THIS IS AN ORIGINAL MANUSC~IPT IT MAY NOT BE COPIED WITHOUT THE AUTHOR'S PERMISSION THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE MISSION OF ESPfRITU SANTO DE Z~NIGA AND THE PRESIDIO OF NUESTRA SENORA DE LORETO, 1718-1751 Approved: ~~w~~ Q~ flv~ Approved: Dean o'f the Graduate School. ~l~/'13i · THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE MISSION OF ESPfRITU SANTO DE z6NIGA AND THE PRESIDIO OF NUESTRA SENORA DE LORETO, 1718-1751 THESIS Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas in Partial Fulfill­ment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By Winfred Allen Oliver, B. A. (San Diego, Texas) Austin, Texas August, 1931 330089 '-' •..J .cw THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE MISSION OF ESPfRITU SANTO DE zmfIGA AND THE PRESIDIO OF NUESTRA sEN'oRA DE LORETO, 1718-1751 Preface Too little importance has been placed by the students of Texas history upon the early development of the state by those intrepid Spanish explorers and settlers who came to Texas a hundred years before the Americans made their first advance into what is now the Lone Star State. We give too little credit to those earliest pioneers who made it pos­sible for later interest to develop. This study was undertaken at the suggestion of Dr. Charles W. Hackett, of the University of Texas, with the purpose of relating the early history of the first sea-coast mission in Texas and of describing the presidial life of the people who established the first sea-port of Texas. Material for the study was taken from manuscript sources, transcripts of which are found in the University of Texas Library. Footnote citations generally are to the folio numberings of the original documents where these are recorded in the transcripts used; otherwise footnote citations are to the copyist's paginations of the transcripts. The writer wishes to express his appre­ciation to Dr. Charles w. Hackett for his helpful suggestions and directions, and for his patience and encouragement throughout the work; to Mr. Carlos E. Castaneda for his kindness in helping through difficult trans­lations of old Spanish documents; to Mrs. Mattie Austin Hatcher and Miss Winnie Allen of the library staff, of the University of Texas Library for the assistance which they gave in helping locate the documents used in the preparation of this work. iv THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE MISSION OF ESPfRITU SANTO N ~ DE ZUNIGA AND THE PRESIDIO OF NUESTRA SENORA DE LORETO, 1718-1751 Contents Chapter Page I. Introduction • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1 II. Determination to Establish Mission and Presidio at Esp{ritu Santo ••• 9 III. The Founding of the Presidio and Mission•••••••••••••••••••••••••• 20 IV. Description of the Country and Native Life Around Esp!ritu Santo Bay•••••••••••••••••••••••• 37 v. Recruiting of the Presidial Troops 47 VI. Proposed Settlement of Canary Is­landers at Esp{ritu Santo •••••••• 54 VII. The Commisariat (El Habilitacion) • 64 v Contents {Continued) Chapter Page VIII. Indian Troubles •• • • • • • • • • • • • • 69 IX. Rivera's Inspection •••••••••• 95 x. Costales and Basterra •••••••• 107 XI. Inspection of 1749 ••••••••••• 119 XII. Conclusion • •••••••••••••••••• 129 vi THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE MISSION OF ESPfRITU SANTO DE ZUNIGA AND THE PRESIDIO OF NUESTRA SENORA DE LORETO, 1718-1751 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Esp!ritu Santo Bay, situated at the mouth of the San Antonio and Guadalupe rivers, played a vital part in the early development of Texas. Because of its strategic position, and because of the lack of knowledge of the possibilities of the bay as a port of entry into the Texas country, its importance in the eyes of early Spaniards assumed a relatively high place. The first knowledge of a bay called Esp!ri­tu Santo that came to the Spaniards was in 1518 , when Francisco Garay, Governor of Jamaica, or­dered Alonso Alvarez de Pineda to make explora­ 1 tions in the Gulf of Mexico. Pineda sailed Bethel Coopwood, "Notes on the History of 1 La Bah!a Del Esp!ritu Santo," in The Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Associatfon, July, ltm'8, '!!; 162. along the whole Gulf Coast from the southern cape , of Florida to the mouth of the Panuco River, and made a chart of his discoveries. He showed on this chart a bay which he called "La Bah{a del Esp!ritu Santo", and noted some of the most prominent points 2 in the surrounding topography. "It is probable ~., 162. that Panfilo Narvaez had a copy of this chart when he sailed from Florida in 1527," says Bethel Coop­wood, "for Alvar Nunez de Vaca says of the bay where he and Lope de OViedo first heard of their countrymen being with another tribe: 'By what ap­pea.red to us from it and what we saw, it is the one called Esp!ritu Santo, showing that he already knew that there was a bay on that coast by such a 3 name." In 1561, 1ngel de Villafane and Jorge 3 ~., 162. Seron sailed along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico 3 and made a descriptive chart of it. On this chart 4 was located the Bay of Esp!ritu Santo. ~·· 162. Thus it was that at a very early date the Span­iards kenw of a bay which they called the Bay of Esp!ritu Santo. Whether or not the bay located by Cabeza de Vaca was the same one that La Salle later mistook for, and names, Esp!ritu Santo, is unimpor­tant. But it is important that the Spanish Govern­ment knew at this early period of a bay on the coast of Texas. Both De Vaca and Coronado reported that the Texas region contained no gold or silver. Hence the Spaniards were not concerned with the develop­ment of this territory for nearly two centuries. It was the fear of the foreign aggressor that caus­ed Spain finally to turn her attention to Texas. Until the beginning of the seventeenth century neither France nor England had opportunity to attempt to colonize the New World. Each country had domestic difficulties to engage its attention, and when there were no domestic difficulties, European wars held them in their grip. By the beginning of the seventeenth century however, both countries came upon the scene as po­tential menaces t o the overlordship of Spain in the New World. England confined its attention to the east coast of North America, and gradually drove down into Florida the Spanish f orces that were scat­tered along the Carolina coast. The development of the English colonies was of slower growth t han those of France; and, although t he colonial development of the English colonies caused Spain a great deal of uneasiness, France early presented the greatest menace to New Spain of all the potential rivals which the mother country possessed. In 1605 the French made their first settlement in the St. Law­rence region. From that place as a base, their ac­tivities were extended southward and eastward. Be­cause of the opposition of the English along the east coast, however, and the lack of effective Spanish barriers to its activities in the c enter of the continent, France became, by 1690, a power t o b e greatlv feared by. the Spaniards in the Gulf ~ ~ Coast region. The French made t heir first aggressive step toward wresting from the Spaniards t heir bonanza 5 of New Spain in 1685, when La Salle landed on the coast of Texas at a place which he thought was the Esp!ritu Bay ~hich previously had been located by 5 Pineda. There he built a fort called Fort Saint Louis. Ibid., 162. As far as the French colonization project was con­cerned this settlement was a failure, but it cer­tainly did open the eyes of the Spanish uovernment to the danger of the prospective French occupation of Texas. In fact, the danger of the French occu­pying Espfritu Bay and making it the ba.se of future operations against the Spanish possessions in the west had been felt in Spanish official circles long before La Salle actually settled there. Be­fore 1685 the King of Spain had recommended the establishment of a Spanish outpost there. And at the Court of France, representing to the French Government that a short passage way could be opened up from the Bay of Esp!ritu Santo to the rich mining country of Sonora and New Mexico, was Penalosa, the renegade Spanish office seeker, at 6 the very time that La Salle a.p •)ea.red praying f or per­ mission t o establish a colony at the mouth of the 6 Mississippi River. Some historians think that it William Edward Dunn, Spanish and French Rival­!:i._ in the Gulf Coast Region of the United States, Ib7'S"=1702,--rr1University0f Texas Bulletin No. 1705, p:-r3-.­ was due to this representation of Pefia1osa's that La Salle settled in Texas instead of at his announced destination. At any rate when the Spanish Govern­ment heard of his venture it immediately took action. , In 1689, when De Leon made his trip t o Texas in search of La Salle, he went to the Bay of Esp!ri­7 tu Santo. There he f ound the remains of the French Qoopwood, 11 La Bahia Del Esp!ritu Santo," 163. f ort, established by La Salle, in very good condi­tion, and also found the rema ins of some artil1ery which the French had buried. The next year, when De Le6n returned to East Texas to establish a bul­wark against prospective French encroachment in the Mississippi Valley,--the m~ ssion of San Francisco de los Tejas,--he again went to the deserted French f ort. There, in an endeavor to erase from mem.)ry the French incursion upon Spanish soil he and his associates burned the old fort to ashes. In 1691 Domingo Teran made arrangements for a supply ship to bring him equipment to Espfritu Santo Bay. He detached a party under the command of Captain Don Francisco D. Mart{nez and sent them down t o the 8 coast to meet the ship. This was the first time Robert Carlton Clark, The Beginnings of Texas, in Bulletin of the University of Texas No: 98, p. 31. (Published Dec. 1, 1907.) in the history of Texas that a Texas port received a cargo of goods for inland transportation and con­sumption. Francisco Llanos sounded the bay in 1690 and demonstrated that it was practicable t o use it as 9 an entry for the East Texas est9blishments. But Ibid., 28 the first Tejas mission proved a failure and Span­ish interest in Texas became dorm.ant for another quarter of a c entury. It was necessary for the French menace again t o become acute befor e t he viceroy of New Spain became permanently interested in Esp{ritu Santo. CHAPTER II DETERMINATION TO ESTABLISH MISSION AND PRESIDIO AT ESPlRITU SANTO Although the Church regarded Texas as a virgin field for the propag8tion of the faith and urged the Government to take action so that missionaries might be sent to Texas, nothing def­inite w2s done to establish Spanish control in Texas, after the advent of La Salle and the sub­sequent Spanish gesture in the East Texas mission experiment, until the foreign menace again becBme 1 active. In 1709 Fathers Espinosa and Olivares made an expedition from San Juan Bautista, a Spanish outpost on the Rio Grande, opposite the present town of Eagle Pass, into Central Texa~ . Herbert E. Bolton: "Notes on Clark's 'The Beginnings of Texas'", in Texas Historical Association Quarter­ly, XII, 156, and, Elizabeth Howard West: "Bonilla 1 s Brief Compendium of the History of Texas, 177211 , in Texas Historical Assuciation Quarterly, VIII, 21. The same year the Quereteran missionaries petitioned the Council of the Indies to allow them permission to found a mission on the San Marcos or the Guadaluf)e river for the o ~rpose of convert­ ing the Indians. They sts ted that the Tejas In­ dians were inclined to the Catholic faith that the fertility of the soil was good; and that many cities 9 10 could be discovered inhabited by a people called Quiviras, who,,they thought, were of the Grand Quivira. Queretaran missionaries to the govern­ment, November 29, 1703, in A. G. I., Mexico, 62-2-4, f. 1. The French trader, Captain Louis Juchereau de st. Denis, made a bold move in the early part of 1715 when he left the western outpost of the French in Louisiana and travelled across Texas to San Juan Bautista on the Rio Grande, with the purpose of opening up trade with the Spaniards in that territory. That expedition determined the viceroy to establish an outpost in East Texas to serve as a buffer to the French. He appointed Mart!n de Alarcon as the gover­ , nor of the new territory and Domingo Ramon as the leader of an expedition to be sent into this terri­tory for the purpose of establishing permanent set­tlements in it. In a dispatch to the king dated February 25, 1717, Viceroy Valero explained his actions. He stated that the soil of Texas was fer­tile, the climate good, and the natives docile; that the natives had wooden houses and that they 2 gathered and harvested their fruits. He stated Viceroy Valero to the King, February 25, 1717, in A. G. I., Indiferente General, 136-6-23, ff. 8-9. that the French had been trading with the Indians, and for this reason, and also, in order that the French would not get a foot-hold in Texas through the Bay of Espiritu Santo, he had sent Martfn de Alarcon with about twenty-five men ("mulatos and mestizos of little intelligence") to take charge of the country. Spanish activity in Texas began in earnest with the founding of the East Texas missions. The priests exerted themselves in convincing the government of the necessity nf establishing many settlements and churches in this new land. How­ever, fear of French aggression and a determination that the French should not trade wj_th the Spanish subjects dominated the actions of the Spanish of­ficials throughout this period of history, at least as far n s cone erneo Texas. In 1718, the King, in a royal cedula to the Viceroy of New Spain gave the f ollowing instructions which illustrate the atti­tude of Spain: "You will charge the governor or leader of these missions, Un Texas], that if the French, either by sea or bv land, tr ~,-to make some other entrance as they have made, t o arrest them, placing t he commandant in the prison at Acapulco and the other people in the dungeons of Mexico, as has been done with t he English in the times of peace when they had intended to intro­duce themselves into the domains of the Indies. 