the Gods but few salute them." No College education, no great social or intellectual ability is required to detect the one moment that is divine among the millions that are commonplace, to seize upon it and its freightage of hope with avidity and to make it eternally your own. All that one needs to do this successfully is to be alert, to be confident, to be unafraid, and to have a normal endowment of mother wit. Thousands of Americans with no more to help them than this have risen to the very pinnacle of success. 
THE REVOLT OF THE INEFFICIENT 
Written by 
HAROLD MacGRA TH 
For the National Security League 
What is this thing men call Bolshevism? I'll tell you in a single phl"ase. It is the revolt of the inefficient. Not the revolt of skilled labor, of the brain-worker; but the revolt of the men who can't do things and want to pull down the man who can. Remember that. Keep it always in front of you. The revolt of the inefficient, resentґing the prosperity of the efficient. I don't mean Prussian efficiency; I mean human efficiency. 
There is a certain class of Americans who have near-brains and nothing to do. They search for something "different." These are the parlor Bolshevists. They are harmful only in that they are allowed to talk freely. 
What is the proletariat Lenine and Trotsky whine about? He is actually the lowest in the human scale, the illiterate, the superґstitious, the ignorant, in a country which has no freedom of opporґtunity. A great many people mistake the word for the laboring man. Never in this world. Lenine and Trotsky-the two greatest criminal demagogues God ever permitted to walk the earth-say that this proletariat shall rule the world. What a tragic joke! Imagine it! All one has to do is to glance at Russia-a part of it, mind you. For two-thirds of Russia are fighting Bolshevism. 
To make all men equal, says Trotsky. Men are equal only in lawful privileges. Keep that in your mind. They are not born equal; they never will be born equal. They are equal only in the privileges of the law of the land. 
To give to the lowest in the human scale the seats of the mighty! A child with a box of matches, alone in the house! The same thing and Trotsky has labored to prove it. 
Liberty, says Democracy. License, says Bolshevism. Equality, says Democracy. Kill those who are above you, says Bolshevism. Fraternity, says Democracy. Kill your brother, if he refuses to inhabit your madhouse, says Bolshevism! 
University of Texas Bulletin 
Demolition, to the tune of the Marseillaise! 
One of the greatest things in the world is the sense of possession. We Americans have that sense in the greatest degree. We are the greatest individual property owners in the world. That is why we shall never run amuck. But for all that, when we see a rattlesnake, we kill it. 
There can be no real patriotism where there is no sense of possession. The Bolsheviki in Russia never had anything. But division of property is the cry. The proletariat will divide with the middle-class. This is to say, the inefficient will divide among themselves what efficiency has accumulated. Beautiful idea! 
The truth is, after great wars the scum always comes to the top. Anarchism, red-socialism, Bolshevism. 
In all Democracies, the rights of man are slowly but surely arr1vmg. You cannot make Utopia tomorrow by writing it down on a sheet of paper. And that is what the Bolshevist has done. Little mud-volcanoes. 
Murder and loot, in the name of the Brotherhood of Man! The lion will share his meat with the ass, who will refuse his oats to the lion. 
How quiet Socialism is these days, now that many of its theories have been put into practice and been proven failures! For Bolґshevism is socialism running amuck. 
What is the answer to all this turmoil of war and reconstruction? That Democracy alone has survived. Where is Autocracy? Vanґished. And Bolshevism will vanish likewise, as the acrid smoke vanishes after the fire is beaten down. 
Democracy alone will survice, for Bolshevism is the revolt of the inefficient. 
ONLY THE STUMP OF DAGON WAS LEFT 
Written by 
GEORGE HORACE LORIMER 
For the National Security League 
Autocracy is government by the worst elements at th'.! bottom. They differ in that autocracy is organized hell and Bolshevism hell let loose. Neither can stand up long before Democracy. When the ark of God was brought by the Philistines into the temple of the false god, "Only the stump of Dagon was left tn him." 
If this war has been fought to the end of delivering Europe over to the Bolsheviki, it has been fought invain. Instead of freeing the souls of men we shall have loosed the beast in them. The Allies have won the first world war and they will win this second one. 
Until they do the fight to make the world safe for Democracy is only half finished. 
The foul crew that has been in control of Russia-one cannot say of the Russian Government, because there is none-are not content with anarchy at home; they would put the torch to the world. Their agents are everywhere among the ignorant, the sapheaded and the vicious, working for world anarchy. 
What are we going to do about it here in America? Are we going to permit a few hundred thousand, largely foreign born, the rest almost wholly selfish, insincere qr self-deceived, to mislead the simple-minded and the ignorant? Are we going to welcome every Russian, German and Austrian Red who wants to come over here to sow discord and reap dollars? And how long shall we tolerate those who have sought sanctuary here, only to vilify the host under whose roof they have found safety and at whose table they have grown sleek and fat? Along with these there is a silly lot of Americans-ґsome of a peculiar and not uncommon professor-type of mind that takes home any theory it' can play on the pianola; others are selfґstyled "intellectuals," who have inherited money or have made it in any way except the one they urge on the rest of us for the good of our souls-little tin-horn Berpard Shaws without that great man's brain and heart. They are of course, a joke and could be laughed aside, were it not for the American habit of accepting a man's apґpraisal of himself. A faker has only to play the banjo on a soap box, or in a solemn periodical, ballyhoo his panacea for world ills, and the crowd will gape and pay to dose itself with his nostrum. 
For a century America was the sanctuary of the oppressed; latґterly it has been the sanctuary of too many would-be oppressors. But now the people of Eastern and Central Europe are rid of their old autocrats. They are free to make an America at home. If they choose to set up new autocrats, to make a mess of their own affairs, must we submit to their imposing autocrats on us, to their making a mess of our affairs too? Must we stand by idly and let them put the torch to a world that is now as closely built together as a city block? Bolshevism is as much the business of Democrats as Kaiserґism. It, too, must be decisively settled. 
Two-thirds of our troubles in America are imported. Shall we keep on importing them? From our silly system of smart society, taken from European capitals with their class distinctions and monґarchical traditions, down to our bogus Socialism, made in Germany and Russia as a panacea for conditions that were utterly foreign to America until indiscriminate immigration planted them in a few plague spots in our great cities our worries are due to our careґlessness as to who and what" comes to America. 
This whole business of immigration, both of ideas and men, needs revision. Why keep out anthrax and smallpox and admit rabies freely? We need an influx of labor to keep our factories going and 
University of Texas Bulletin 
to expand our commerce, is the usual answer. Not that kind of labor-nor any kind of labor that we cannot pay well and that is not good material for citizenship. For what shall it profit us to have all the commerce of the world if in the end we blow up in one grand Bolshevik bust? It might be better business to go just a little slower, to educate what unassimilated labor we have into American citizenship. 
So in planning our new list of imports let us include only desirґables. In planning our new list of exports let us head it with unґdesirables. Under our laws we send rotten food to the dump beґcause it is a menace to health. Rotten men, who are poisoning America with rotten propaganda, belong there too. Why do they linger here when in Russia they can live the ideal that they preach? Utopia yawns for them. Make them go to it. We do not want them. America for Americans and men who want to be Americans. 
THE MAN IN GRAY 
A response by
. 

HENRY WATTERSON 
To the toast, "Our Coming Guest-the Man in Gray," annual banquet of the First Christian Church in Louisville, January 22, 1901 
I am asked to say something about "our coming guest--the man in gray." There is not so many of him now as there was; but, few or many, he shall find such welcome, when he gets here, as the waves found when the navies were stranded. He is not as young as he was; and therefore we shall not wait for him to discover the latch-string that hangs outside the door, but shall set picket-lines of greeting and acclaim even from the redoubts of the Reservoir to the oven-pits of Fountain Ferry-so that none may escape-and, if need be, we may send forth reconnoitring parties to scour the woods and to bring him into camp. 
