Browsing by Subject "Voting"

Now showing 1 - 12 of 12

(2017-2018) Joint Resolution 7: In Support of The Big XII Voting Challenge
(2018-02-20) Price, Zachary; Springer, Jacob; Barroquillo, Kassie
Best practices for getting out the vote on college campuses
(2011-12) Setzer, Catherine Renee; Jarvis, Sharon E., 1969-; Stroud, Natalie J.
Low voter turnout among America’s youngest voters has been a subject of concern and research. Research has shown that education is closely related to participation, making college campuses are a great place to engage America’s youth in the democratic process. This report outlines best practices of Getting Out the Vote on university campuses, as well as addressing the additional challenges of community colleges.
The brave new world : the social and participatory behaviors of the modern suburban African American
(2011-08) McGowen, Ernest Boyd, III; Philpot, Tasha S.; Shaw, Daron R; Roberts, Brian E; Luskin, Robert C; White, Ismail K
Have steady increases in socioeconomic status (SES) and occupational prestige along with changes in residential context and subsequently social networks necessitated a shift in our understanding of Black political participation and group identity? Specifically, how does the unique political environment facing African-American residents in majority Anglo suburbs attach unique utilities to participation, different from their neighbors or even their own co-ethnics that reside in the central city? I argue that African Americans in majority Anglo areas who expend political resources in the most proximate races will derive a negligible benefit. Further, these citizens’ most proximate residential and social network contexts heighten feelings of minority status. Consequently, I contend this class of Black voters are pushed away from the traditional forms of participation (i.e. voting for the congressman or local school board representative) and towards non-traditional, and more resource costly, forms of group directed participation which also come at much higher utilities.
Constituency cleavages and partisan outcomes in the American state legislatures
(2011-05) Myers, Adam Shalmone; Jones, Bryan D.; Trubowitz, Peter
I focus on three district-level demographic variables indicative of contemporary social cleavages, and construct measures of their influences on partisan representation in American state legislatures during the 1999-2000 years. Using these measures, I examine a series of questions concerning the relationship between social cleavages and state legislative outcomes. I find that district racial composition is the most important constituency-based factor influencing partisan representation and voting in legislatures, but that other constituency variables are also important under various circumstances. I also present OLS regression analyses demonstrating the independent effect of the overall representation of social cleavages on levels of legislative polarization.
In defense of voting—reinterpreting the terms of the voting calculus with a view toward election law and policy
(2017-05-03) Poupko, Eliezer Shmuel; Rodríguez, Victoria Elizabeth, 1954-; Ward, Peter M.; Stekler, Paul; Levinson, Sanford V.; Moser, Scott; Fishkin, Joseph R.
Democratic voting is desperately in need of defense. Contemporary institutions of mass electoral participation are undertheorized, and there is a critical disconnect between conceptions of voting in democratic theory and election laws and policies that implicate participatory values and interests. This dissertation fills some of these gaps between the theories and practices of modern democracy by examining the factors that motivate individual decisions to vote or abstain and the electoral institutions that structure and respond to such decisions. With a primary focus on elections in the United States, this work explores how normative conceptions of voting not only influence individual participation decisions, but also provide foundations for electoral rules and procedures that impact turnout levels, both in the aggregate and for distinct demographic groups. As an analytical framework, the rational choice calculus of voting is utilized to parse the varied motivations for turnout, with the four elements of the calculus providing the outline for the four main chapters of the dissertation. The voting calculus has often been interpreted in ways that minimize the value of voting and provide reasons that explain why individuals do not—and perhaps even should not—participate in elections. This dissertation critically examines those views, and it reinterprets the terms of the calculus in a manner that demonstrates how the act of voting can in fact be highly valued, which explains why individuals do—and indeed generally should—participate in democratic elections. The analysis proceeds by first redefining the expected probability of one vote having a casual effect on an election outcome (Chapter 1), then by reevaluating the normative significance of the instrumental benefits of voting (Chapter 2) and the various types of voting costs (Chapter 3), and finally by reconsidering the theoretical and practical implications of non-instrumental motivations for participation, especially the notion of a civic duty to vote (Chapter 4). Each chapter further derives policy, legal, and broader ethical implications associated with these new interpretations of the terms of the calculus and makes specific reform proposals designed to increase participation in American elections at federal, state, and local levels
Leveraging victimhood : how politicians turn persecution into support
(2021-12-02) Guiler, Kimberly Gouz; Brinks, Daniel M., 1961-; Lust, Ellen; Weyland, Kurt; Albertson, Bethany