11 3 The King to Viceroy Valero, June 11, 1718, in A. G. M., Historia, CCCXXI, f. 59. The first definite order to build a presidio at Esp{r{tu Santo was issued by royal cedula on 4 June 11, 1718. The King ordered that the missions of Texas should be maintained and fostered; that a strong garrison of cavalry should be maintained in them; and that the largest possible number of priests should be kept at the mission on the banks of the San Antonio river since "that is the one 5 which is nearest to the Bay of Esp!r!tu Santo." Ibid., f. 58. He referred to a report, dated July 28, 1717, that he had received from the oidor, Don Juan de Olivan Rebolledo, and to one which he had received from Don Gregorio de Salinas Varona, governor of the presidio of Santa Mar{a de Galves, written in Jan­uary, 1717, in which it had been represented to him the harm that could result from the entrance of the French into his domains not only beci:rnse of the illicit commerce in which they would in­dulge but because they would thereby become ac­quainted with the country. The King then order­ ed that at the Bay of Espiritu Santo a fort should be established "on the same site where M. La Salle 6 had his". Ibid., f. 58. He stated that this order was to be carried out in the quickest manner possible so that the fort should serve as a wall against the designs of the French. In order to reouce the expenses as much as possible he ordered that all necessary materials for the construction of the fort were to be sent in two ships from Vera Cruz to the Bah{a del Esp!­ritu Santo, "since it will take only four or five 7 days to take them by water." He said that great 330082 Ibid. care was to be taken in the selection of the cor­ poral who was to be the head of the garrison at 8 the Bay of San Bernardo. Q.uoting again: 11 He must The names "Bah:!a de San Bernardo," and "Ba.hfa del Bsp!ritu Santo" are both used in most of the old Spanish documents referring to this harbor. be very careful and watchful and see that no French­men are allowed in that country and that they are not allowed to take any horses or mares out of the 9 province." The king further stated that with the Ibid., f. 59. establishment of a presidio at Espfrftu Santo Bay not only would the French be kept from entering the province but the royal treasury would be greatly benefited because all the necessary supplies (for the Texas missions), such as iron, etc., could be then easily shipped from Vera Cruz and the expense of carrying them five hundred leagues would be dis­ 10 pensed with. 10 ~., f. 59. It was a comparatively easy matter for the King to issue an order and then consider the mat­ter settled but it was not always the case that his order was promptly carried out. Espec'ally was this true with respect to Texas which held no pro­mises of gold or silver. Only Indians, and those of the less civilized nature, beckoned to the mis­sionaries. To the soldiers noth1ng but a f ew pesos of added salary was offered as an inducement for their services. There were dan,;_;ers from the unknown; dangers from the wiles of the red savages; and, lastly, danger from the possible conflicts with the F1•ench, which made pioneering in Texas an undertaking not popular. These may have been the reasons that the Gover­nor of Texas, Martin de Alarcon, did not exert him­selt in making a settlement at Espiritu Santo Bay. Nevertheless, the king seemed to think that his frontier governor had carried out his corrh~and for on October 31, 1719, he expressed his thanks to Viceroy Val ero for having had Don Mart!n de Al­arcon enter into Esp!ritu Santo with settlers, troops, supplies, etc., and make a settlement 11 the re. ll The King to Viceroy Valero, October 31, 1719, in A. G. M. Reales Cedulos, XL, 1719, ff. 243-244. During the time that he was governor of Texas Alarcon did make a trip to Bah!a as appears from a dispatch which he sent to the king, dated Novem­ber 3, 1721. In this letter he states that he was named governor of Texas by the viceroy of New Spain, the Marquis of Valero, and that he was ordered to conquer the region of Esn!ritu Santo; that "from the 12 port and Bay of Esp{ritu Santo", he asked for aid Alarc~n to the King, November 3, 1721, in A. G. M. Hist~ria, CCCXXI, f. 75. from the government to be dispatched to the port of Esp!rftu Santo, but that this request had be en denied on the grounds that it would be an unneces­ sary expense to the royal t r easury. He stated that he had then presented a second re,~uest, and had asked that there be given him one hundred and seventy-five cavalrymen which he judged neces­sary. Father Margil, President of the ~uere­terart missions in Texas, accompanied him, he said, 13 and concurred in his opinion. Again his request 13 Ibid., f. 76. Father Margil states that he and the chap­lain and another missionary went with Alarcon to Es:pl.ritu Santo. Isidro Felis De Espinosa,, Chronica ApostOlica y:_ Scra;ohico, .££_ Todos Los Colegios de Propaganda Fide ~Esta Nueva Esi:ialYa ~Missioneros Franciscanos Observantes, Pa.rte Primera, 450. was refused on account of the excessive cost invol­ved. Remembering what had been given his successor in office, he indulged in a little sarcasm, remark­ing: "I do not consider t hem so, [too excessiv~, Sire, for when the Marquis of San Miguel de Aguayo, successor of mine in government, and to whom six hundred mounted sol diers were given, [w;J,s made governoiJ, the salary assigned to him was not ex­ cessive, it being twenty-five thousand pesos an­nually, and to his soldiers four hundred and fifty pesos each, annually; while the sal ary promised me was two thousand five hundred pesos annually, and to e8ch of my soldiers four hundred pesos." He also stated that during his governorship he took special care to see that illicit commerce , with the French was not tolerated. Alarcon stated that he believed that the purpose of the French was to trPde in goods and not to populate the coun­ try. Rumors to the effect that the French had designs on the Texas country, and especially that they were interested in obtaining port facilities in Texas, continued to filter into the Spanish official circles. In a communication to the king, written on April 25, 1718, Viceroy Valero advises him of reports that he had received from Don Gre­gorio de Salinas, governor of the presidia of Santa Mar{a de Galves, to the effect that it hRd been learned that the French had received orders from the Duke Regent to occupy a port on the Mexican Gulf 14 even if it had to be taken by force. According 4 The King to Viceroy Valero, April 22, 1719, in A. G. I. Historia, CCCXXI, f. <:':3. Ibid., ff. 64-65. to him Salinas bad reported that upon reception of this news a council of war had been held by the Spaniards and it had been decided to send Salinas to Esp{ritu Santo Bay with t wo ships, armed and equipped, where it was suspected the French would attempt to locate. Though this plan did not materialize, the danger of leav­ing unprotected the only Texas port of which they bad any knowledge continued to give ap­prehension to the Spanish officials. This apprehension was augumented in 1720 when the French sent Beranger with a party to explore the Bay of Espi:ri tu Santo. Beranger left at the Bay, five men, four of whom perished, and one, named Belisle, made his way back to the 15 French settlements. In 1721 another Frenchman, Hubert Howe Bancroft, North Me:icican States, I, 616. La Harpe, attempted to occupy Espiritu Santo Bay but was unsuccessful because he f 8iled to find the bay and because of unfriendly Indi2ns. CHAPTER III THE FOUNDING OF THE PRESIDIO AND MISSION The Marquis of Aguayo, a rich land-owner of Coahuila, was named governor of Texas and t ook of­fice on December 19, 1719; and at once a new spir­it was breathed into the Texas situation. It was now determ:Ined to send a large expedition into Texas under Aguayo who was to make further settle­ments. Great preparations were made f or the trip , but some d~lay in the organization stayed the de­parture several months, so tbat it was not until March 23, 1720, that the expedition finally cross­ 1 ed tbe Rio Grande. Previously, Aguayo had sent I Eleanor Cl8ire Buckley, "The Aguayo Expedi­tion Into Texas 2nd Louisiana, 1719-1722, 11 in The Qua rterly of t he Texas H~storical Associ ation, XV, 31. -----------------·-··--------­ , Lieutenant-governor Almazan to San Antonio to aid that place against a threatened attack by the French under St. Denis who was reported to be plenning its 2 • J , capture. With him probably went Captain Don ose 20 B. Juan Antonio de la Pena, Diario del Viage del Marquis de San Miguel de Aguayo, in Documentos Para La Hlstoria-Ecclesiastica y Civil de la Pro­vincia de Tejas, Libro Segundo, XXVIII, f. 6. Charles W. Hackett, (ed.), Pichardo's Treat­ise on the Limits of Louisiana and Texas, I, 53; noteat end of paragraph 260. ­ Pena, Diario, f. 13. , Ramon, who commanded a force of forty men, and whose purpose was to go on to the Bay of Esp!ritu Santo and there make a settlement. Little is known of the trip to Bstlit made by Ramon. on April 4, 1721, Aguayo a1-·rived at San Antonio. "Being greatly concerned because of the fact that he had received no news of the company which he had sent from the Rio Grande with a detach­ment in charge of Captain Jose Ramon," says Pena in his diary of the Aguayo trip, "he sent on Holy Friday, four trustworthy Indians (to find out about Ramon). On the 18th of April there arrived in San Antonio the lieutenant and four soldiers which Captain Jose Ramon had sent with the glad news of having t aken possession of the bay in the name of our Lord, putting up the holy cross and the royal 3a flag, the day of Our Lady of Dolores." This was 3a Ibid., f. 13. April 4, 1721, two weeks before Easter Sunday. We do not know just what day Ramon arrived at Esp!ritu Santo, but he sent a petition to the War Department in Mexico concerning the pay of his men, and dated the letter at Esp!ritu Santo, on March 4, 1721. Therefor·e, he must have ar­rived several days before he wrote this let­ 3 ter. 36 Affidavit of Diego Ramon t.o War Department,March 4. 1721, in .Autos de fecha' etc., in A. G. M., !rov1nciaa Internas, CLXXXI, f. 13. The lieutenant who came back to San Antonio with the news of Ramon stated that the bay was very beautiful, and was capable of sustaining many ships, but that it had not yet been sounded be­cause there was not enough wood to make a canoe. Pefia, Diario, f. 13. ThP news of the discovery and occupation of Espfr!tu Santo b:.T Ram~n filled the Spaniards with joy, the celebration of which was observed with 5 appropriate ceremony. And well might the little Ibid., f. 13. expedition rej oice for that p ort was needed as a depot for supplies which it was proposed should come from Mexico for them. The Marquis d ispatched a letter on the 26th of April to the viceroy g iv­ ing him the news of the discovery. He asked per­mission from him to have his supnlies sent by sea 6 from Vera Cruz instead of by land. This was a very 6 Ibid., f. 14. wise decision on Aguayo 1 s part, the terrible winter he had just experienced h~ving tttught him the dan­ ger of depending upon overl~rnd transportation of supplies. Permission was asked to allow him to buy a ship, he agreeing to pay the co st, and to have sent to him provisions of flour, corn and other 7 supplies. He was granted his request. Ibid., ff. 13-14. At the Bay of Espiritu Santo the work of build­ing a fort went forward rapidly. Temporary build­ ings were erected, and the soldiers settled them­selves, secure in their stockade, until Governor Aguayo made a visit the following year and order­ed the construction of a permanent fort. In charge of the spiritual life of the new settlement was Fray Agust!n Patron y Guzman, apostolic minister of the College of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de 8 Zacateeas. He had orders from his college to Fray Agust!n Pat ron y Guzman, Testim. 