He will come, this man in gray, a little bent by years, it may be, but erect in the consciousness of his own integrity. He will come, on crutches it may be, but asking nothing except the recognition of the rectitude of his intentions and the disinterestedness of his serґvice. The drum-beat to arms-the bugle-call to battle-are but echoes of a past that lies behind him; shared equally with him by those who foeght against him; to live again in their children and their children's children forever united beneath the flag of their country. We have had the supreme felicity of entertaining here the Grand Army of the Republic. We shall not soon forget the outpouring of enthusiasm upon the memorable and joyous occasion. The coming of the man in gray will be no less memorable and no 
less joyous; for it will bring with it the same outpouring of popular and patriotic sentiment; the same profuse display of hunting, the bonny blue flag entwined in the folds of the red, while, and blue; the same delightful din of martial and national music, the strains of "Dixie" and "Marching Through Georgia," making counterpoints 
Ї upon the pealing anthem of "The Star-Spangled Banner," and blazґing in all hearts and over every threshold those stirring words dear equally to Southern and to Northern men: 
"The Union of lakes, the Union of lands, The Union of States none can sever; The Union of Hearts, the Union of hands, And the flag of our Union forever!" 
DEMOCRACY AND PERSONALITY 
From an address by 
REV. WILLIAM M. GROSVENOR 
Before the New England Society, of New York City, 
December 22, 1920 

Through all historical movements the individual with his personal rights, his passion to be himself, his conscience and will, has perґsisted. All through the past the righteous have been forever needed, and I do not for a single moment believe that any form of governґment, be it pure democracy or socialism will ever be strong enough to suppress or destroy the strong man. The democracy of the future will demand more and more equality before law, with equality of opportunity. The whole brotherhood will live and let live, making juster laws. But nothing under Heaven can destroy personality. Socialism cannot do it, and socialism rightly understood does not seek to do it. Labor unions, corporations, trade conditions cannot do it, and if any scheme of government tries to do it, it will split upon that rock. 
A thousand years from now when the race has been educated, and Christ, so merciful and so valiant, really rules the world, the voice of the people will be the voice of God, but meanwhile the majority is sometimes right and sometimes wrong. Human nature is full of passion, uncontrolled emotions, hot-headed. Out of French Revolutions, they seek freedom, come Napoleons and Empires. Why is it that we have so little respect for politicians? To serve the state is the noblest thing a man can do and yet we sneer at it and despise it. It is caused by our truckling for votes, by the fear of the majority, by listening to the sound that comes along the ground and out of the ground and never rises above the ground. It is caused by our subserviency to party. Coke of Norfolk once 
University of Texas Bulletin 
said of the Parliament of his day that if "Ministers were to hold up , a hat in the house and declare it to be a green bag, up would come a procession of placemen and vote that it was a bag and not a hat." 
But the serious thing is this, whether the Sons of New England really care about the independence and the personal freedom in which their forefathers gloried. Some of us are smothered with luxury. All we want is to get behind the wall and escape the hurricane of flying dust. Thank God then that there are some of us who do care for a few things, for which we will fight. We will still fight for the right to conduct our own personal affairs and our honest and legitimate business according to our conscience and not according to the dictation of trusts and labor unions. We must fight for our right to work for whom we please and for as much as we can get without being murdered. We must fight for the Constitution with its checks and balances, the bulwark of our freedom. We must fight to keep Church and State forever sepґarated. We must fight for our public schools against the machinaґtions, of an Italian hierarchy that is today endeavoring to underґmine and destroy them. We must fight for our public schools against the machinations of an Italian hierarchy that it today enґdeavoring to undermine and destroy them. We must fight for Christian marriage and the sanctities and unities of, our homes. We must fight for toleration, for the weak against the strong, for simple honesty, for the Ten Connandments. We must fight for straight Anglo-Saxon thinking and bold bluff honest action. We must fight to be ourselves in the midst of the false standards and the confusing moralities of our social and business life. We must learn to hold our own in the teeth of fierce passions, and to rouse ourselves from the enervating atmosphere of weak complaisance. We must get higher standards for our conscience, with a will of iron and a heart alert and strong and free. We must meet our crisis in life as Luther met his, "Here stand I, I can none other." 
CITIZENSHIP CLUBS FOR COMING CITIZENS 
From an article by 
HENRY E. JACKSON, 
President of the National Community Board In The Rotarian for September, 1921 
In an age of inventive genius like ours it is entirely possible for an aviator from a distant land to fly across the United States on a non-stop flight. It is also possible that he may develop engine trouble. If so-let us see what might happen. 
He lands. Where? In Jonesville, or in any district of about 
2,500 citizens, which is one of the units making up America in city, town or country-side. Indeed, it may be where you happen to be living, in the very place you call your home. 
This unexpected visitor is lost. After disentangling himself from his disabled machine, you are the first citizen he meets. His first. question is: 
"Where am I?" 
You answer proudly: 
"You are in Jonesville; you are in America," and it would be strange if you did not add, "the best country you'll ever strike, I don't care where you go! Yes, sir, this is America"-or the United 
States of America-to be exact, and also a little more modest. 
"America?" he exclaims in a tone of expectant joy. 
"America!Ї Well, I have heard a lot about America. This is indeed an unlooked for pleasure, and while I'm here I'll just use this chance to gather some information at first hand." 
"Since this to be my only stop in your country, I shall be comґpelled to assume that Jonesville is a typical community, a cr'1ss section of your nation, America in miniature. I must base my imґpression on what I see here. Show me, please, what institutions you have in operation that will give me correct information about American ideals." 
Would such a question embarass you? It probably would. Courteously attempting to relieve your embarrassment he suggests an activity which he is sure you must have. 
"In a country like yours," he says, "where the average man and now the average woman decide public policies and elect public officials, I assume you must have a special training course to ec;uip young men and women for this high and difficult task. Your Pxperiґment in democratic government is in danger without such an activity and I assume, of course, that you have it. Please Jet me see it in operation." 
Would this thoughtful suggestion relieve or increase your emґbarrassment? Increase it, of course, for you have made no serious attempt to meet this obvious need. 
Such an activity glares by its absence, but it is a sign of hope that we have now begun to talk about it. Mark Twain said there was a great deal of talk about the weather, but he noticed that nobody ever did anything about it. 
All great movements begin to talk and lately we have begun to talk about citizenship training. The recent war stabbed us awake to its necessity. It was a startling discovery when we learned that thousands of native-born American young men, after they were drafted into the Army were unable even to read the orders. This was humiliating for a country that boasts of its free, popular eduґcation. 
It is well that we have begun to talk about it, but we do not 
University of Texas Bulletin 
propose to end with talk. A practical, popular plan has been devised for meeting this need. It is called the Citizenship Club Movement. It is based upon an obvious, simple principle, but the obvious is usually the last thing discovered. The principle is that education is a process of self-activity. 
It is clear that one of the biggest achievements of this moveґment win be to assist young people to make the discovery that the best way to serve the nation is to enlist in the community building enterprise in "Jonesville"; that "their America" lies in their own home community or it lies nowhere. 
If America does not operate in the small units of which it is composed, it cannot operate at all. 
There is no discovery which the nation's youth so seriously needs to make. They are afflicted with a disastrous tendency to leave their native village or countryside under the delusion that their hapґpiness and usefulness lie in New York or Chicago. 
They are not to be blamed more than others. The present general unrest justifies Ruskin's cutting epigram, that our two objects in life are, "Whatever we have, to get more; wherever we are, to go somewhere else." 
To open up a door of opportunity for coming citizens just where they are; to give them a fair chance in the race of life; to help them romanticise the commonplace; to discover America in Jonesґville,-this is one of the chief aims of the Citizenship Club moveґment. 
AM I A GOOD CITIZEN? 