Victimhood–defined as the perception of having been unjustly persecuted–can be artfully leveraged by strategic politicians to amplify their support. Yet, existing scholarship fails to empirically link victimhood to electoral success or to delineate the conditions under which it ‘works’ as a strategy. In this dissertation, I develop an original theory of how politicians translate persecution into popular support. I argue that victimhood is an effective strategy when politicians tap into widespread grievances and convince voters they are best positioned to remedy them. I develop and test the theory using in-depth interviews with politicians and publics in Turkey, historical case studies, as well as three original survey experiments. In the first empirical chapter, I examine interviews and an original survey experiment to demonstrate that political victimhood confers an electoral advantage on the victim. It shows that politicians can leverage political victimhood to broaden their base of support. The second empirical chapter draws on case studies of the Islamist Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) and the Kurdish-led Peoples’ Democratic Party (Halkların Demokratik Partisi, HDP) and a survey experiment to introduce the concept of dueling victimhood and two unique victimhood frames–exclusionary and inclusive. It demonstrates how politicians can distinguish themselves in environments where competing claims of victimhood are deployed simultaneously. A final empirical chapter presents evidence from an original survey experiment in the immediate aftermath of the 2016 attempted coup in Turkey. It further exemplifies how incumbent politicians with substantial resources and power can leverage moments of national crisis to frame themselves as victims, link their suffering to that of the nation, and consolidate their support.
The LIBERATOR Magazine, October 2015
(University of Texas at Austin, 2015-10) The University of Texas at Austin
Polarization, candidacy and advancement in politics
(2009-08) Brown, Natalya Renee; Stinchcombe, Maxwell; Hinich, Melvin J.
My dissertation focuses on the effect of several variables on two key forms of political participation -- voting and candidacy. First, I examine how voter turnout is impacted by differences in the intensity of political beliefs across the electorate and the resulting impact on candidate issue choice. Next, I examine the role of term limits and political party recruitment policies in determining the quality of the political class. Finally, I examine the impact of term limits at the lower rungs of the political ladder on the quality of individuals seeking higher office. In Chapter 2, I present a modified version of Downs’ spatial model to analyze the effect on candidates’ policy choices when there is a positive relationship between political extremism and conviction. I assume that alienation and lack of conviction affect voter turnout negatively. I find that the positive relationship between political extremism and conviction leads candidates away from the center and describe the conditions under which segments of the electorate will abstain in equilibrium. Incorporating candidate asymmetry through differences in valence and campaign finances resulted in the strategy of the disadvantaged candidate being unrestricted. Meanwhile, the advantaged candidate can afford to be more centrist or extremist than his opponent in order to win the election. In Chapter 3, I present a multi-period model analyzing the impact of political party recruitment and retention policies and the implementation of term limits on the quality of individuals seeking a career in politics. Candidates differ in political skill and their political skill directly affects the provision of a public good. Term limits lead to a restructuring of the timing of rewards for political careers. I find that term limits increase the probability of entry of those of lesser quality. Under certain conditions, term limits reduce the expected ability of those entering the political arena, as those of higher ability are more adversely affected by the restructuring of rewards. In Chapter 4, I explore the extent to which term limits alter the average quality of office-seekers for higher-level political positions. In addition, I determine whether improvement in quality in upper level political positions comes at the expense of lower level positions. The results suggest that term limits on lower level elected offices reduce the expected political skill of officeholders at this level. Under limited circumstances, term limits will also reduce the expected political skill of those seeking upper level political positions. Under most conditions, term limitation at lower level offices lead to an improvement in the quality of elected officials in upper level offices.
Principled abstention : a theory of emotions and nonvoting in U.S. presidential elections
(2012-08) Vandenbroek, Lance Matthew; Valentino, Nicholas A.; Shaw, Daron R., 1966-; Jessee, Stephen A.; Luskin, Robert C.; Philpot, Tasha S.
More than a half-century of behavioral political science has shaped the dominant view of American nonvoters in terms of their engagement and resource deficits. While nonvoters on average are indeed less educated, poorer, younger and less politically engaged, other scholarship suggests that many of them actively abstain due to disaffection with the political system. My dissertation aims to reconcile these disparate explanations for nonvoting, and to better understand those nonvoters whose resources and political attention should suffice to vote. Drawing upon recent work in psychology, I advance a theory that disgust with politics causes many to abstain, irrespective of resources. These disgusted individuals feel the political system has violated deeply held interpersonal and moral norms, and believe participation will be ineffective to mitigate its affronts. As a result, these individuals withdraw from politics both in terms of voting and gathering additional information. I label this behavior “principled abstention.” To test my hypotheses, I employ observational data, including original question batteries on the 2008 and 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies, and a series of laboratory and nationally representative experiments.