0 de la miss.on de na. s.ra de Loreto, in A. G. I. Guada­lajara, b7 -3 -=--rr,-f. 1. erect a mission for the presidio in the most con­venient place, so that he could induce the Indians of that part of the country to enter it, adopt the ways of civil life and l earning, and accept the tenets of the Christian f aith. Father Agust!n reported that within a month after the arrival of the Spaniards there came to him some of the Indi2ns of the Cocos nation, whom he addressed through an interpreter, Francisco, the Saxame, who had been raised in a mission in Mexico. He explained to them that it was the will of the King that they should congrega te with­ in the mission and village in order to b e instruct­ed in the Divinr~ Law, and to receive the benefits accruing from e. civilized state . He promised to supply them with corn necessary for their sus­tenance, farm tools and other thi ng s necessary for the planting of their fields. The benefit which they were to receive was for the good of their souls, he told them. Bather Agustfn also repre­sented to them that a stationary residence wa s much better for them t han their present custom of wander­ing up and down the coast in search of food. After hearing what the priest had to say, the Indians r esponded that they would consult the rest of the tribe, and that they would probably come and live 9 at the mission. Ibid. During the second month after the arrival of the Spaniards these Indians returned, bringing with them their chief men, and those of the nation Cux­ame, together with their wives and families. How­ever, since the good priest did not have enough supplies to k Aep such a large number of Indians he told them to return to their lands, and that he would advise them when he should receive the neces­ sary supplies so ~hat they could cultivate their crops. He then made a requisition on the h ome g ov­ ernment for cotton goods, petticoats, thick flan­nels, coarse woolen stuffs, blankets, f orks, knives, mirrors, small wares and tobecco. Since the mission was but three quarte rs of a league from the presidio , on the banks of t h e river where water could be run into the ditches for irri­gation purposes, Father Agust{n, on April 10, 1722, asked the supreme government to grant title to the land thus occupied. He asked that the title be given to the mission of Esp{ritu Santo de Zuniga which was the nPme assigned by the Zacatecan Col­ 10 lege to the Esp{ritu Santo religious organization. 0 Ibid., f. 4. An order came to the captain of the presidio on the 18th of May, 1'722, connnanding that, with the erection of the mission, he should give to the Church the land it had reque sted. The erection of the mission had been delayed because up t o t hen the three hundred fanagas of maise and other supplies which had been requested had not arrived. When the supplies arrived Captain Jose Ramon then sent word to the Cocos Indians, who were those who liv­ed nearest the mission, that they might come and live at the town. The Indians again returned, and this time, in addit ion to the Cocos and the Cuxames, the nation of the Curacamos came with them. The mission building was now erected three quarters of a league up the river on which the fort was locat­ 11 ed. That part of the country south of the mission, ·-·-·------­ 11 Bolton, in his Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century, p. 5, seems to be ol'"'""t:ne-opinion that the river In question was the present Garcitas Creek. and bordering upon the river, was given to the In­dians for their fields and as pasture land for their cattle. The ceremony connected with the granting of this land to the neophytes by the Church must have been quite interesting. In view of the fact that only a short time before the Indians considered the land as thr-:ir own, and in view of later events, it is doubtful if they thoroughly understood the import of the proceedings. On the appointed day the chiefs of the tribes were required to congregate in the yard of the church. In token of giving possession of the l and to them, Father Agustin marched into the church and then he marched out again. When he came out, he caught the hands of the chiefs of t he three nations and led them along the walk which was in front of the mission, m8king signs by which to demonstrate to them that they were receiving the land as a gift from the Church. The chiefs then took up some plants, and t aking s ome dirt and rocks, set the plants out in different places in sign of acknowledgement of their possesion of the proper­ty. After that ceremony they named as their cap­ 12 tain, the chief of the Cocos Indians. 12 , Guzman, Testimonio, f. 3. In the meantime Aguayo had been pursuing his mission in East Texas. He was in sore need of the supplies which should reRch him by the way of Vera Cruz and the Bay of Esp{ritu Santo. In the middle of October, 1721, he received notice of the arri­val, at the Bay of Espiritu Sant o, of his sup:;,ily ship. This nevrs was received v;i th rejoicing, and in a short tiL1e a mule-train ·Nhich had been le::t at Sa11. Antonio :pending the arrival of t ::.e ship at Bahia was dispat ched ~it~ t he ~uch needed sup­ 13 plies to him. This convoy reached the governor 13 Pena, Diario, f. 50. on December 9, following. Late in November, 1721, Aguayo received letters from the viceroy, the Marquis of Vclero , :Ln which was inclosed an order from the KinG, dated May 6, 1?21. This order ccrnr:1&.nded that the pro­vince of Texas be fortified with presidios and that especially the Bay of Espiritu Santo should be fortified. The viceroy thereupon ordered that Aguayo should increase the fortification of the Bay with an additional fifty men. Aguayo prompt­ly dispatched Gabrial Costales from San Antonio with fifty of the best soldiers of the expedition 14 to report to the col'I'x:and at Es1')!ritu Santo. This Costales afterwards became the commander of the fort. 14 Ibid•, f. 52. Shortly before Tuiarch 16, 1722, triis p:icked body of men arrived at t"rn Bay and there awe:.i ted the com­15 ing of the Marquis. The latter had not accom­ 15 Lorenzo de G rceochea, January 20, 1724, an official in the iar Department in Mexico City, in discussing the :pay of the soldiers of EsrJfri tu Santo Bay, stated that the delivery of the fifty men took place March 14, 1722. "Autos de fecha11 , in A. G. M., Provincias Internas, CLXXXI, f. 20. panied the Costales company on account of the lack of horses. He followed, however, with a detaclunent of forty men, together with D. D. Joaquin Codallos y nabal, Captains D. !t'homas de Ziburia, D. Miguel Zilon y Gavilan, Don Manuel Herrera, and Don Pedro de Oribe. On March 24, 1722, he arrived at the temporary fort which had 16 been constructed a year before by Jose Ramon. 16 Pena, Diario, f. 57. The f irst eight days after his arrival Aguayo was confined to his bed on account of fever contrac­ ed during the rigors of the trip t o San Antonio. Meanwhile Father Agust{n thoroughly enjoyed the opportunity afforded him for conducting services in the church. That being Holy Week, services were held in the church daily, the first time that appropriate church ceremonies had been con­ 17 ducted there since the com~ng of the Spaniards. Ibid., f. 57. On April 6, 1722, a year and two days after the flag of Spain had first been hoisted over the temporary quarters of the Presidio of our Lady of Loreto, work was started on a permanent fort. The spot selected was the same as La Salle had select­ed in 1684. While digging the trench for the fort many nails and pieces of old guns which the French had used were found. The foundations of the fort 18 were opened within fifteen days. It was octagon 18 Ibid., f. 57. shaped, with a moat built around it, and four stock­ades; within, a tower had been built, protected by two bastions, each of which was forty-five varas 19 in length. 19 Ibid., f. 57. The lines of the fort having been laid out, the Marquis went to the Mission of Esp{ritu Santo de Zuniga and officially gave possession of it in the name of the king to the College of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe de Zacatecas. At this time there were many Indian families already mentioned living at the mission. The Indians told the gover­nor that others would also come. When Aguayo gave them presents, they were very pleased. "of their own free will", says Pena, "they offered the gover­nor three children in order that he should baptize 20 them." Aguayo had the children baptized by 0 Ibid., f. 58. Father Agust!n and then returned them to their parents. After this was done, Aguayo returned to San ftntonio, and shortly afterwards went to Mexico City. He left Captain Don Jose Ramon in charge of 33 the fort at Espiritu Santo, whlch was now garri­21 soned by ninety men. 21 El Marquis de San Miguel de Aguayo to Vice­roy Valero, May 3, 1722, in A. G. M. Provincias Internas, XXXII, f. 10. This settlement at Bahia had finally been ac­complished through the efforts of Aguayo, c;nd tbe governor had made it appear to his superiors that the occupation of this port was highly desirable as an offset to the aesigns of the french. Othars, also, had reported very favorably upon this loca­tion as being a very desirable one for the buildine; of port facilities. However, a. few years later when RivEr a made his famous inspection tour of the frontier settlements, he disputed much that the Marc1ui s of Aguayo had reported. He said that Aguayo had •colored" his report about the French in­ 22 vading Texas. 22 In a dispatch dated June 13, 1722, Aguayo, in recounting his trip to Texas stated that in the mission of Conception he encountered many Indians of the Cadadoches, Vidays, Yogdocas, and other nations which had been called together at this time by the Commandant. St. Denis, as he knew 34 from information given him by the Tejas Indians with the purpose of getting control of the Bay of Espiritu Santo, and of using it as a base to invade San Antonio. But with the arrival of Spanish arms their plans were "dissolved as smoke". Aguayo to the King, June 13, 1?22, in A. G. I., Guadala.ja.ra, 6?-3-11, Expediente 6, 1710-1736, p.2. Rivera made a very impartial esti~ate of affairs, so that what he had to say in regard to Aguayo's report concerning St. Denis is worth noting: "Neither is it true that Don Louis de St. Denis had invited any nations of the Texas country to meet him so thiit he could make himself master of them as well as of the Indians of the Bah1a del Espiritu Santo, for in the case Don Louis had tried to do what he said he did, without moving from his place of residence, he would have been master o:f the whole country lying between the Rio Grccnde del Norte and the Natchitoches, where his residence is. The :Marc,;,uis would not have been able to resist the French, even though their numbers were infer~r, as is proved by the character of each." 23 Rivera to Casafuerte, January 16, 1?30, in A. G. I., Guadal§jara, 6?-4-38, f. 13. Rivera also denied t:hat Ae;uayo had made any fortification at Bah!a •other than one made of sticks to defend themselves against the attacks of the Indians. And although the plans were designed which he remitted to the viceroy, its construction was n ever verified. Nor could the Mar~uis have 24 done so in such a short time that he was there." Ibid., f. 13. He further stated that the building of the fortifi­cation was made at the expense of the king , and of the salaries of the soldiers. Two priests, accord­ing to him, were left at Esp{ritu Santo for the purpose of admi nistrating to t he soldiers of the 25 presidia. Ibid., f. 16. Although, as has been stated, t he bay at Es­p{ritu Santo was not soundeo by Captain Don Jose , Ramon, it previously had been sounded in the month of October, 1 690. Into the bay emptied two rivers and three small streams. The entrance was, at low tide, eighteen spPns deep, and in high tide, it was twenty-four spans deep. There was a long bar-like island which partially guarded its entrance, this formation extending down the coast to the mouth of the Rio Grande River. Witbin the bay, between the aforesaid bar and the mainland the water measured 26 three, four, e,.nd seven f athoms o.t different po ints. 26 "Punto s: del IJarecer que el Senor Audi tor de Guerra, Marquis de Altamira eJ!1,usc:, al Exrno . Sor. Virrey Conde de Fuencl~ra, July 4, 1744", in Documentos Para La Historia Ecllesiastica Y Civil De La Provincia De Texas, Libro Segundo. Historia xxvrr~ ~ According to Rivera, the harbor was of insufficient depth for a e;ood port, but u.ccordii'5 tc the above rei:;ort, which probably was the one whicl1 guided the S;~aniards in selectin.c it, the waters of the bay had sufficient depth to accon111~odc;.te the smaJ.l bergatines then in use. And, too, tbe sand my have filled in so as to have made the port a ::e ss desirabl e one by the time Rivera rm.de his inspection tour. However, be that as it m&y, the >:>_paniards 01· 1'exas now considered that tney were acL:on1Lodated vvi th port f et.cilities, and looked forward to the set­tlement of the region around Espfritu Santo Bay. CHAPTER IV DESCRIPTI ON OF THE COLJN'rRY AND NA'rIVE LIFE AROUND ESP fRrru SANT 0 BAY It has already been stated that the Spaniards were not vitally interested in Texas, because it did not abound in minerals. After all, however, it may be said that Texas was first occupied by the Spaniards because of the gold mjnes. The Spaniards feared the foreigner would use Texas as an entrance through which to reach the gold mines of the New Mexico and Sonora sect" on, and that, also, the French in particular, might gain entrance to Spanish territory for the purpose of trading and trafficing with the Spanish settlers and the neophytes under t heir influence. These things the Governnent wish~d to pr event, and it realized that the best way to prevent such contingencies from arising would be to plant a few set t lements in Texas. The settlement at Esp{ritu Santo was t he first one ever to be contemplated by the Spanish Government for Texas. And when the French under 37 La Sall&, beat them to it, they determjned that they would not risk another f Filure by the French at colonizing a part of the country which they claimed as their own. Now, after years of pro­crastination, and after two settlements had already been made in Texas, a settlement was made at Es­pfritu Santo on the very spot where the French, under La Salle, had built theirs in 1684. According to his own report to the King, Aguayo opened some drain ditches at Esp{ritu Santo. He also fitted out a sloop and reconnoitered the co~st one hundred eighty leagues toward Vera Cruz. He then returned to San Antonio, arriving there on the twenty-eighth of April. A few davs after­wards he r eturned to Mexico and made his report to the Viceroy. His actj_ons received the formal 1 approval of the Government. Aguayo to the King, June 13, 17?2, in A. G. I., 1710-38 Guadalajara, 67 -3 -11, Expediente VI, 1-4. This land around Esp!ritu Santo was low and swampy, with many lagoons in it. Casafuerte, :~.he viceroy of New Spain, reported that it was water­ 39 logged the whole year; that seeds would not ger­minate in it, and for t his reason, that it was incapable of raising crops. He said that t he cattle went away from that pl ace because of the lack of sufficiently good soil to produce edible 2 grass. Friar Gonzales, an inspector f or t he 2 El Marquis de Casafuerte to the King, Aug. 1, 1730J in A. G. I., Mexico, 67 -3 -23, ff. 7-8. , Quereteran C0llege, expressed the same opinion of it. According to him, lack of water was a great drawback to it, so much so as to make it tta.bsolute­ 3 ly uninhabitable". 