MEREDITH NICHOLSON 
"Keep out of politics!?" is a warning given constantly to young men who show an inclination to interest themselves in public affairs. The civic standard is low in any community where a reputable citizen who seeks office encounters suspicion, reproach, or obloquy. The full powers confided to the people pre-suppose the participation of all citiZens in the business of government. 
Every citizen is "in" politics. The Constitution of the United States puts him there, and his conscience grants no exemptions. 
have heard men boast that they never perform jury service, or that they have a "pull" than gains them some other immunity. A corruptible public official finds his job unprofitable unless he is able to enter into partnership with another bad citizen. Ї 
If I am more concerned with my privileges and immunities than with my duties, I am skidding; I am on the way to becoming a bad citizen. If I neglect to vote because it is inconvenient to meet that obligation, or I assume that my neighbors will protect me wi.th their ballots, I am a dodger and a slacker. 
Blind confidence in government by good luck is bound to bring disaster. The constant vigilance and intelligent action of all the people is essential to enlightened, capable government. 
Am I a good citizen? is the first question in the American cateґchism. Government is a complete business, but citizenship may be reduced to three essentials understanding, loyalty, and service. 
This morning I saw a boy scout walk to the middle of the street, pick up a piece of paper, and deposit it in the litter-box at the next corner. He didn't have to do that; it was my business quite as much as his. That lad exemplified the good citizenship that is always _on the job. 
In the rebuilding of the wall of Jerusalem, every man labored "over against his house." In like manner, an American citizen's duty to his country is imediate and personal, and lies at his own door. 
When I say to myself, "I hold an inalienable partnership in this nation; its prosperity and happiness rest with me,'' then I have caught the spirit of true Americanism. Then indeed I am a worthy citizen of this mighty republic and a contributor to the forces that make of its perpetuity. 
THE MAN AMERICA NEEDS 
RALPH WALDO EMERSON 
From an address delivered in Boston in 1878. 
Let the passion for America cast out the passion for Europe. Here let there be what the earth waits for,-exalted manhood. What this country longs for is personalities, grand persons, to counґteract its materialities. For it is the rule of the universe that corn shall serve man, and not man corn. 
They who find America insipid, they for whom London and Paris have spoiled their own homes, can be spared to return to those cities. I not only see a career at home for more genius than we have, but far more than there is in the world. 
The class of which I speak make themselves merry without duties. They sit in decorated club-houses in the tities, and burn tobacco and play whist; in the country they sit idle in stores and bar-rooms, and burn tobacco, and gossip and sleep. They complain of the flatґness of American life; "America has no illusions, no romance." They have no perception of its destiny. They are not Al"iericans. 
The felon is the logical extreme of the epicure and coxromb. Selfish luxury is the end of both, though in one it is decorated with rf>f.nements, and in the other brutal. But my point nov: is, that thfr spirit is not American. 
'78 University of Texas Bulletin 
Our young men Jack idealism .. A man for success must not be pure idealist, then he will practically fail; but he must have ideas, must obey ideas, or he might as well be the horse he rides on. A man does not want to be sun-dazzled, sun-blind; but every man must have glimmer enough to keep him from knocking his head against the walls. And it is in the interest of civilization and good society and friendship, that I dread to hear of well-born, gifted and amiable men, that they have this indifference, disposing them to this despair. 
Of no use are the men who study to do exactly as Їwas done beґfore, who can never understand that today is a new day. There Їnever was such a combination as this of ours, and the rules to meet it are not set down in any history. We want men of original perception and original action, who can open their eyes wider than to a nationality,-namely,, to considerations of benefit to the human race,-can act in the interest of civilization; men of elastic, men of moral mind, who can live in the moment and take a step forward. ЇColumbus was no backward-creeping crab, nor was Martin Luther, nor John Adams, nor Patrich Henry, nor Thomas Jefferson and the Genius or Destiny of America is no Jog or sluggard, but a man inґ-cessantly advancing, as the shadow on the dial's face, or the heavenґly body by whose light it is marked. 
ECONOMIC LIBERALISM IN ITS FUNDAMENTAL 
FEATURES CAN NOT BE ABANDONED 

By 

DAVID KINLEY, 
President of the University of Illinois 
The notion so frequently expressed in the literature of the social Їsciences that the present economic and social order has broken away from the past is, in my opinion, incorrect. We are told that the Їgroup, whether under the name of society or state, must step in 11.nd exercise its functions in a larger field, even invading multituґdinous details of daily life. Those who hold this view of the nature 
of society and the state insist that the era of what they call "indiґvidualism" has passed, that a society based on individual libe11ty is out of date. 
The system of economic liberalism in its fundamental features cannot be abandoned. It has become an enduring part of our civiґlization and our philosophy of life. It has promoted liberty and welfare, initiative and perseverence, industry and success, wealth and culture, an abundance that has relieved poverty, has exploited to human benefit the resources of nature more abundantly than ever before, has enlarged knowledge, has provided for the possibility of .a greatly increased population and generally has uplifted the life -0f mankind. 
I do not understand how there can be improvement in the welґfare of society excepting in the sense that there is improvement in the welfare of individual men and women. High character, trained intelligence, self-reliance, initiative, knowledge and skill in wrestling with the forces of nature and applying them to his useґthese constitute the motive power whereby man makes his condition better. The other view, it seems to me is enervating. It saps initiative, destroys self-reliance, and leads individuals to think that knowledge and effort on their part are not necessary. They learn to look to the state, to society for many things that they should do themselves. 
THE VALUE OF A BACKGROUND 
From an address by 
REV. JOHN KELMAN 
Before the New England Society of New York City, 
December 22, 1920 

The first thing that appeals to me in the whole history of the 
Pilgrim Fathers is that it is the inevitable background of all subґ11equent American history. The foreground which is so familiar to us all is apt to become interesting in its own right, and we need to remember that the background is necessary for all true understanding of the foreground. Nay, it is hardly too much to say that the background counts for actually more than the foreґground itself does, and that we must live to-day and to-morrow in the light of yesterday. In all matters of education this is a familiar truth. The French psychologist Perez has told us that the first four years of childhood count for more in the education of a man than all the subsequent years of his course; and everybody knows how different the student's life is to the last day of it, according to his mastery or failure to master the rudiments of his subjects in the beginning. This is very clearly seen in regard to such matters as style in literature, elegance in manners and good taste in speech or address. These things can hardly be learned. They are what one might call the aristocratic inheritance of a nation. ЇThey are determined by what has become a hereditary instinct which distinguishes infallibly the best from the second best without reasons given. The same is true of morals and standards of moral -conduct. Ruskin has told us that taste is morality, and it is a most valuable as well as a most striking canon. You cannot judge the morals of any nation fairly by taking account merely of what 
University of Texas Bulletin 
they do and approve. You must relate their actions and approvals 
to the traditional point of view, the national codes of honor and 
morality which are the background of their virtues and their vices. 
One may quote the striking words of Francis Bacon in this conЇ 
nection: "As in arts and sciences the first foundation is of more 
consequence than all the improvement afterwards; so in kingdoms 
the first foundation or plantation is of more noble dignity and 
merit than all that Їfolloweth." If this be so, it will be seen that 
"the background" is a thing not to be Jived upon but to be Jived 
up to, and it is with this that I begin my talk to-night, for such as 
this is your pilgrim inheritance. 
One of the most striking facts in connection with our background 
inheritances is that which is technically called the throw back. When history arrives at any great crisis it always throws men back to the really fundamental principles upon which they live. So surely is this the case that that upon which he throws back in a crisis may be taken as an infallible test of the essential character of either a man or a nation. Now the Great War had its instances of throw back. England was swept clean past the recent years of luxury to an older hardihood: Italy past centuries of fine art to the Roman days of fighting valor: America to the Puritans and the Mayflower. "America looks back to them as the pioneers whose ideals and moral standards are dominant still in the common law the conscience of the people." Yes, mainly in the conscience of the people. Everybody knows how the young life of America found conscience in those great days when first she entered the war. Sometimes it had been a crude and primitive and uneducated conscience. Yet it was conscience to which you resorted then; and it was ideals, noble as any that have ever guided men across Їthe sea, that led your sons eastward. Indeed the two voyages are forever bound together in one, and those ideals and that conscience flung you back upon your pilgrim inheritance and proclaimed to yourselves and to the world that the best elements of Puritanism 
are in the heart of America still. 