Sustaining a nonrepresentative democracy : how education shapes long-term voting patterns
(2019-06-20) Carroll, Jamie Mary; Muller, Chandra; Auyero, Javier; Brayne, Sarah; Paxton, Pamela M; Warren, John Robert
Voter turnout in the United States is lower than most other advanced democracies and is largely driven by educational attainment. Thus, those who have had success within educational institutions are more represented in our democracy. At its core, voting is an opportunity for individuals to voice their opinions to those in positions of power in government. The link between education and voting may be through encouraging students to use their voices and empowering them to speak to those in positions of power across the life course. Using the High School & Beyond Dataset linked to individuals voting records in midlife, I examine three aspects of the link between education and voting in midlife to better understand the educational pathways that empower individuals to vote. First, I extend literature on the link between education and voting in early adulthood by estimating the effects of college entry, completion, and context on voting in midlife. I find that early college entry effects midlife voting, and higher levels of degree attainment are associated with voting more often in midlife. Second, I focus on adolescence as a critical period for identity development and empowerment and investigate high school experiences that support voting. Specifically, I examine the relationship between high school (dis)empowering experiences—leadership positions, advanced course-taking, and discipline—and voting in midlife, paying critical attention to the role of background, skills, educational attainment, and early voting in the process. I find that advanced course-taking positively and school discipline negatively predict voting in midlife, even when considering these factors. Lastly, I examine how teachers mold political efficacy through their perceptions of students’ potential and conformity and find that positive perceptions of students are associated with higher rates of voting, and the association does not operate through students’ background, skills, or schooling experiences. In all, I find that adolescence is a critical period for individual empowerment, and experiences in schools contribute to whether individuals will exercise their right to vote across their lives. The unequal distribution of empowering experiences in schools may sustain a nonrepresentative democracy.
Tina Byram Interview
(2022-03-18) Institute for Diversity & Civic Life; Department of Religious Studies
This interview is with Tina Byram, an advocate active in local politics in the extra-territorial jurisdiction of Hornsby Bend. Tina talks about her work advocating for underserved members of her community who do not have the time or resources to get involved in local politics. She describes the differences between political activity at the local level versus the national level, including overlooked issues such as shifting districts and water privatization. She also tells about her journey through local activism, which has involved non-profit work, collaboration with representatives, and voter registration.
When Latinos reject and accept uncertainty : risk attitudes and political mobilization
(2019-08) Tafoya, Joe Robert; Leal, David L.; Michelson, Melissa R; Luskin, Robert C; Shaw, Daron R
In this dissertation, I examine how political participation is shaped by the avoidance and acceptance of risks (better known as “risk attitudes”). This relationship, I posit, influences Latino and Black political behavior as it helps to account for advantages, disadvantages, and differences in engagement compared to the white majority. First, I present the emergence of risk attitudes from prospect theory and its contribution to understanding human behavior. I develop a hypothesis for racial and ethnic minority differences in risk attitudes based on socioeconomic disadvantages and demographic and political differences with Whites. I uncover that differences in underpinnings of risk attitudes are unique to Latino political efficacy, whereby risk accepting Latinos are more confident about their influence on politics than White peers. Second, I raise the puzzle that while non-electoral participation is costlier than voting, Blacks and Latinos report being (or desiring to be) as involved or more than Whites, finding that risk acceptance emboldens minorities to report high participation and that the effect is strongest for Latinos without prior experience in the activities. Third, I establish with voter validation records that voting is also associated with risk attitudes but in the opposite direction – risk averse, not risk accepting respondents were more likely to have voted. Risk acceptance yields Latino voting gaps with Whites, I observe, while the gaps are bridged with White peers under risk aversion. I also find that the relationship between risk attitudes and voting is conditional on campaign contact, as only contacted risk averse Latinos voted more than risk accepting counterparts. I conclude that mobilization efforts encouraging Latino voting may spend resources more efficiently by screening for risk attitudes, targeting the risk averse with traditional methods, and changing messaging for the risk accepting to loss-oriented frameworks. These findings suggest avenues for increasing the diversity of voices in civic and electoral arenas of democracy, as risk attitudes might be primed to supplement traditional forms of political mobilization.