3 / Juan de Olivan, Report to the Auditor, Mexico, July 11, 1725, in A. G. M., ProvTnCia:s-tnternis-,~­XXXII, ff. 36-37. --­ It was springtime when J ose Ram~n first went to Espfritu Santo, and at th:' t time of the year the c::mntry bore the appearnce of being very fruitful. Juan Antonio de la Pena, who went with Aguayo to Esp{ritu Santo, in 1722, said of the place: urn all the land surrounding the presidio t here were beautiful flowers, and the land is very fruitful. There are extensive grazing land for horses and 4 cattle." In 1725, in answer to criticisms as to 4 Pena, Diario, f. 56. the location of the presidio, the Marquis de Aguayo stated that it was not by nature unfruitful, but that the captains did not have the men to work the land, and that during the first two years of its establishment, nothing was cult ivated, but that food was plentiful, and that there was not a person 5 sick, neither were there any deaths. / Olivan, Report, f. 37. The soldiers did not find it necessary to work, for there was plenty of wild game to be found in that vicinity. Quoting from a report of a man who travelled through that country in 1728, (but whose name is not attached to his report) one cen form a good idea of the wild life which abounded in that vicinity. It follows: "Buffalo, deer in abundance, bear from which fat is teken which serves to season the victuals, rabbits which serve as food for the Indians, (are found here.) Birds are in abundance and in particular, the turkey, which are passed in bands, and some night birds, which are called Texolotes, with a song so funereal as to cause melan­ cholia to those who hear it. The streams abound in fish, wgich serve as food for the Indians." Indiferente General de Nueva Espana, in A. a.!., 136 -7 -7, Papeleta:--181, r. -9o. Bird life and wild game in abundance and a distance of ten days travel to the nearest out­post of civilization were not the only symbols of Spanish pioneering activities upon which the sol­diers of the Presidio of our Lady of Loreto had to muse. There was a powerful force in the menace of the Indian which constantly reminded them to be on the alert. In the neighborhood surrounding the bay were several tribes which, according to the reports of the earliest travelers in that section of the province,-were among the lowest of the Texas In­dians, in the scale of life. The presidio was placed in the neighborhood of the Cocos, the Cura­cames, and the Cujames. Others of the neighborhood who lived in skin-thatched huts, in little settle­ ments called rancherias, were the Caranaguases, Copanes and Coapites. Still others of the coast­al tribes, but who were a little farther removed and who offered possible menace to the presidial troops, were the nations of the Tacames, Aranames, 7 Mayeyes, Pampopas, and the Pastias. Proyecto, y vissita de presidios hecha el afio 1728 por el Brigadier D. Pedro Rivera, in A.G. M., Provincias Internas, XXIX, f. 51. - The Indians lived a nomadic life, living in one locality only so long as the game in that sec­ tion lasted. Then they would move on. They lived on rabbits, fruits, and small game. Quoti.ng from an eminent authority: "In customs, inclinations, Pnd the modes of living, they are very similar to the Comanches and the Lip8nes, of whom they are sometimes enemies. They are not so warlike as those Indisns, but they are not entirely lacking in valor and dis­position to carry on offensive warfare, and to defend themselves. However, on the other hand, they are lazier and are greater knaves--from this arises their want and misery. Their commerce is ex­ceedingly meager bE:caus·s uf their lazi­ness and their scant traffic with for­eigners •••••••••They are idolatrous ~nd superstitious, and have many wives." Juan P.ntonio Padilla, Memoria sobre los Indies infieles de la provincia de Texas, p. ll. -----­ ~~-----~-~ These Indians were very willing to take help from the strRnger. They were anxious to come and live at the m2ssion with the Church fathers when they were promised seed for their fields , cattle for their pastures, and were assured of a plentiful supply of food. But when it became impractical to furnish these things, the Indians stole away from the mission, and went back to his wanderings. Dur­ing the first forty years of its existence , this mission of Esp{ritu Santo de Zuniga exercised prac­tically no influence over the spiritual lives of the Indians. The dress of the Indian man was very simple. It consisted of only one garment which was t i ed around his waist and hung loose. This "skirt" was made of deer hide. The women were a little more modest. They wore two pieces of deer hide , but these were of very poor quality, generally, and like the modern dress of the Texas women, their skirts hardly reached below their knees. The babies were naked almost the year around. Living in huts covered with hide, they did not need much clothj_ng in the summer t :i_me, for the heat was intense inside those huts. However, in the winter, their lack of proper clothing and their lack of decent houses in which they might gain pro-teetion from the winter 1 s blasts, must have bc~en among the main reasons for the low morp,le of those inh8bitants of the coastal country, and must also have accounted for the high death rate among them. We can get a better idea of the living con­ditions of these Indians if we quote some of the reports of the old missionaries who labored among them, striving to better their mode of living and to give them a religion. These missionaries knew the Indian better than anyone else, for they h8d to be very close observers to be able to live under the hard frontier conditions which constantly confront­ed them. "A very ridiculous thing is that done by the Indians to free themselves from small pox which thev consider to be something alive, and which is follow­ing them. After one of them is cover­ed with the d:lsease, they put him under a shade and surround him with thorns. They l PaVe him some food and water, and forsake him in such a way, that if he does not help himself or •f God does not help him, he dies. His body remains there as food for the ani­mals and vultures. When those who do hot have the smallpox go away they go along scattering thorns, certain of the fact that if a smallpox is following them, that on meeting these sh~rp thorns it will burst and will 9 not be able to keep on following them." g Espinosa, Chronica, p. 480. At the mission there were only two friars. Since the 17th of October, 1768, there was a stand­ing order from the king tha t the t.1issionaries should instruct the IndLms in the Castilia.n lin:;uage, and that the fathers should, at the saine time, learn the Indian toncue i n or·der Ua t instructions could 10 be made. They v1ere allowed OL..l y trro soldie:cs to ·•· · ..-· ---. -----------· ---­ ----~ 10 Royal Cedula, October 17, 1696, in "El Obispo, etc.", in A. G. I., Guadalajara, 6?-1-27, f. 5. ------------ -----· ---·-··--· ·------------­ guard them. This was not enough to make the Indians properly respect the missionaries. The neophytes respected muskets more than they did the Bible. "The most illustrious Montenegro testifies having known a great worker of the Company of Jesus, who for a period of twenty-five years bad busied him­ self with the conversion of the pagans, who stated that two muskets which escorted him helped more 11 than fifty workers who might accompany him." 11 Espinosa, Cbronica, p. 476. The general plan for dealing with the In­dians was to get them to congregate within the mission and then for the f athers, ass ~-sted oy the soldiers, to teach them to cultivate their fields, dig drain ditches, and to dig c~nals for irriga tion. The mission father s furnished them vvi th farming tools, and vri th grain for pl anting their fields. :But to the Inclians accustomed to the freedom of the forests, the ways of cl. vilized life did not hold a very great ap;eal to them. CHAPTER V RECRUITING OF THE PRESIDIAL TROOPS The recruiting of soldiers to make up this presidial guard at the presidia of Nuestra Sefiora de Loreto began late in the year 1719. The Marquic:i of Aguayo had received orders to select with Cl? Y'e the man who was to be the presidial c&ptain at Es­p!ritu Santo, so that, having selected Don Jose , Ramon, the latter was sent to enlist a contin­ , , gent of men to be in his company. Jose Ramon, then, was the recruiting officer for the embryo presidia. In Mexico City on December 20, 1719, Captain Jose Ram.on selected as his lieutenant, Don Juan de la Pefia, a native of Saltillo, whose age was forty-seven years. On the same day he selected as his , secretary, Diego Sanchez, a native of Boca de Leon- es. This man was thirty-five years of age. Two days later Bernardo de la Serda, a native of Sal­ tillo, was selected as sergeant, thus completing the official family. The officials having been selected, the ros­ters of the privates began to receive attention. 47 On December twenty-second, Bartholome, Garduno, a , Quereteran, decided to try his fortune with the presidial expedit ion. The next day Joseph Flores, a native of Guadalajara, also enlisted. Then for a week, nothing was done. This week of seeming idleness was possibly spent by Joee Ramon in holi­day festivities, since it was Michaelmas week. It was the last Christmas that he ever spent in the capitel of New Spain. On December the thir­ tieth, three native Spaniards enlisted. Of them, , Ygnacio de la Garza was born in Reino de Leon; Joseph ManuP-1 de Rivera, at the same place; and Francisco Esteban Mart!nez was born in Toledo, , , Castile. Cristobal Ramos, a native of Saltillo, joined the force on Janu~ry 3, 1720. This com­pleted the number of men from Mexico City who were d0 stined to go to Esp!ritu Santo. As to the ages of the men in this group, three were in their twenties, three in their thirties, and three in their forties. The recruiting force, together with their , new recruits, now went to Queretaro. It too~ seven days to go from Mexico City t o that place, and get ready for the opening up of their re­cruiting office (if, indeed, they had one). On January 11, two men enlisted. They were Mar­t!n del Canto, of Saltillo, and Nicolas Therrones, of Puebla de los An!geles. Gabriel de Aguirre, and Juan Esteban Izquierdo, both natives of Saltillo, enlisted on January 12. The next day two more natives of Saltillo enlisted. These were Manuel de Luna and Diego Salcedo. On the fifteenth, four enlisted. They were: Francisoo de Elbar, of Guadalajara, Jacinto Charles, of Boca de Leones, , Juan Manuel de Morales, of Queretaro, and Charles , Conde of Saltillo. The next day Lazaro Hernandez, of Theposotlan (TepozotlanJ completed the list of those who enrolled with t he company in the city , of Queretaro. Of the ages of thes e men, four were in their twenties; four in their thirties; and three in their early forties. Leaving Queretaro the recruits went with Jose Ramon to San Luis de la Paz. There, on January 26, three men enlisted. Of these Francisco Revillar was a native of the Canary Islands; Juan de Alvar­ado was a native son of La Paz; and Miguel Rodrf­ .. guez de las Casas was a native of the Kingdom of , Leon. Their ages were forty, thirty-five, and twenty-five,respectively. , No more recruits were received from t .. hL3 little town, so camp was brokPn, and the cavalcade now went to La Ciudad de San Luis Potos{. There they stayed only two days, enlisting two men e;:o. ch day. I The Potosians joining the regiment, were: Anto­nio Felix Ramo, of Boca de Leones; Miguel Munoz, of Carrizal; Francisco Xavier Munoz, of Carrizal; , and Nicblas de los Reyes, also from Boca de Leones. The ages of these men were twenty-five: twenty- four; twenty-five; and twenty-four, respectively. From La Ciudad de San Luis Potos!, the re­cruiting camp moved to Saltillo. On the way there, January 30, Diego Conde, aged thirty-six, enlisted in the village of Real de Nuestra Senora de Charcas. Those who enlisted in Saltillo were all young men. One of them was over thirty years of age, and sev­eral were under twenty. The names of the recruits and the city of their nativity is listed as follows: Juan de Pena, Saltjllo~ Pedro de Pei1a, of Saltillo; Nicolas Munoz, of Carrizal; Miguel Ramon, of Coa­huila; Marcos Garcia, of the Kingdom of Leon; Juan Andres Sanchez, of Boca de Leones; Juan Antonio de la Serda, of Boca de Leones; Alonso Munoz, of Sal­tillo; Pedro Ramon of Carrizal; Pedro Solaria, of the village of Zamora; and Miguel de Olivares, of Boca de Leones. Recruiting began in Saltillo on February 6, 1720, and was completed February 10, four days later. , , The quota that Jose Ramon had to fill was com­pleted at Saltillo on the above-mentioned date. Supplies had to be bought, and military equipment had to be secured. The men were furnished with shotgun2, swords, spurs, bridles, chairs, horses, powder, ammunition, and things for personal adorn­ment. A great many horses were needed for this trip, and cattle, also, which had to be purchased and a.ssembleQ. It took almost three months to get togethe r all materials needed for the journey to Esp{ritu Santo Bay. So that it was June 4, 1720, thPt Joseph Hernandez, aJ.caJ_de ~ri~~r-~~ of Rio Gr~nde del Norte,reviewed the troop and inspected their equipment. By this time they not only had their horses, arms, and munitions, but also, one hundred eight mules loaded with flour, and maize. After this inspection, these men were used by Aguayo to repel the attacks of the Nad11. dores Indinns. A year passed before they were finally to set out 1 on their expedition to Texas. 