WASTING BILLIONS IN SMOKE 
S. W. STRAUS 
In The Forum of April, 1921 

Prodigious examples of waste have been by no means unusual in this country. Vast empires of waste land lie within our borders. Our great rivers and smaller streams are vibrant with potential water-power which could be used to advantage in lowering proґduction costs and conserving our supply of coal and petroleum.. 
Our annual wastage of food products through inefficient marketing arrangements is beyond calculation. According to a recent stateґment by the Bureau of Mines, our annual waste of fuel oil is 41,000,000 barrels, or about 25 per cent of the total amount conґsumed. During the war the Oil Conservation Bureau estimated that our annual losses of petroleum products and natural gas apґproximated $1,000,000,000 a year. 
One of the most distressing instances of our general inefficiency and lack of thrift is included in the appalling wast and destruction through smoke. When we observe black clouds pouring from the smokestacks and chimneys of our great industrial plants we do not realize that these apparent symbols of business progress mean a direct waste of $1,000,000,000 a year, and a loss through damage of twice that figure. In brief, according to recent reliable statistics we are sending up $3,000,000,000 in smoke every _year, which means an average personal loss of about $30 to each of us. These losses consist of ammonia, phosphate, benzol, tar and gas, which are turned loose in the air with the consequent damage to health and property. This fabulous waste and damage is due both to improper mining methods and inefficient systems of firing. 
It is an economic axiom that one waste begets another. Thus ґour enormous waste of fuel means an added load for our overґburdened transportation facilities, inadequate and inefficient facilґities for carrying food to market means lack of supply and higher prices in the markets of the large cities, while these sanie food supplies are going to waste in the rural places, thus imposing a hardship on the city buyer and the country producer of farm and garden materials. 
Lack of thrift in one place means loss and inefficiency in another 
and all of us must share the burden. The $3,000,000,000 which 
goes up in smoke rloes not tell the entire story of these losses. 
But what is needed more than anything else is a great public 
awakening to the need of thrift. We are prone to regard this 
virtue as one which means mere penny saving. To many of us 
think of it as a form of tight-fistedness. What thrift really means 
is the elimination of waste. We save money only when we cease 
to be wasteful. We gain time and make progress when we eliminate 
idleness, and become efficient as we are able to eliminate the waste 
of useless energy. Industry will attain its utmost efficiency and 
perform its part in the development of civilization to the highest 
extent when all forms of waste are eliminated. 
As a nation we shall become thrifty only as we study and underґ
stand thrift and apply it to our daily lives. Above all things else 
we should see that its principles are taught in our schools, so that 
coming generations shall receive the benefit of its wholesome 
influence. The statistician's grim figures of waste and loss through 
University of Texas Bulletin 
thriftlessness in this country will prove of no avail unless we are willing to discuss remedies in terms of education. 
Business and industry can do much in working out their problems and in stopping the leaks, but what is needed primarily is a nation of thrift practitioners. This can come only through the process of education. Among America's most vital needs today, I should place none as more urgent than the teaching of thrift in the schools. 
LIBERTY AND LAW 
By 
JAMES A. MOYER 
Director of the Division of University Extension, Massachusetts Department of Education 
The foundation of all true Americanism is liberty. We are proud of being free men and free women; we resent it if any person or any nation interferes with our freedom. But it is now nearly a hundred and fifty years since our government was founded on the principle of liberty; and this month, in which we celebrate the anniversary of our independence, it is good for us to be re. minded what true liberty means. 
On a large railroad, hundreds of trains are run each day. Each train is given the right to run over a certain piece of track at a certain time without interference from any other train. That is liberty. 
But in order that those trains may all operate without getting in each other's way, each one of them has to be governed by laws and rules. Frequently those rules are inconvenient from the point of view of one particular train; yet every good railroad man observes them very carefully, for he knows that if the rules were not obeyed, no train could expect to run without being wrecked. In the same way, the liberty of every American depends upon certain laws which prevent others from interfering with him and at the same time prevent him from interfering with others. 
Many of us who fully intend to be first class Americans find it hard to understand that liberty depends on law and that obeying the law does not interfere with liberty. There has long been a tendency on the part of ordinarily respectable citizens to disregard certain laws. As an example, one sometimes hears the prohibition laws ridiculed and made light of by American citizens who are otherwise law-abiding. And in some States lynching has become such a common offense as to attract the attention of papers all over the country. The determined breaking of law in any way is 
a sign of shaky Americanism, and lynching especially violates one 
of the most important liberties guaranteed under the Constitution 
-the right of an accused man to a fair trial. If that right can 
be refused to some citizens, no Am~rican can depend on it for proґ
tection. 
On the other hand, some laws that are enacted by no means 
receive the approval of everyone, even though they are intended 
to be for the best interest of the general public. A recent magazine 
article points out that certain automobile laws are unjust and that 
others are enforced Їin such a way that the most respectable citizen 
runs the risk of being brought into court for an offense which he 
does not know he has committed. Such laws ought to be corrected, 
but they ought to be corrected by lawful methods. If laws are 
clearly unwise, it is our duty as good citizens to work, through 
public opinion, to have them corrected or abolished. Laws can be 
changed; they must not be broken. 
GEORGE WASHINGTON AND PRESENT AMERICAN PROBLEMS 
From an address by 
ALBERT J. BEVERIDGE 
At the annual meeting of the Sons of the Revolution of New York 
Cityr February 22, 1921 

The most important event in merely human history was the 
founding of the American Nation. The highest privilege ever enґ. joyed by merely human beings is the privilege that is ours of preґserving the American Nation-preserving its spiritually as well as in form, in meaning and purpose as well as in name and outward 
seeming. 
From the landing the of the "Mayflower," the American Nation 
was inevitable. The Revolution was not merely a peevish incident, 
due to pique at British imperial policy; it was the result of proґ
found, irresistible forces that made for a separate, independent 
and distinctive nation of free men and women working out a 
scheme of ordered liberty, absolutely new to mankind. 
Less than two years after Washington took command, the British 
Government was eager to stop the war on any terms, excepting 
only American independence. To passionate appeals to thus end 
the war, the only answer made by that captain of our fate was the 
thunder of American cannon at Monmouth. So, at last, came the 
American Nation. 
The military part of his work finished, Washington became the 
supreme law-giver of his liberated country. At the summit of his 
University of Texas Bulletin 
career, standing on the ultimate heights of experience-tested wisґ
dom, the most august human figure of all time, "alone and unґ
approachable like a snow-clad peak rising above its fellows in the 
clear aid of morning," Washington gave for the eternal guidance 
of the Republic the most practical and prophetic chart of national 
conduct ever drawn by the sagacity and prevision of man-the 
immortal Farewell Address. The Mayflower Compact, the Declaґ
ration, the Constitution, the Farewell Address-these are the masґ
sive and solid corner-stones on which the American people nave 
builded their national well-being and security. Ї 
The Farewell Address states not only the final judgment of 
washington, but also the settled opinion of every one of that comґ
pany of statesmen who, by his side, strove to establish our Republic 
and to make it imperishable-a group of statesmen the like of 
which the world never before saw or since has seen in a single 
country at a single time. Moreover, Washington's final advice to 
America was the only policy on which all these unrivaled masters 
of statecraft ever agreed; on other questions they sharply divided 
-on this, and on this alone, all of them were in complete and miliґ
tant accord. No such unanimity of judgment ever before or since, 
in any country or at any time, concluded the prolonged deliberations 
of the councils of the wise-for the Farewell Address was the reґ
sult of almost continuous consultation for nearly four years, at a 
period not unlike that from which the world is now emerging. 
The heart of this Decalogue of Americanism is friendship for all nations, alliance with none. The united conclusion of the founders of the American Republic was, to quote Washington's exact words, that " by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe," we will "entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of Euroґpean ambitions, rivalship, interest, humor and caprice." -From their own bitter experience and humiliating disillusionment, the Ї Fathers, through Washington, warned us against "the insidious wiles of foreign influence" and "the impostures of pretended paЇ 
triotism." 
At this very moment, more than ever before, foreign propaganda 
is busy among. us; and with a skill, cunning and resourcefulness 
born of vast experience and observations. At no time since Yorkґ
town has Washington's previsions been more justified by events than 
it is today. At no time have we more needed to heed his warning 
against what he termed "passionate attachments" for some nations 
ana "inveterate antipathies" to others. 
No man, no nation can fully live without the purifying and vitalizing power of a great ideal. Such an ideal cannot spring from unsubstantial fancy, can not be born of artifice, is never the child of hate. It can only come from the heart of nature, only from fundamental circumstances, only from a just conception of that man or nation's true mission in the world. How is it with 
-America? Her people came from many countries, and are blood relatives of many nations. They occupy a continent midways beґtween Europe and Asia, a situation perfect either for peaceful intercourse or for defensive war. Nature and Providence have placed us on the throne of the world, beyond an above the jealousies, hatreds and ambitions of ancient peoples, if only we will not cast into boiling and poisonous foreign cauldrons the gifts of God. 
Our divinely appointed task is, therefore, to create a new race among mankind-a race compounded of the most virile human eleґments of the old world-a distinctive race, akin to the people of every other nation, yet. unlike those of any other nation-a race that shall be known to the world and to history as exclusively American. Our divinely ordained mission is to develop and exerґcise, by friendship with all and partnership with none, a moral influence circling the globe, and impossible to any other human power that ever existed or can exist. 
So our ideal is America-America the impartial and the just; America the beneficient and the free; America the righteous and the wise; America as planned by our fathers and to be perfected by our children; America the mightiest force for good that ever was or is or will be throughout the earth; America, "among the nations bright beyond compare," our only passion and our only love; the America beheld in the exalted and pray God, the prophetic vision of George Washington. 
AMERICANSKI 
From an editorial in The Saturday Evening Post of May 14, 1921 
Americanization talk is futile unless we are willing to face the facts and apply the remedy, instead of playing with palliatives. The remedy is the stoppage of all immigration until we can get the immediate problem in hand; and then its rigid limitation to selected individuals from those races that are fitted biologically for assimilation. Americanization is only secondarily a social proґcess; primarily it is a biological problem. It must begin in Europe with a weeding out of those who will not or cannot be Americanized. 
For some years past we have not been Americanizing a large part of our immigrants; they have been Europeanizing us. We have been Teutonized, Slavicized, Orientalized, mongrelized, terґrorized and sentimentalized. And we have been getting the poorest and not the best even of those races that we find it hardest to asґsimilate, admirable though many of these races are when they are living in their own environment and developing under their own institutions. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
Anyone who will walk the streets of New York and Chiґcago with open eyes and listening ears will understand what is happening to America, to Americans to American standards and American ideals. 
Ї In spite of the evidence on every side, sentimentalists still picture Uncle Sam as a clever chef who can take a handful of foreign scraps, a sprig of Americanism and a clove of democracy, and skillfully blend the mess into something fine and desirable. Superficially, of course, America is doing much for these latter day immigrants, but it is not making the major part of them into Americans. A change of air, of scene and of job cannot change the fundamental facts of heredity, and it .is on these that a race is built. Race character is as fixed a fact as race color, and it is modified and changed only through slow generations. In the half-breed, the mestizo and the Eurasian, the vices of the pure bloods are usually accentuated and their virtues subordinated. And the cross of European oppression with American liberty begets in too many cases a dangerous license of thought and action. 
We are betraying America and our children for thirty pieces of inflated currency. Beneath all the pleas advanced for unґrestricted immigration-pleas that do credit alike to the softness of the hearts and the heads of many of those who voice themґthere are two real reasons why we are letting the alien flood submerge America. The first is the hoggishness of those men who hope to become richer still by exploiting and exhausting our resources with cheap labor and who are blind or indifferent to the revolutionary pests that they are importing with this infected stock and to the rights of the generations that will come after them. In reaching for the last dollar, they are jeopardizing all that they have and gutting the future of America. No man ever gets the last dollar. And then there are those foreign groups who want to see their races strengthened and ever more dominant in American affairs, not as Americans, but as Germans, say, to pick the most recent demonstration of this ambition. 
Some day America wiTI wake up to the fact that "development" as it is being permitted and encouraged is the great national curse instead of a great national blessing. It is providing the next genґeration with good cause for cursing. For we are fatuously strengthґening the levee here and there with a few sandbags of Americanґization, while we complacently watch the whole river rush through a mile-wide crevasse. 
Americans were not fused into one breed in the melting potґin the factories and the slums. They were one breed, though from many countries, made one people by their viking adventuring across the seas and their long fight together in the wilderness. They were bound into brotherhood by their common aspiration for a home, a church, and a government that would express their right 
Selections on American Citizenship 
to have and to hold what they made by their labor; to worship a~ they pleased; and to govern themselves as a sovereign people. Neither the divine right of kings nor the divine right of the proleґtariat came over with the old stock. The same kind of brains that once held the first idea now proclaims the second. The trouble with our Americanization program is that a . large part of .our reґcent immigrants can never become Americans. They will always be Americanski-near-Americans with un-American ideas and ideals. 
THE PILGRIM SPIRIT 
HOWARD C. ROBBINS 
The concluding part of the sixteenth annual sermon to the members of the New England Society, New York City, December 19, 1915 
Vision first; then duty; then great and liberating adventure. It is the story of the Pilgrims. It is the story of New England when the puritanism which at first had made life hard and bitter ripened into fruitfulness; when the New England conscience, which had long known God, discovered that man is made in God's image; when Boston, which is "not a place but a state of mind," paid its taxes to Great Britain by pouring British tea into its harbor, then struck off for itself and for America the shackles of a despotic orthodoxy, and finally delivered the first keen and telling blows at the root of the tree whose deadly growth was poisoning American life: the Upas tree of slavery. 
My beloved adventurer, these things are written for our admoґnition. We cannot have the fruit without the seed. We cannot ourselves enjoy, or transmit to those who shall come after us, freedom worthy of the name, unless it has as its origin, belief in God, as its environment, an austere and noble sense of duty, and as its manifestation, an adventurous spirit, which is the creative element in human life. "The unventuresome society," says the Bishop of the Philippine Islands, Canadian by birth, but a New Englander by grace and by adoption, "the unventuresome society, be its lineage never so high, its doctrine never so pure, its morals never so blameless, is doomed to a weak pulse and a languishing existence in proportion as it obscures or mutilates the missionary vision." This is a true saying, and contains a needed warning. New England cannot rest upon its past, nor we upon the achieveґments of our fathers. New days bring new responsibilities, and the responsibilities of the present day are quite as heavy as any with which previous years were laden. 