1 The data on the recruiting of the expedition to Esp!ritu Santo Bay, given in the foregoing para­graphs is taken from: A. G. M.,Provincias Inter­~' CLXXXI, Carpeta de correspondenc-ia--;-T.27.­ The foregoing paragraphs have told, as far as can be ascertained from t he few r ecords still ex­tant, of the mi ssionaries and presidial of ficers that composed the Esp!ritu Santo contingent. It was these men who were sent to Espfritu Santo from the Rio Grande River by Aguayo so that they might be there to receive the CRrgo of supplies wh ich had been sent from Vera Cruz by water to the Bay of Esp:!ritu Santo. One of the few int imations that we have that the sol diers followed the old Spanish custom of tak­ ing their families with them is f ound in a di spatch ? of Aguayo to the King, dated June 13, 1722. He said 2 Aguayo to the King, June 13, 1722, in A. G. I., Guadalajara, 1710-1738, 67 -3 -11, Exp ed i ente VI, pp. 1-4. that families were placed in a pueblo near the b~nks of the Guadalupe River. Another intima­ tion that the soldiers were comforted by family ties is found in the testimony of one Fernando , Perez, in describing the night attack upon the presidia by the Indians, in 1724. He said that, being uneasy and not beirn5 able to sleep, he sent his son to the sentinal to see why the dogs were barking; and that the sentinal told the boy the 3 Indians had attacked the horse herd. In another 3 A. G. M. CLXXXI, f. 44, in expediente, des­cribed as investigation of trouble between the In­dians and the soldiers of Bah{a del Esp!ritu Santo, by Fernando Perez de Almazan, Governor of Texas. testimony, mention is made of the soldier's wife 4 preparing corn for bread making. Therefore, we Ibid. can judge from this that there was family life in the settlement. CHAPTER VI PROPOSED SETTLEMENT OF CANARY ISLANDERS AT ESPfRITU SANTO When Aguayo visited the presidia of Nuestra Sefiora de Loreto and the mjssion of Esp!ritu Santo and inspected the surrounding country, he made plans for the settlement of the port with civil­ians. He considered thet this place would make an excellent port, and in order to have enough men there to guard it against the enemies that might try to capture it, and also to have enough men to act as escorts to the convoy trains, he left fifty additional men at the fort. As has been mentioned, this group arrived there, under the 1 leadership of Gabriel Cost&le s on March 14, 1722. Pena, Diari"1, f. 56. Later,when Aguayo returned to Mexico and made his report to the authorities about his accomplish­ments in Texas, he also made known his plans to populate the country with settlers. He considered it essential to the dev0lonment of his project 54 that a stron~ settlement be made at Espfritu San­to Bay. On June 26, 1720, Aguayo mad\': his r epre­sents.tions to the king concerning tht' necessity of establishing a presidia ~nd mission ther e . June 13, 1722, after the presidia and mission had been established, he made a request to the author-i ties to be allowed to bring four hundred families to Texa s, by the way of Espfritu Santo Bay, for the purpose of colonizing the country, and, in this way, to secure it safe to the Spanish crown from the en­croachments of the French, and, possibly, of the ~nglish. He stated that it was indispensable that there be shipped to the Texas r egion two hundred families from Galicia, Canaries, or from HavBna, since these people were of the industrious t ype. He further requested that anot her two hundred In­dian families of the Gran Tlaxcala be sent, fo~ 2 they would be an example to the native Indians, 2 The Tlascaltecas, referred to h0re as 11 Gran Tlaxcala", were a tribe of Indians whose land lay between Mexico City and Vera Cruz. At the time of the conqu~st they had reeched a barbaric state of civilization. See H. H. Bancroft, Native Tribes, III, 143. not only because they were converts t o the Catholic faith, and would thus make the Christianization of the native coastal tribes more e~Jsily accomplished, but also because their examples of industry would serve as good examples to the natives. He said the soil of Texas was so fertile it lacked only to be 3 worked to be a veritable mine for the Spanish crown. 3 Marquis de Aguayo to the King, June 13, 1722, in A. G. I., Guadalajara, 1719-1721, 67 -3 -11, p. 7. ----------------------·------ Aguayo 1s petition was well received by the King , for on May 10, 1723, the King gave an order that the two hundred fam i lies from the Canary Is-l~mds should be brought to America. He ordered that they be brought of their own free wi11, on board merchant ships, and that they be provided with ample supplies for their needs. He stated that they were to be well. treated, and that they should sail from the port of Campeche, and from there t o Vera Cruz, and thence to San Bernardo Bay. He stated that the necessary supplies should be given them for their maintenance, the co st of wh ich was to be taken out of his royal treasury. These supDlies were to last a yea r, until they h8rvested their 4 newly-sowed crops. 4 Royal Cedulu, May 10, 1723, in A. G. I., Guadalajara, 1710-1738, 67 -1 -37. The King's order was acknowledged by Casa­ fuerte, on October 17, 1723, but for the time being 5 nothing was done toward carrying it out. Viceroy Casafuerte to , the King, October 17, 1723, in A. G. M., Reales Cedulas, XLIV. Evidently Aguayo sent a second petition to the King on the same subj ect for on June 10, 1724, t he fiscal acknowledg ed the receipt of a. petition 6 of Aguayo asking f or two hundred Canary Islanders. 6 Fiscal's notF.ition on Aguayo's two memorials to the King, April 17, 1723, in A.G. I.~ Guad~­jara, 1719-1721, 67 -3 -11, p. 115. The Council of the Indies, on July 28, 1724, took up the matter of Aguayo's request and appr8ved it. Their order was that the Cana ry Islanders should take the same route as authorized by the King on May 10, 1723, adding that they were to be transfer­ red from Esp{ritu Santo Bay to the portion of Texas 7 where they were most needed. 7 D. Joseph Patifio to the viceroy, July 3, 1727, in A. G. I., Guadalajara, 1710-1738, 67 -1 -37, p. 15. That the order of the Spanish King and of the Council of the Indies were not always obeyed with alacrity by the offichils of the empire is evident in this case, for on February 14, 1729, we find that the King again ordered that his command of May 10, 1723, be carried out. The order was acknow­ledged by Casafuerte on November 27, of the same 8 year. The King to Casafuerte, January 16, 1734, in A. G. M., Historia, CCCXXI, ff. 85-86. ~on Pedro de Rivera, the Inspector-General of the northern part of New Spain,knew of these orders of the King when he made his famous inspection of the northern presidios and missions in 1727-1728. He went over the ground carefully at Espfritu Santo Bay, and came away with the id ea that to try to populate the Bay of Esp!ritu Santo was an unwise and unnecessary thing to do. Quoting: ttif some of the families from the Canaries should arrive in Havana, it would be well for them to remain on the island for a while as it is not necessary for them 9 at the present to be sent on." He stated that it Rivera's Report to the King, January 16, 1730, in A. G. I., Guadalajara, 67 -4 -38, ff. 31-32. would be necessary to construct suitable houses for the immigrants, and that the distance to their destinations from Esp!ritu Santo was too great. Be­sides, he stated, the lack of horses and mules was was too great to think of having the settlers sent to Texas. He also stated that the site of Esp!ritu Santo was not capable of supporting any inhabitants because the land was swampy and sterile, and it lack­ed all the necessary things to support a population; that the land was liable to be overflowed because it was very low; and that if circumstances made it nee­essary, the population could be secured from the in­ 10 habitants of the country itself. The King to Casafuerte, January 16, 1734, Historia, CCCXXI,ff. 85-86. But if Rivera was very much in earnest about securing inhabitants from the surrounding country for the building up of a strong settlement, his judgment of the material for colonization purposes was very poor. He had described the inhabitants 11 of that region as vagabonds and cowards. Rivera to Casafuerte, December 7, 1738, in A. G. M., Provincias Internas, XXIX, p. 103. It was not until June, 1730, that Canary Is­landers destined for settlement in Texas, finally arrived. There were only ten such families, and these were sent overland to San Antonio, and were settled at the village of San Fern~ndo. The reason that they were not sent to Bahfa instGad, was that it was thought to be too dengerous a journey via 12 water. 2 River~ Report, f. 41. The viceroy of New Spain, without the f ormal approval of the King, had ordered a change in the route that the Canary Islanders were to take. This made him subject to the charge of insubordination when his residencia should be taken, and therefore , he was anxious to explain his actions to the King, and to get his approval for what he had done. Ac­cordingly, on August 1, 1730, Casafuerte wrote to the King that he had t aken care of the ten families from the Canary Islands while they were pa ssing enroute to San Anton jo, but at the same time he expressed his disapproval of Aguayo' s plan of send­ 13 ing four hundred families to Texas. Again, on Viceroy Casafuerte to the King, August 1, 1730, in A. G. I., Mexico, 67 -3 -23, ff. 4-6. March 22, 1732, he sent another letter to the King stating his objections to the settling of Texas with two hundred Canary Islanders, and esp ecially in such places as Anguilla, Buena Vista, and Bah!a 14 del Esp!ritu Santo. He stated that the country The exact extent of Texas was not clearly understood at that time. was uninhabitable; that the land was infertile, and that it would not even support cattle. He further stated that to try to people tho se places would be the same thing as sending them to their deaths, for they would be at the mercy of the savages. The ex­pense of such an undertaking was too great, and the returns too small to justify the expenditure of the money of the crown to attempt such a colonization scheme. Therefore, he requested tbat the order to 15 send the Canary Islanders to Texas be suspended. 15viceroy Casafuerte to the King , August 1, 1730, in A. G. I., Mexico, 67 -3 -23, ff. 7-8. This last request seemed to have had prompt results for in the same year the King ordered the suspension of the shipment of the Canary Isl~nders to AmericP , and instructed Casafuerte that if any more did arrive, to emnloy them in the presidios 16 of Mexico and not to s end them to Texas. In 16 ~he King to Casafuerte, Jrnuary 16, 1734, in A. G~M., Historia, CCCXXI, p. 154. another cedula, dated January 16, 1734, the King again ordered the suspension of shipments of Canary Islanders to Texas. Thus it was that the first official port of entry of Texas was deprived of receiving the first European immigrants ever sent en masse into the province. The soldiers of the locality were de­prived of the pleasure of receiving the newcomers and had only the occasional arrival of overland convoy of goods, enroute to Los Adays, or the arri­val of a supoly boat from Vera Cruz, to break the monotony of t heir existence. CHAPTER VII THE COMMISARIAT (EL HABILITACION) The captain of the presidio of Nuestra Senora de Loreto was the only person in the company who had any opportunity of making money other than his salary, or in chance winnings at the gaming table. He had to buy all the supplies for the company, and then run a litt le community store. Very often he overeharged the soldiers. He was in an excellent position to have thin3s his own way, for very few of the soldiers could read or write, and, as most of them bought on credit, the captain would hold their salary beck as security for the credit ex­tended them. If, as it often happened, their in­debtedness exceeded their salary, it might be sev­eral years before they actually received money. Many times they would dnsert, leaving their debts unpaid, but, again, others would desert who had a balance in their favor. Thus the captain usua l ly made his position pay, and the Spanish government from time to time would send out inspectors to sP-e if the soldiers were being overcharged and to set 64 prices on goods. Below is the official price list for which goods had to be sold in Esniritu Santo, and in San Antonio. This list shows that by it provi­sions were made for women's wants, and it shows, also, the Spanish love for linens and silks. From this list, we can see thatS::>out the nearest thing to furniture that was sold, was materials for mak­ing chairs. Chairs, then, must have been consider­ed the most important pieces of furniture in the 1 home. The rest of the furniture was made in camp. Antonio de Aviles to Viceroy Casafuerte, April 20, 1729, in A. G. I., Mexico, 61 -1 -41, ff. 47-50. -·-----------------~------­ The list follows: Each bushel of corn used for planting was @ 3 pesos per bushel Each bushel of corn carried away for other purposes than sowing •••••••••••••••••••••@ 7 pesos Each head of cattle••••••••••••••••••••··® 12 pesosA yard of cloth •••••.