Against one peril we need all to be on guard, and that is the peril of materialism. It would be a sad commentary upon the 
University of Texas Bulletin 
spirit of our people if the slogan "Safety First" were found to represent it truly; if selfishness were to obscure or mutilate the missionary vision; if, instead of bending our best thought and will to the devising of succor and relief for others, we were to be exclusively and greedily occupied with plans for taking full advanґtage of their necessities. "He that saveth his life shall lose it," as the Savior has dedared, and the saying is true of the honor of . men, of the safety of commonwealths, of the might of nations. "Nations and individuals," William Ellery Channing has said, "are subjected to one law. The moral principle is the life of communiґties. The first duty of a statesman is to build up the moral energy of a people. By its moderation, sincerity, uprightness, and pacific spirit toward foreign states, by abstaining from secret arts and unfair advantages, by cultivating free and mutually beneficial interґcourse, government should cherish among its citizens the ennobling consciousness of belonging to the human family, and of having a common interest with the whole human race. Government only fulfills its end when it thus joins with Christianity in inculcating the law of universal love." 
DEFLATING THE TAXGATHERER 
From an editorial in The Saturday Evening Post, May 21, 1921 
The most urgent problem before the country to-day, excepting only immigration, is the deflation of the tax-gatherer-Congress, State Legislature and City Council. There can be no final deflation of anything, no settled prosperity, no return to the "normalcy" of which we have been hearing so much in political speeches, until this is accomplished. But at present the thought of our legislators largely runs to changing methods of taxation and to tapping new sources of revenue instead of to cutting down expenditures. 
Any sincere attempt to get together with the other powers on the question of world peace would result in much larger savings. We are being told every day by American leaders and financiers, by European statesmen and international bankers, that Europe is looking to America for leadership; that we can be a dominant inґfluence in world affairs and policies if we will; that the other powers, in return for our help in their present dilemma, are preґpared to join us, as the richest and in some ways the most powerґful nation in the world, in any constructive world program that we may formulate. If that is true, why do we not use our influence to bring about peace and so to curtail the military expenditures that are ruining the world? We can do more for Europe, more for ourselves, more to rehabilitate the world morally and finanґcially by initiating a peace program than in any other way. Either we have none of th~ influence, the standing, the power with which we are credited or we are deliberately squandering billions and betraying humanity in not taking the initiative in an effort to minimize the possibilty of war. 
Since the beginning of the World War legislators in almost every branch of government have been running hog-wild, taxing and spending, spending and taxing; and all of it except the small change more than ninety per cent of it, to be exact-is going for old wars, the World War and future wars. Farm taxes, city taxes, income taxes, inheritance taxes, taxes on Jiving and on dying, taxes on pleasure and on pain, taxes on eating and on drinking, old taxes boosted while men sit up nights to invent new forms of taxationґthat is what we have taken lying down, with half the world bankґrupt and the other half skimping and economizing to make ends meet. 
'Taxation was .once a fighting matter in America; there is even more reason for fighting to-day. The taxgatherer must be deflated, kindly if possible, with an ax if necessary; for no question is more intimately bound up with the liberty of a people than taxation. High taxes mean loose methods and extravagant management, inґcompetent planning and wasteful execution. The penalty for this sort of thing in private business is swift bankruptcy; in the public 
. business of a rich country like America, slow bankruptcy. 
There is a strong sentiment and many able men in this Congres.." who are for the things that the people want-scientific taxation and a great deal less of it; careful spending and a great deal less of that. With the watchdog at their heels to back them up these men will be in an overwhelming majority. 
DANTE'S DREAM OF UNIVERSAL PEACE 
Editorial in The New York Times of October 5, 1921 
At the commemoration of the six hundredth anniversary of Dante's death, Secretary Hughes said felicitously, "He is ours as well as Italy's." It was right that the United States should pay an official honor to the greatest Italian name, to one of the greatest of world names. "It is well to turn back 600 years," said Secretary Hughes, "to "learn once more the lesson that "'moral supremacy is the only one " ' that leaves monuments and not " 'ruins behind it.' " President Harding's letter expressed in gracious phrases the universal spiritual debt to a supreme maker and master. He saluted the creator of the Italian language and literature, the preґcursor of the unification of Italy; "one of the few men who have approached nearest to touch the divinity." 
University of Texas Bulletin 
This is the old Greek conception; the divine, the holy minstrel, like the herald and the king, under the protection of the gods. "In arms, in "his great thoughts, in his noble "moral conceptions," wrote Mr Harding, "he was ever a rebel against wrong; oppression and error." In honoring the most lofty poet, Mr Harding honors not only world literature, Italian literature, Italian nationality, triumphant in our time even beyond Dante's hopes and dreams, but the great moralist, philosopher, theologian, politician, the encycloґpedic compendium of one of the most stirring and fruitful ages of history. One of Dante's sublimest moral conceptions, for whose realization the world still waits, was that of universal peace, the summun bonum. If his plan seem now fantastic, none the less it deserves respect as the long thought of his solitary thinker. To him the Holy Roman Empire, the Emperor, representing the Roman people, sovereigns of the world-the sovereignty conferred by God -was to bring peace to Italy, and not only to end the strife of Guelph and Ghibelline, 'of city against city, of Pope and anti-Pope, but to found and maintain the empire of universal peace. Under the temporal sway of the Emperor, the spiritual sway of the Pope, universay brotherhood was to prevail. 
That generous vision and hundreds of others have faded. At last the incredible fatal potencies of war bringing men's minds to see the necessity of universal peace or something as near like it as is possible. Mr Harding's Washington conference is an attempt to broaden peace and diminish or prevent wars. The League of Nations is a greater, an international, a practical and a working effort for universal peace. The dream of Dante is on its way to become fact. 
NATION BUILDERS 
From an address before the New England Society of New York City, December 22, 1920, by 
FREDERICK H. GILLETT, 
Speaker of the United States House of Representatives 
There has not been, it seems to me, a time since our government was organized when it was so appropriate to deify the Pilgrim Fathers as just now. They were nation builders, and nation builders are what this world needs to-day more than at any time since the middle ages. 
The condition of Europe is chaotic; the great flood of war has washed away boundaries and landmarks and institutions and orderly instincts and traditions; and we now see here and there emerging from its receding waves new and sometimes appalling shapes on which must be built the new civil organization; and we wonder what will be reared to replace the old. Strong and far-seeing nation builders are needed. 
To-day, in the reaction from the war, men are solicitous for their rights but forgetful of their duties. The two are reciprocal--every right gained ought to mean a duty assumed-and it is only when the sense of duty balances the assertion of rights that society is healthy. To-day the duty of work seems largely forgotten, and thought is concentrated on the right to compensation. As a result, there is scant production. 
The lesson in Kipling's last poem applies to us: 
"And though there was plenty of money there 
Was nothing that money would buy 
And the Gods of the Copybook Headings said 
'If you don't work, you die'." 

Those were the Gods of immutable truths whom our forefathers reverenced. 
If those stern forefathers could look down on us tonight, would they be satisfied with their descendants? That they would be amazed at our material success and marvel at the magnificence of the States they had founded, is certain. But to them material success was of secondary importance. What manner of men and women are these descendants, they would ask? Are they as luxury loving as their attire and their banquet indicate, or do they still cling to the fundamental beliefs of their sires? 
And that is not only the question they would ask, but that is the touchstone of our success and our future. Are we too softened by wealth and luxury and self-indulgence to dare suffering a!'ld loss and death if need be, for our ideals? And are those ideals worthy of our ancestry? I believe they are. We still have firmly emґbedded in our Constitution the principles of civil and religious liberty for which they forsook their homes, and as each year and decade and century passes by, these principles gather in the eyes of the descendants of New England an added sanctity, they continuґally give new proof of their wisdom, they receive the veneration due to lengthening years of useful service, and no longer theories but proven and established convictions, they have the homage of our hearts and will receive in every hour of need the service of our lives. And with that assurance, our austere progenitors would be content that they had not only founded a powerful State, but had established there as a permanent contribution to the world's adґvance the principles which they loved and worshipped. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
AMERICA'S NEED OF YOUTH 
From an article by 
JAMES M. BECK 
In The Saturday Evening Post, May 14, 1921 
Go back in imagination to the Virginia House of Burgesses which met in the year 1765. The members were largely lawyers, and none more quick to resent the slightest expression of disloyalty to England's king. The session was drawing to its close; and no member had had sufficient courage to condemn by word or resoґlution the recently enacted Stamp Act. The youngest member of the House was a young lawyer, gaunt, ill-attired, with the cloak of a parson and wig that knew no powder, who had just reached his 29th year. He had not imbibed what Jefferson finely called "the honeyed Mansfieldism of Blackstone," which, as Jefferson added, "had turned the old lawyers from Whigs into Tories," but had drunk deep draughts of liberty from old Coke's comments on Magna Charta. "Alone, unadvised and unassisted," the young lawyer arose and submitted five resolutions, so radical, revolutionary and comprehensive as to cause a thrill of indignation to pervade the Tory body, as though blasphemy against the Lord's anointed had been uttered. Standing erect, with large sweeping gesticulations and a voice of marvelous melody, he supported his resolutions by "torrents of sublime eloquence,'' as one of his auditors said sixty years later. 
Reaching to a climax, he utterred the memorable and daring words, the first challenge of defiance to the British crown, "Caesar had his Brutus, Charles I his Cromwell, and George III--" 
"Treason! Treason!" echoed from every part of the House. 
The orator faltered not for an instant, but rising with the lofty courage and prescience of youth to a loftier attitude he exclaimed: "And George III may profit by their example. If this be treason, make the most of it!" 
It was the forest-born Demosthenes, young Patrick Henry of imґmortal memory. By a majority of one vote the resolutions were carried. It was a triumph of eloquence, great almost beyond preґcedent. Peyton Randolph, the king's attorney-general, angrily swept out of the chamber, crying, "I would have given five hundred guineas for a single vote!" Wythe-destined to be the law preґceptor of those shining lights of the law, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and John Marshall-and other older lawyers opposed the resolutions. They were carried, as Bancroft says, because "Henr)' carried all the young members with him,'' and thus "Virginia gave the signal for the continent." 
Standing on tiptoe and listening with bated breath to his friend's sublime eloquence, anothe.r law student age 22 years, who had drawn his inspiration of freedom from the everlasting hills of Northern Virginia, stood on that great day in the lobby of the House. At 25 he procured by his Summary View of the Rights of America the honor of an attainder by the British Parliament, and at 33 was selected, because his was the masterful pen of his time, to give to mankind in the Declaration of Independence its title deed 
to liberty. Ї 
FROM MARS TO THE MASTER 
From a College Oration 
Yes, from Mars to the Master, from darkness to light, from war to peace, from armament to disarmament. As surely as day follows night this must be our course in Christian evolution. 
National Armament is supreme folly. One nation builds new battleships and increases her army. The example is immediately followed by her neighbor and nothing is gained. Both remain equally equipped for war. If national Їsecurity rested in arms, nations would be more secure today than ever before. But this is not the case. They were never more fearful. 
No more paradoxical statement was ever made than that our national security depends upon armed peace. Armed Peace! When you hear this policy urged, remember that its greatest advocate was the late Emperor William. Armed peace indeed! How long will our nation last at the rate of 92.8 per cent for war and 7.2 per cent for all other functions of government? Armament has not made America great. Our Republic's strength has come from the everlasting principles taught by our schools and churches-7.2 per cent. Think of it! We have millions of acres of desert land to be reclaimed, thousands of miles of roads and waterways to be improved, harbors to be equipped, forests protected, industries safeguarded, asylumed ones to care for, yet we appropriate 92.8 per cent of our public funds for war! 
America, the eyes of the world are turned to your light. You are the moral power among nations. Others may have exceeded in navies and armed power, but yours is the exalted position of moral superiority! Why not place our trust in our moral strength and do an immortal thing? Why not say to the nations, "We are done with centuries of futile war. Let other nations take their course, but America will devote her energies to constructive and creative work. She will cease this grotesque waste of wealth, life and happiness. We believe in the Fatherhood of God, the Brotherhood of Man. We believe in peace. We have discarded our arms. See! our hands carry no weapons. We pledge ourselves to peace because it is right and possible." A risk? Yes, but not nearly so precarious 
University of Texas Bulletin 
as our present policy, which leaves no escape but the fate of nations. gone before. A gamble? Yes, but with centuries of history provґing that war is futile folly, why not turn to another expedient? Why not demonstrate that love is as sure a foundation for a state as for a church, that moral courage can win victories as certainlyґas physical courage, that it is as worth while to suffer to maintain peace as it is to conquer peace? We have proved our courage on the battlefield, why not make a stronger demonstration by daring to disarm in an armed world? It would not be the first time America stood alone and announced to the world a new principle. Ї We came forth with the Monroe Doctrine when we were utterly unable to maintain it by force. From the first days of its enunciґation it has remained unshaken, such is the self-enforcing power ofЇ righteousness. It was proclaimed in the face of a mighty alliance of Europe, yet we had no battleships to protect it, had it been challenged. The Holy Alliance accepted it without hesitation, and no gun has ever been fired in its behalf! 
Once more circumstances have elected us for leadership in the affairs of nations. It is ours to build from the wreckage of this tragedy, the World War-second only to the tragedy of the Crossґa fire whose glory will illuminate posterity, enhancing the radiance that glows around the Cross of the Supreme Gift; a light that will forever hover over the crosses in Flanders' Field, our sacrament. to democracy and peace. 
THE OTHER FELLOW'S RIGHTS 
Written by 
STEWART EDWARD WHITE 
For the National Security League 
The exact opposite of Bolshevism is Americanism. In the exact. ratio with which this country becomes more American, it will become less Bolshevistic. Americanism is a constructive force and Bolshevism is a destructive force. The two are not only antagonisґtic, but they are incapable of occupying the same place at the same time. 
Americanism is like the Grand Canon. It should be taken in at a glance or only after long and exhaustive study. If you cannot stay a month you would better stay only a day. In the former asґpect, then, Americanism is that equality which gives a man his fair opportunity, but without interfering with any other man's rights. It is self-governning individualism of the sort that has absolute full freedom of action in initiative and competition, provided it does not. diminish the other fellow's opportunities. That is the test, the, touchstone of what Їwe like to call true Americanism. 
Bolshevism, in the same birds-eye view does not concern itself in the least with equality of opportunity. It does believe in keeping men "equal" in its way; but it is equality of the dead level where mediocrity is the standard. Th~ leveling of wealth by communization is a small part of it. The leveling of statesmanship, of executivEo activlty, of legitimate ambition, of ordinary management of everyґday affairs is much more serious. Instead of giving every man his chance, the Bolshevists, in the final analysis would give no man any chance at all of becoming anything above-or below-the average set for him by sub-average men. And it would bring that about. i>y cll∙struction, by clearing the ground"-as it says-for a new edifice. 
But Americanism claims that destruction is unwise and unґwise and unnecessary. It would be like tearing down a palace simp'y because it was slightly out of repair in order to erect a row of barracks. 
All that is needed is education, the sort of education that first broadens a man so that he can see all around a subject instead of only up against it. Readin' and writin' and arithmetic, of course, and all of technical that can be used; but beyond that, opposing forces, must be edttcated to know what ;Americanism is-full freedom of action, provided it does not interfere with the other fellow's opportunities. Capital must learn this, and how to do it; a very large and detailed subject in itself. Capital must learn so to conduct Їits business that if labor kicks over the apple cart it will be labor's own apple cart that is kicked over. That is a matter of study and experiment, and must be seriously and thoughtfully considered. Perhaps some form of profit sharing; perhaps some sort of copartnership on a limited basis; perhaps something entirely different. Finding out what it is will be the education we must unґdertake. If a small portion of the energy and ingenuity used in exґpanding trade and industry ruthlessly could be turned to a serious effort at finding out what basically is the matter, the trouble would be soon over. 