••••••••••••••••••• •@ 16 pesos A pound of sweetened chocolate ••.••••••••@ 10 reales Mexican beads of all colors ••••••••.••.••@ 3! pesos A yard of Queretaran cloth •••.•••••••••••@ 4 pesos A yard of blue woolen cloth ••••••••••••••@ 2 pesos A yard of moss cloth from Cholula ••••••••@ 3 pesos A yard of blue flannel •••••••••••••••••••@ 10 reales A yard of wide silk veil (for dress up wear) •.......•...........................@ 6 reales 66 A ~rnrr1 of t;i·~·:.: s ..~,... · ··iri· · :-:":· • ·~ ':!_, :.. ,.. .,. ., littl.o i:r:f f::";·r :io1... c1~1.s.lit~: ••..............® 10 A paid of u!:c1fr-rc·t'~ 'c0 -t s r -::-, · c:--· -~1 -­wst-n", of blue col0-r, '.-1_th li.t;'-L ' ~'-i_r0 r eel ='~lros i.n it'.........................~ T"'.:~t1"lee 7,r :irds of ~e·i·1·rz~ -e n~_7le lo · t1::.(-·?1":J -.:o\.'Gn into cl nt}1 -~·01~ t t-·C"' -~~11_:~1)~80 c~~:l ·:·,1:. ~-~i!'.f!: n111f. ::'1 ers .................................€f"­Co'.J· -,:~n :nl1;::'t'l 2:.'ls •••••.••••••••••••••••• •\S The clo~h ·.~fl-: :i_c}-: 1;1-1-" Z'1 J_ t.e::;"'qne send, of three yc.rc1 ~--~ e·acJ1 in ~:10 :=~;11.1!0 ( r1~_.. 9~·1. 1 :1~1a;Jl;r <"·or~ ....:" .~ 1;. ~. -"Vi no .-...,.. , -r·.:.-~.-1 (:\.·:.... c• ) rc...._ ..L • •1 , ... .. .. .......J J. .. ·.:: ;)11_ .• ..I ·• -·.• -~ • J ••••••••••••••••••• ~ Smo.l:i_ piec es ,J~' cl '!th ·1J_:~c>d :l:t prv _-,de?' ·-, 11"'-f'Sj -i1· r-c ....... c'1 .... f'\D-h01-;--d0-_"11' . · ~1·ni 011'"' •••••••@. OCC ...~,_ _, ~-1....; v --' -""" ~ ) -.I.,-, , Sa.'ITI.e a3 above, 'but for o-r•dir r1ry nse ••••€ Large cotton ~h~ll~ mad~ of c ~t~Dn and sil l: ...................................@; Shrrwls of smslle1~ :~ ize .•..............•@ A pair of stocl~ir~~:-:i , .from ·tolnca •••••••@ Woolen foot cov0rin~s •••••.•.•.••.•.•.•@ Woolen blankets from Ca '!poc!le ••••••••••IS. Co1mi1on '.7onlen 1)lan1:ets ••••.••••••••••••@ A 7:?rd of bl'.'t~ s c.ck-clotb, i'rom Quantit-1{!i r~ncJ. Totzoco ........................@ A pound of t ooholliite o: al l c olnrs •••••@ A t '.:enty-pouncl sack or· flour ...........@ Blc1C].{ ...:.:01~ 1: h c... ts ••..•...••.••.••..•..•••® Or:1in::-.ry h sts ·,·;i th medium lir:.in"'.;:'. ••••••@ A handf~1l of dry cle;m to'b:~cco •••••••••@ Ordinary tob:::: c c o ••••..•.••.....••.•••••@ 10 c nl.::e~-of :;O:: o for ..................•@ of •v .. -:-' 1• ,_,oth• ---,,,,n' A .1:-D. ,-· "'1. f) v ~.l..~.i. shoes. .(' or >..J • ""'" ; il•;;.., and 't'omen, of all sizes , •••••••••••••••@ A pair of 1GatJ1e~· '3110es ••••••••••••••••-@ A :neasurinr; cup f o!' chocolate ••••••••••@ l'he dressings for chaLrs , ":i th the upper lenther of '!u perior c:u.<-O:> 67 Each hide used in makin~ chairs ••••••••••@ 30 pesos Shoulder belts of Cordovan make ••••••••••@ 5 pesos Fowling pieces •••••••••••••••••••••••••••® 30 pesosSheathes for fowling pieces with silk linings ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••@ 10 pesos Ordinary sheathes •••••••••••••••••••••••·® 6 pesos Light wooden boxes for fowling pieces ••••@ 3-l-peses Wide short swords ••••••••••••••••••••••••@ 14 peses Light bayonets •••••••••••••••••••••••••••@ 6 reales Field :kn.ives ••.••••••••••••••••••••••••••@ 3 pesos A pair of stirrups •••••••••••••••••••••••@ 10 pesos A pair of Caracol spurs, with wide rowels @ 6 pesos A pound of round earthen pots, and copper griddle pans •••••••••••••••••••••••••••·•® 8 reales A caldron, and a jar of copper, each •••••@ 4 pesos A yard of elefante (a kind of cloth) •••••@ 8 reales A yard of glazed linen for lining purposes@ 10 reales A yard of China silk in all colors •••••••@ 8 reales A yard of pinguin ••••••••••••••••••••••••@ 3 pesos A yard of ribbon, plain and figured ••••••@ 2~ reales An onza2of flexible, emblamatical silk, of all colors ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••@ 11 reales An onza is the twelfth part of a Romsn foot. A hank of twisted silk for sewing ••••.•••@ 12 reales A piece of simple cotton stuff of thin, light quality ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••@ 6 pesos A piece of cotton shirting •••••••••••••••@ 5I pesos Bed-ticking ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••@ 62 pesos A pair of Canton silk hose for men in all colors ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••·····® 6 pesosA yard of fine light linen made at Rouen .@ 11 reales A yard of British linen (wide) •.••••.••.•@ 11 reales A yard ofBritish linen (narrow) ••••••••••@ 10 reales A yard of Silesian linen ••••••.••••••••••@ 8 reales A yard of cotton cloth ••.••.••••••..•••••@ 8 reales A yard of craes linen, wide, made in Leo'n @ 9 reales A yard of Bramant light linen ••••••••••••@ 10 reales A yard of English serge ••.•••••.••••••.••@ 20 reales A measure of Karmes (for red dying) ••••••@ 3 pesos A yard of woolen stuff called Calamanaa •.@ 11 reales 68 A yard of shag (woolen stuff for carpet­ing) •........•...........................@ 4 pesos A yard of Granada taffeta ••••••••••••.•••@ 14 reales A yard of Valencia satin •••••••••••••••••@ 5 pesos A ya.rd of Toledo satin •••••••••••••••••••@ 5 pesos Trinnnings for blankets, in five and seven yard lengths •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••® 20 nesos A pair of hose made in Milan •••••••••••••@ 6 pesos A pair of silk stockings for women, of Toledo make•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••·® 5 pesos A pair of silk stockings for women, of Milan make •.•...••..•.....•..••.......•..@ 4 pesos A pair of stockings made of fine worsted yarn, for men •.. : .......................•@ 14 reales A pair of stockings ma.de of fine worsted yarn, for women.: ••••••••••••••••••••••••@ 10 reales A pair of hose of Dutch make •••••••••••••@ 10 reales A pair of understockings of Seville worlan.a.nship ••••.•••.....••..••..•.•••••••@ 10 reales A pair of hose, of Genoa make •••••••.••••@ 10 reales A pair of understockinrr s of French and Galician make ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••@ 8 reales A hank of thread of Munequilla pattern •••@ 5 rea.les A hank of Cleme thread •••••••••••••••••••@ 5 reales A hank of Salon cotton thread ••••••••••••@ 4 reales A little parcel of paper stitched to­gether •.•..•.......•....................•@ 2~ reales Blankets for half beds •••••••••••••••••••@ 5 pesos Blankets for outdoor use •••••••••••••••••@ 20 pesos The above price list indicates that food-stuffs, such as beans, peppers, etc., were not sold at the company store. Therefore, we must draw the con­ clusion that the soldiers and their families raised enough in their truck gardens to suffice their wants. Game being in abundance, it is also reasonable to conclude that they were well supplied with meats. CHAPTER VIII INDIAN TROUBLES The first two years of the occupancy of Es­p!ritu Santo by the Spaniards was marked by some success with the Indians. Under the supervision of the padres, there were some attempts made by the Indians at cultivating their fields. The three Indian nations who first made a treaty with the mission fathers made a trial of living the civil­ized life. However, they were discouraged, some­what, at not receiving very much in the way of sup­plies from the whites. Again, the examples for industry set by the Spanish soldiers were not con­ducive to making exemplary neophytes of them. They had ample opportunity of observing the shiftless­ness of the Spaniards; of noting the lack of care they took of their dress, their lack of military discipline, their crude attempts at fortifying their presidio with adobe made of delta mud, and of noting their fondness for gambling. What they observed possibly made them less afraid of the ability of the Spaniards to defend themselves in case of an attack. We infer, from I , a letter of Father Margil, that Jose Ramon and his brother, Domingo Ramon were killed by the savages 1 in defense of Spanish interests. No record, now Father Margil to the viceroy, July 20, 1724, in A.G. M., Provincias Internas, XXXII, f. 25. available, gives the circumstances connected with , the death of Jos~ Ramon. However, he met his death sometime between March 14, 1722, and June 9, 1723, for on the first date he received the , fifty soldiers sent by Aguayo to Espiritu Santo, and we have records which show that Andrts Ramon was the acting captain of the presidio on June 9, 2 1723. Auto l consulta, etc., in A. G. M., fro­v~neias Internas, CLXX.XI, f. 13. Domingo Ramon, brother of Diego, ·.~ras reconnnend­ed by Father Margil de Jesus, a padre of the Zaca­tecan College, to be captain of the presidio of " , Nuestra Senora de Loreto. He succeeded Andres Ramon. Investigation by the officials after his death, , show that Domingo Ramon was very lax in his mili­ tary discipline, for the men, at the time of his dea'th , were insubordinate and lacked proper weapons, 3 ammunition, and horses. Th.ere was no excuse for Autos fechos en la Bah!a, etc., A.G. M.,Prov1nc1aa Internas, CLXXXI, ff. 18-19. this for in May, 1723, there had arrived at the port a ship which contained "an abundant provisions of clothing, thirty guns, and as many swords (as was necessary) to replace the weapons that, in the length of fourteen months, could have been broken, 4 or could have gotten out of fix." The captain was Ibid.' f. 21. kind to his soldiers, for he called them "Mates" -­ an inexcusable familiarity for a commanding officer 5 to exercise toward his subordinates. Ibid. ' f. 24. But if t he captain was kind to his soldiers, even to the point of failing to make them clean their guns, he was very harsh with the Indians. The story of his death shows very clearly that he had no compunction in killing them, and that his disregard for their feelin~s was the immediate 6 cause of his death. Ibid., f'. 24. In September, 1723, a group of Indians en­camped near the presidia of Nuestra Senora de Loreto. For three months they had lived there in apparent peace. On December 14, one of the group went to the house of a so1d1er, to get some fresh meat, as the stildie:r had killed a cow sometime during the day. After waiting there a few minutes, the soldier handed the Indian some meat, and supposed that he would go on about his business~ Instead of leaving, the Indian picked up a stick that the soldier's wife used in grind­ing her corn, and began to beat the corn. The soldier told him to get out of the house, and the lieutenant of the presidia, who was there, re­peated the command. But the Indian paid no at­ tention. Then the lieutenant put him out of the house by main force, and the Indian picked up a rail with which to hit the lieutenant. Whether or not he carried out his intention is not known. However, we do know that after the "fracas" was over, he fled to the rancheria. The lieutenant now sent two soldiers to bring the Indian back to camp in order to have him flogged. The In­dian resisted arrest, and one of the soldiers struck him with a knife. This act excited the other Indians in the camp (there were about forty of them), and they came out, giving war whoops, and began shooting arrows at the soldiers. One of the soldiers was wounded, and the horse of the other was also wounded. The Indians, coming off vj_ctorious, but real­izing that they would be punished for their act, broke camp, and with their women and children, began to flee. Before crossing the river they stole two cloaks belonp,ing to some soldiers who were in the river bathing. These soldiers noti­fied Captain Domj_ngo Rambn, who was at another rancher!a, two leagues from the presidio, and he, having received the news, mounted a horse, and, taking a few soldiers with him, followed the In­dians, overtaking them about a league from there. He tried to appease them, and to convince them that it was necessary for them to return to the presidia. In this he was partially successful, for they turned around and started back. Night fell upon them on their way back, how­ever, and about half of the IndiB.ns hid from the Spaniards. The greater part of the ~nomen and chil­dren finally arrived at the presidio, and the cap­tain, now thoroughly angered, put them all into a small hut with the purpose of killing every one. In order to carry this purpose into execution, on the following mornin~ , he had a bull killed so that the Indians would be willing to come to the kill and to receive their portion of meat. He also had the soldiers gather all the rope and raw­hide strings that they could find. His intention was to capture the Indians when they CB.me to re­ceive their portion of the meat and then hang them all. However, the soldiers made too much noise, and the Indians got suspicious. They did not fall into the trap that the captain had laid for them but instead, some of them made an open­ing in the hut and got out, and began to flee. When the captain saw them escaping, he called a few soldiers who rounded up the escap­ed Indians, and had them put back into the hut. He now got inside with them, and after making a few signs to them, they quieted down. "When some soldiers came near, the captain shouted to them, 'Here, mates,' with the purpose, as the wit­ness says, that the soldiers should kill the In­dians. At the same time that the ce.ptain shouted, an Indian got close to him, a.nd with a half of a large pair of scissors, wounded him in the breast, 7 of which he died eight days afterwards." Autos fechos en la Bahfa, etc. ,f. 24. The soldiers killed two of the Indians inside of the hut and the cs.ptain, before he died, gave orders that they shoot the cannon which was point­ing toward the jacal. But when the soldiers got away from the hut so that they could fire the cannon, the Indians fled through a little open­ing ivhich they had made in the hut, and the can­non had no effect. They only captured one In­dian woman alive, and the captain had her kill­ 8 ed. ~·' f. 24. This act of brutality on the part of the Span­iards undid all of the good work that the fathers of the mission of Esp!ritu Santo de ZU!\iga might have had on the neophytes. From that time for­ward the Indians became an active menace to the Spaniards. No official investigation was made of this af­fair at the time, ­ and Lieutenant Diego Ramon, the son of Domingo, took charge of the presidial sol­diers, as their connnanding officer. He was even more lax in military discipline than his father had been. He did not attempt to follow military regulations, for he allowed the soldiers to in­dulge in gambling to such an extent that they went so far as to gamble away their arms, horses, and clothing. This laxness on the part of their connnandant caused twenty-four of the soldiers to sign a petition, addressed to Don Fernando Perez ~ de Almazan, governor of Texas, asking the removal , of Ramon, and the appointment of a man who would 9 keep order inside the presidio. Ibid., f. 20. As a result of the inefficiency and neglect , of duty on the part of Diego Ramon, the little presidio again had trouble with the Indians on January 13, of the following year. This caused the death of two soldiers, and of several In­dians, and helped to keep the Indians anta~onized. It also resulted in the first official investiga­ , tion of the affairs of Espiritu Santo, and the in­formation brought out in the investigation did not reflect a very great credit to the presidia!. troops. When Governor Fernando P~rez de Almazan heard 0£ the trouble which had occurred at Esplritu Santo ' he went to that place and ordered Siege Ramon to make a report of the ,judicial proceedincrs that J he had taken in the case. However, Ramon re­ported that he had not conducted an official investigation concerning the above mentioned af­fair, and therefore could not give the governor the judicial proceedings, as requested. Then on April 1, 1724, Governor Almaz:n ordered that an investigation be made of the uprising of the In­dians of the Cojanes, Carancaguases, and Guapites, who were encamped in the neighborhood of the pre­sidio, and who had killed the two soldiers refer­red to in the above paragraph. In making this investigation, the governor called in all soldiers who had taken part in the affair, and all those who lmew anything about it. Their testimony was taken dovm, and they were re­quired to sign their names to it. Then this testi­mony was sent to the Secretary of War at the City of Mexico. Only a few of the witnesses kenw how to sign their names to the documents, so that, after having had it read to them in order that they might indicate any errors in it, they got the governor to sign their names for them --they making their sign. Court procedure of the old Spaniards was not very different from our present procedure. The witnesses were called to the stand, and the court secretary had them to take an oath (God being the Judge) and make the si~n of the cross, that they would tell the truth in every thing that they knew and were asked about. They were then questioned and the court receiv­ed their testimony, which the witnesses had signed. The first witness called, in this case , was 10 a corporal by the name of Nicolas Meave. In Ibid.' ff. 2-3. substance, the following statements were mad~ by him: On January 12, Bernabo de Arzo, a private, r notified the commandant, Diego Ramon, that he had seen an Indian near the presidio, and that Ignacio de la Garza, who was acting as sergeant, mount­ed a horse and went to reconnoiter where the sol­dier said he had seen the Indian. Garza returned and said that there were no Indians, that the sol­diers were afraid, and that all the bushes looked like Indians to them. The witness stated that , Xavier Mtfioz then told Diego Ramon, in the pres­ence of some other soldiers, that it would be very prudent to notify the soldiers who were with the horse herd to get close to the presidio so that a misfortune might not happen to them; but that the lieutenant did not pay any attention to him. The witness further stated that he was one of the four who were with the horse herd, and that all four of them did not have more weapons than one gun ( and that belonged to the witness but was useless, be­cause he could not hunt with it) and a sword, which the witness had loaned to the man who was keeping watch ( that the watch was kept on foot, in camp, as the horses were hobbled). He stated that about midnight the Indians fell upon their camp, and kill­ed two soldiers with their arrows, and that this witness, and Juan Rodrlguez fled wounded, and on foot, arriving at the presidio after midnight where they notified the officials of what had hap­pened. The witness further stated that after the affair of this killing , the connnandant placed six armed soldiers with the herd. He said that he had recognized one of the Indians as one belong­ ing to the group of Indians who had lately r evolt­ed. 11 The next witness called was Bernave de Arze. Ibid. , ff. 3-4. This man was the soldier who had first report­ed having seen an Indian in the vicinity. His testi­mony differed only in minor details from that of Corporal Meave. He stated that he had seen an In­dian near the presidia, and when he notified Lieu- I tenant Diego Ramon of it, that the ser~eant, Ygnacio de la Garza, rode over to the place, and, failing to find the Indian, had said that Arze had been de­luded. He stated that on the following day they were to give him a mild punishment for being scared. The witness further ste.ted that he had heard Lieutenant Fernando de Leon tell Ramon and Garza, that on account of doubts, it would be a good thing to bring the herd closer to the -ore­sidio, but that Garza had answered that it was unnecessary, saying that they were not Indians, and that all the bushes and palm trees looked like Indians to the witness. He further stated that no investigations were made. According to him the following morning Ramon mounted his horse, and, with some soldiers wnnt to find the horses and corpses. The witness asked him why they were going since there were no Indians. (Clearly, this was a case of insubordination.) Bern£> ve de Arze stated that he knew that the Indians who made the attack were the same ones who had revolted a short time before. He also stated that after the attack, a large number of well armed soldiers were added to the horse herd guard. The next witness called was Francisco Zavier 12 Mufuz. The only new thing tbEt he added was that ~-, ff. 4-5. Bernave de Arze had told Lieutenant Diego Ramon and Sergeant Garza that he had seen an Indian try­ing to set a border of oak trees on fire. The fourth witness was Juan Rodr!guez Vista, one of the two soldiers who had escaped being kill­12 ed while watching the horse herd. He said ~., ff. 6-7. that a soldier had come and reported that he had seen an Indian, and had notified Lieutenant Ramon about three o'clock in the afternoon, but , that Ramon had given Garza a second command not to bring the herd closer to the camp until the following day. The witness stated that he had been put in the main watch, and that he had kept awake, but that late in the night a comrade re­lieved him. He said that he had slept awhile, and was still asleep when the Indian attacked him and that he woke up wounded with two arrow shots, and fled for his life to the presidia. He stated that they {the guard) had two fire-arms, but both were useless. Lieutenant Fernando Perez de Leon was the fifth witness called before the Court of In­13 quiry. He said that a month a fter the revolt 13 Ibid• , ff• 7 -8. of the Indians there came to him a while before sunset a soldi er by t he name of Bernave de Arze, who, in his pr es ence, t old Lieutenant Diego Ramon, that he had seen an Indii:,n wr['pped up with a blank­et, among the oaks on the other side of the r :i.ver, and n~ar the pre sidio: and that the Indian was put­ting fire on the edge of a bunch of oak trees, and that as so8n as the •moke began t o come up from the grass which the IndiF.n had in his hand, the In­dian hid among the t rees. The witness steted t hat he told Ram6n to bring the herd closer, and to place the sentinels on horseb~ ck, and that Francis­ co Xavier Mu~oz had said the same thing, and had blso said that if they did not bring the he rd clos­er, that the Indians would make a night attack up­on the soldiers. Leon stated that Sergeant Garza went to reconnoiter, but stopped on the side of the river nearest the presidio, on a mound, and return­ed saying that there was nothing but some palm trees which looked like Indians. The soldiers were then sent away without any prep2ration being made for eventualities. That night the witness did not wish to undress because of uneasiness caused by the news of the Indians, and because of seeing the little prevention they had made for defense. At midnight he heard the dogs bark and told his son to go and ask the sentinal what kind of a no jse that was. The boy returned saying thPt the Indians he,d attacked the herd. With this news he went out and saw Juan Rodr{guez, one of the men who was tc.king care of the he rd. Rodrfguez told him that he did not know whether the other men were dead or alive. A li ':tle while afterwards, Corporr 1 Nicola'.s Miave came to the presidio and then the witness mounted a horse (one of the soldier's) and went to the . , presidia and notified Diego Rrmon. He said that Ramon then mounted a horse to go to the herd, and that Sergeant Garza, with six men on fo ot, also went, but he did not know whe ther or not they ar­rived at the pl ace wh ere the herd was. He stated that t he morning of the next day two dead sol­diers, Julio Garc{a and Pedro Ramon de Burgan, were f ound in the deserted camp . The Indians had taken the one sword that the four horse-herders hc.d. Four days had now been t ~ken in the hearing the testimony of the sol diers, and Fernando Perez de Almazan, gove rnor and captain-general of the province of Texas, decided thRt he had examined enough soldi ers, and now determi ned t o examine Don Diego Ramon and Ser geant Ignacio de la Garza. 14 Ramon was the first to be put upon the stand. 14 Ibid., ff. 9-12 . The testimony of Ramon was very similar to that of Lieutenant Fernando Perez de Le on. It differ ed some, however. He said that as soon as Bernave de Arze had notified him that he had seen an Indian attempting to set f i re to t h e woods he had ordered Rodr{guez, who w2s free, to t ell the corporal of the guard to bring the h0rses closer to the presidia. He said that in spite of the re~ort that his sergeant, Garza, had told him about not seeing any trace of Indians, h e had given an order that very early on the f ollowing day the herd should be brought closer. Lieu­ternmt Rcmon ad.mi tted th~t Munoz had a dvis ed him to brins the herd closer t hat night, but denied having heard Lieutenant Leon tell him s o. He sta t ed that the re~ son the guErds were on foot was that there were n ot enough horse s to al­low the guards to be mounted . He stated , how~ver, that he had not ordered the soldiers to mount guard on foot, and that the tragr:dy had happened because the soldier watching went to sle ep. He stated that, after the rajd, h e had placed ten men and a corporal with th e herd, but t hey only were armed with five good gtms, as the others were useless. When asked what motive he had not to place more men with more weapons, with the herd, since he knew that the guards did n ot have any arms, and also since Arze had given him the hews of having seen an Indian, he said that it was because his sergeant, Garza, had said that he had nat seen any Indians. After examining Garza, next, the governor looked over the evidence, and deprived Garza of 15 employment as sergeant. He then sent in a re ­ --:ra­ Ibid., f. 15. port to Viceroy Casafuerte of the whole procedure so that he might do whatever he thought ought to be done. Next he proceeded to inspect the presidia, to see exactly in what state it was. He found that only twenty (soldiers) out of the ninety which com­posed the camp, were e q.ipped :.'