And labor must educate itself to analyze what is the matter with 
it. At present it is striking for things it doesn't really want, misinґ
terpreting thus the restlessness of its spirit. Perhaps men, intelligent 
men, get bored doing the same little things too many times for too 
long a period; perhaps the old artisan's interest in the finished 
product has been lost in specialization; perhaps something entirely 
different. Finding out what it is will be the education we must 
undertake. If a small proportion of the real brains and energy 
and ability and thoughtfulness the labor leaders now expend in agiґ
tation and the preparation of offense could be turned to serious 
solution of what basically labor needs to make it their own apple 
cart, the problem would soon be solved. And that again is edu-. 
cation. 
University of Texas Bulletin 
And what all opposing elements must learn is that, from no matґter what point of view you consider it, construction is American, destruction is Bolshevistic. That, in modern days, goes almost enґtire. It may be necessary to remove some old structures to make room for new; but the removal can be accomplished in an orderly and efficient fashion, provided men give their brains to it. There lacks only the realization of the necessity to give brains to it-ґand not merely a half-hearted and resentful attention. That realiґzation is a matter of education. The human mind can solve any such problems once it goes into them seriously. Now is the time to go into them seriously. Capital must give thought; labor must give thought, serious thought, such as would be put on any new industrial problem of production. Labor must find out what it really fundaґmentally wants; capital must better arrange its team work with labor-equality of opportunity and a full freedom of action proґvided it does not interfere with the other man's rights. 
THE MEN TO MAKE A STATE 
GEORGE WASHINGTON DOANE 
The men to make a State must be intelligent men. The right of suffrage is a fearful thing. It calls for wisdom, and discretion, and intelligen.ce, of no ordinary standard. It takes in, at every exercise, the interests of all the nation. Its results reach forward through time into eternity. Its discharge must be accounted for among the dread responsibilities of the great day of judgment. Who will go to it blindly? Who will go to it passionately? Who will go to it as a sycoґphant, a tool, a slave? How many do! These are not the men to make a state. 
The men to make a State must be honest. I do not meal'\ men that would never steal. I do not mean men that would scorn to cheat in making change. I mean men with a single tongue. I mean men that consider always what is right, and do it at whatever cost. I mean men whom no king on earth can buy. Men that are in the market for the highest bidder; men that make politics their trade, and look to office for a living; men that will crawl, where they canґnot climb,-these are not the men to make a state. 
The men to make a State must be brave men. I mean the men that walk with open face and unprotected breast. I mean the men that do, but do not talk. I mean the men that dare to stand alone. I mean the men that are today where they were yesterday, and will be there tomorrow. I mean the men that can stand still and take the storm. I mean the men that are afraid to kill, but not afraid to die. The man that calls hard names and uses threats; the man that stabs, in secret, with his tongue or with his pert; the man that moves a mob to deeds of violence and self-destruction; the man that freely offers his last drop of blood, but never sheds the first,-these are not the men to make a State. 
The men to make a State are made by self-denial. The willow dallies with the water, draws its waves up in continual pulses of refreshment and delight; and is a willow, after all. An acorn has been loosened, some autumnal morning, by a squirrel's foot. It finds a nest in some rude cleft of an old granite rock, where there is scarcely earth to cover it. It knows no shelter, and it feels no shade. It asks no favor, and gives none. It grapples with the rock. It crowds up towards the sun. It is an oak. It has been seventy years an oak. It will be an oak for seven times seventy years; unless you need a man-of-war to thunder at the foe that shows a flag upon the shore, where freemen dwell; and then you take no willow in its daintiness and fracefulness; but that old, hardy, storm-stayed and storm-strengethened oak. So are the men made that will make a state. 
The men to make a State are themselves made by obedience. Obedience is the health of human hearts: obedience to God; obedґience to father and to mother, who are, to children, in the place of God; obedience to teachers and to masters, who are in the place of father and of mother; obedie.nce to spiritual pastors, who are God's ministers; and to the powers that be, which are ordained of God. Obedience is but self-government in action; and he can never govern men who does not govern first himself. Only such men can make a state. 
AT THE GRAVE OF AN UNKNOWN SOLDIER 
From an address by President Harding on Nov. 11, 1921, at the burial in Arlington Cemetery of an unknown soldier who died on the battlefields of F\-ance 
We are met today to pay the impersonal tribute. The name of him whose body lies before us took flight with his imperishable soul. We know not whence he came, but only that his death marks him with the everlasting glory of an American dying for his 
country. 
He might have come from any one of millions of American homes. Some mother gave him in her love and tenderness of her most cherished hopes. Hundreds of mothers are wondering today, findґing a touch of solace in the possibility that the Nation bows in grief over the body of one she bore to live, and die, if need be for the republic. If we give rein to fancy, a score of sympathetic chords are touched for in this body there once glowed the soul of an 
University of Texas Bulletin 
American with the aspirations and ambitions of a citizen who cherished life and its opportunities. He may have been a native or an adopted son; that matters little, because they glorified the same loyalty, they sacrificed alike. 
We do not know his station in life, because from every station came the patriotic response of the five millions. I recall the days of creating armies and the departing of caravans which braved the murderous seas to reach the battle lines for maintained nationality and preserved civilization. The service flag marked mansion and cottage alike, and riches were common to all homes in the conґsciousness of service to country. 
We do not know the eminence of his birth, but we do know the glory of his death. He died for his country, and greater devotion hath no man than this. He died unquestioning, uncomplaining, with faith in his heart, and hope on his lips, that his country should triumph and his civilization survive. As a typical solder of this representative democracy he fought and died, believing in the inґdisputable justice of his country's cause. Conscious of the world's unheaval, appraising the magnitude of a war the like of which had never horrified humanity before, perhaps he believed his to be a service destined to change the tide of human affairs. 
In the death gloom of gas the bursting of shells and the rain of bullets men face more intimately the great God over all, their souls are aflame and consciousness expands and hearts are searched. With the din of battle, the flow of conflict and the supreme trial Qf courage come involuntarily the hurried appraisal of life and the contemplation of death's great mystery. On the threshold of eternity many a soldier, I can well believe, wondered how his ebbing blood would color the stream of human life flowing on after his sacrifice. His patriotism was none less if he craved more than triumph of country; rather, it was greater, if he hoped for a victory for all human kind. Indeed I revere that citizen whose conґfidence in the righteousness of his country inspired belief that its triumph is the victory of humanity. 
This American soldier went forth to battle with no hatred for any people in the world, but hating war and hating the purpose Qf every war for conquest. He cherished our National rights and abhorred the threat of armed domination, and in the maelstrom of destruction and suffering and death he fired his shot for liberation of the captive conscience of the world; in advancing toward his object was somewhere a thought of a world awakened; and we are here to testify undying gratitude and reverence for that thought of a wider freedom. 
On such a question as this, amid such a scene, our thoughts alterґnate between defenders living and defenders dead. A grateful republic will be worthy of them both. Our part is to atone for the losses of heroic dead by making a better republic for the living. 
Ours are lofty resolutions today, as with tribute to the dead we consecrate ourselves to a better order of living. With all my heart I wish we might say to the defenders who survive, to mothers who Їsorrow, to widows and children who mourn, that no such sacrifice 
shall be asked again. 
Standing today on hallowed ground, conscious that all America has halted to share in the tribute of heart and mind and soul to this fellow American, and knowing that the world is noting this expresґsion of the republic's mindfulness, it is fitting to say that this sacrifice and that of the millions dead shall not be in vain. There must be, there shall be, a commanding voice of a conscious civiliґzation against armed warfare. 
As we return this poor clay to its mother soil, garlanded by love and covered with the decorations that only nations can bestow, I Їsense the prayers of our people, of all peoples, that this Armistice Day shall mark the dawn of a new and lasting era of peace on earth, good will among men.