.'i th all arms. Seven had no more arms than bows and arrows. There were seven who had only guns, and eight were equipped only with swords. Seven were equipped with both gun and sword while there were el even who had use­less guns. One soldier po~sessed a broken sword, as his only weapon, offensive or defensive, while there were thirty-four in the camp who had weapons of no kind. But the drummer boy still possessed his drum. The governor found that the presidia possessed ninety-nine horses, but fifty-three of the s ol­diers did not own any of them. These were prob­ ably bad gamblers. Below, is a list showing the number horses. of 16 soldiers owning dif fe r.::. nt numbers of 16 Ibid.,ff. 18-19. Soldiers With one horse ••••••••••••• 4 With two horses •••••••••••• 6 With three horses •••••••••11 With four horses •••••.•••••3 With f i ve horses •••••••••••5 With six horses ••••••••••••3 With seven horses ••••••••••1 With eight horses ••••••••••1 The greater part of the soldie rs were f ound to be in need of uniforms and clot hes. The lack of arms and of clothing was caused by the disord~r into which the presidia was l::hrown when t.he Indians had revolted, about a month before. Both Domingo Ramon and his s on, Diego Ramon, were severely criticised by Almazan in his report 17 to the viceroy. He stated that these men had al­ 17 Ibid., ff. 2l-2b. lowed the soldiers to be disorderly, and to gamble, "staking their arms, horses, and clothes that they needed for their appearnace". The presidia of Bah!a was the one that had the least work for the soldiers because of the few escorts that took ·Dlace from that locality. Therefore, there was no excuse for the officers failing to make the men keep their weapons cleaned. The governor stf,_ ted that many of the weapons were useless because some of the soldiers had not cleaneri ~hem since they had received them. , ­ The stockade which Captain Jose Ramon had made, by the order of Aguayo, was found alm'.) st de stroyed, because the soil had rotted so many stakes, and to others had been pulled out to be burned in place of wood. This, the officers had refused to pro­hibit. Almazan stated that it seemed to him that the only way to make a fortification that would stand, would be to make it out of brick, since there was no stone, and sjnce wood would not last. However, he stated, the soldiers were dj vided in their opinions, bec Ruse some of them felt at ease, even thou,:::h they lacked arms, horses, or clothing. They were thoroughly enjoying t heir complete freedom. There were others who wished to make a change, even going so far as t o peti­tion t he removal of their supe rio r officer, as has been stated. There were no'; enough mule packs to carry st :)ne to the presidio for its rebuilding. "I feel like having this presidia changed about two gunshots from where it is today , to a peninsula that the river mak es," stated the gover­nor of Texas, "and the river could serve as a wond­erful ditch. It is so deep, that it is only pos­s ibl e to cross i ·~ by swimming and i t s banks are so steep where the peninsula is t hat it would be difficult t o climb. The t rees will begin to cle~r as soon as the Indi8ns from ';he mission will be 18 free from sowing." ---·· -·--------­ 18­Autos fecha en la Bahia, etc., f. 25. --------·------·--------------·­ On September 4, 1724, the s overn:..:i r r eceived official spproval for depriving Garza of his sergeantcy. He was instructed to have the n ew­ly appointed captain, whoever he might be, de­prive Lieutenant Diego Ramon of his position be­cause of his failure to properly p rovi de for the guard of the herd. The new captain was to be changed to govern with prudence, to f ollow military discipline, and to prevent the s~ldiers from making the Indian nations hostile. The In­dian nations were to be attracted, with gentle­ness, to their pueblos, SQ that they might be taugh t the doctrine of the Catholic faith. The new man appointed as captain of the p re­sidio was Juan Antonio Bustillos y Zevallos. He was an energetic man, well verse(i in mi litary dis­cipline, and was careful to k nep h i s men well equip­ped with clot hes, arms and horses. He maintained peaceful relations with the Indians although they only visited the presidio now, at long interval s. 9 , Governor Almazan to Viceroy Ca saf uerte, July 4, 17?6, in A. G. M., Provine~~ Internas, CCXXXVI. Captain Bustillos had not been at the presidio long before he realized that it was placed in a very undes jrable location. In answer to a letter that Viceroy Casafuerte had wr itten him in 1725, concerning the desirability of remavin~ the pre­sidio to a new location, Bustillos had got Gover­nor Alaazan in July, 1726 , to come to Espiritu $8.nto to inspect a proposed location. Almazan reported to the viceroy that t h o p r :)posed site was six l eagues up the Guadalup e Rlver, in the neigh­borhood of the Jara.me Indians, and had all the ad­vantages of being on higher land, and was far re­moved from t l:e little lakes and ponds which sur­rounded the original site, and that there W8S p l en­ty of fresh water for not only drinking purposes, but also for irrigation. He said that there was also an abundance of good wood, f or both fuel und building purposes, (adding that at the old site there was no t enough wood to supply -::he wants of the presidio for its fjres). About two l eagues distant from t h P. proposed si ;-,c there was an abun­dance of stone, and t here was a possibility tha.t ample stone quarries could be found. The gover­nor reported that t here was plenty of fine land nearby, between two smal l creeks, which would pro­vide fields for the upkeep of the misshm. This proposed locat1on was but little ftirther locate:;d from the mouth of the bay than the first site. He stated that he had left Juan Bustillos there to make arrangements for the building of t he n t:w presidia. He asked that approva l be given his action so that the work could be completed be­ fore winter. According to Almazan this mi ssion was c orn­posed at that time of forty-five offic ials and soldiers, and four privete citizens, with their families --in all some two hundred people. On August 9, 1726, permission was granted 20 for the moving of the fort. CHAPTER IX RIVERA'S INSPECTION As soon as Captain Juan Bustillos moved his fort up the Guadalupe River, he open-ed up a nc~w road to the Rio Grande River. This work, together with the building of a new stockade, new houses, clearing new fields, and digging irrigation dit­ches kept the entire regiment busy for several months. As far as the records show, no further trouble with the Indians occurred for a period of 1 severnl years. Juan Antonio Bustillos to Casafuerte, June 18, 1726, in A. G. M., Provincias Intern~, CCXXXVI. The visit of Brigadier-General Don Pedro Rivera, Inspector-General of the Northern Provinces of New Spain, in the year 1727, reminded the soldiers of Esp!ritu Santo that their government was keeping a watchful eye over their conduct. Unlike the inspec­tion they had stood in 1724 when Governor Almazan investigated conditions there on account of the In­ 95 dian troubles, this inspection reflected the high­est praise to their credit. Rivera arrived at the presidio on June 9, 1727, and during the following week made a thorou.:;h inspec­tion of the place. He placed a writ on the official billboard of the garrison, notifying what witness­es he would examine. He then notified the captain and the lieutenant to leave the presidia during the examinations so that the soldiers would be able to speak freely concerning the way the commandant had managed the presidial affairs. Before leaving, the captain placed before Rivera the book containing the enlistment record of each soldier belonging to the garrison. The soldiers were brought before the Inspector separately, and were minutely questioned concerning their treatment. All gave satisfactory replies. Their salar-:y accounts were examined carefully, and, in every case, were found t ·J be correct. In sever­al instances it was f ound that the s oldiers had ac­cumulated enough money whereby they had been enabled to loan some money to their captain. Having finished with the soldiers, Captain Juan Bustillos was next examined . In the course of this examination it was brought out that there had been some soldiers who had bought their dis­charge from the service, and the captain gave the Inspector an order on the royal treasury for this money which amounted t o the stun of seven thousand 2 nine hundred seven pesos and seven tomi nes. Pedro D. Rivera, Proyecta y Visita, etc., in A. G. M. , Provincias Internas, XXIX, f. 28. All the soldiers were found uniformly dressed, well disciplined, and well supplied with fire-arms, uniforms, powder, and horses. Rivera made some changes in the price list of goods sold at the com­munity store, as he considered that some prices were too high. The prices of the goods were regulated by the distance the presidio was from Mexico City. As a result of this inspection, a change was also made in the pay which the soldie rs received. When the original forty soJdiers of the garrison enlisted they were promised a salary of four hur­ dred pesos a year. In March, 1722, when the fifty ~dditional soldiers which Aguayo had sent, ar­rived, they demanded as their salary four hund­red and fifty pesos, for the rea s on tha t such was their salary while serving under Aguayo. But the commandant at Espiritu Santo objected to hav­ing to pay some of his sol diers more than he did the others, and laid the case before the officers of the Royal Treasury, at Zacatecas. The case dragged along until 1724, when it was finally de­cided to pay all the soldiers the same amount, 3 since all were serving at the same post. Now, Autos de consulta, etc., in A. n-. M., Provin­cias Internas, CLXXXI, ff. 22-24. however, considering that supnlies were to he our- chased at a price lower than they had been accustom­ ed to pay, Rivera re'."'uced the salaries of the sol­diers to three hundred eighty pesos per year. Because he considered that the fort was gar­risoned by an unnecessa ry amount of men, he detach­ed fifty of the soldiers, leaving only forty men, thereafter, at Esp!ritu Santo. After the inspection, Rivera sent to t he gar­ rison a set of rules and regulations governing all presidios. Below are listed only those wh ich ap­ plied especially to t he sol diers of t he presidia of Nuestra Senora de Loreto. These rules seem to throw some light on the conditions under which the soldiers labored . The captain will enjoy a salary of 600 pesos p a id to him ea ch year. The lieutenant of the company wi11 have 410 pesos includi ng the thirty pesos a llowed officers of this rank a­ bove the sa lary of a private, be sides six pounds of powder. The sergeant of t he company will have a salary of 395 pesos, and six pounds of powder, each year. The soldiers of the presidia will each have 380 pesos e~ch year, besides six pounds of powder. Reforma, y ordenas de Presidios, etc., in A. G. I., Mexico, 62 -1 -41, f. 8. Rule 40. When a soldier, or an of­ficial commits an offence whi ch is a capital crime, the governor or command­ant of his presidia was ordered to 5ather all the t e stimony of the case and r ef or it to the captain-general who should pro­nounce t te sentence. Rule 42. It was urobibit.ed the Spaniards from making-war on any In­dian tribe, except tbose who infJic­ted harm upon them. They could not ally themselves wi th one Indian tribe to make war upon another Indian trj lie unless the othe r tribe was on~ that was hostile to the Spaniards. 5 -------------------­Ibid., f. 12. Rule 44. The citizens of' tt.e neigh­borhood were liable to be called upan by the captains of the presidios to jgin in retalitory raids up on the Indians. Ibid., f. 13. -------~--­ Rule 58. The captains and command­ants of the presidia were enjoined to see to it that the soldiers attended mass, and confession, especially just before they went out on an Indian raid, so that they might have a clean c~9s­cience (vdth which to meet death]. ---------------· 7 Ibid., f. 15. Rule 59. Soldiers were prohibited from gambling. Rule 60. When a soldier wanted to be mustered out of the service hP. had to get another soldier to take his place and the other soldier bad to satisfy the command­ant as to his valor and bravery. Rule 64. Soldirrs had to dress uni­formly, bo th as to clJts of suits, and as to color.8 8 Ibid., f. 16. --·--·------­ Rule 65. Each soldier was required to have six horses. Rule >-7. One priest, at l east, had to accomp~n:r a body of sol diers on trip against the enemy, in order to assist in the burial rituals, give sp iritual guid­ance, etc. Rule 91. The mission2ry fathers were for b idden to mix in civil and g overnmental matters of the soldiers.9 ·-------- ·------­ 9 Ibid., f. 18. -----·------·-·-----­ Rule 92. No soldier could marrrwith­ 0 out the apDroval of the c ommandant. lO Ibid., f. 20. Rule 105. Whenever a sergeant or some soldier should find himself standing before a captain or other ranking officer, he was required to remove his hat and le~ve it re­moved until ordered to do otherwise; and when the captain or other official should pass where a s ergeant or other soldiers were sitting, they all were required to stand to their feet. Rule 107. Ranks according to the ascending scale were as folJows: prj­vate, corporal of the guard, sergeant, compar:y frcretary, lieutena nt, and captain. rr Ibid.,f. 21. Rule 113. Soldiers of the mounted guard were not allowed to wear cloaks on their shoulders, only in the time of rain and only then in order to keep their arms and powder-horns dry. Rule 119. Soldiers were prohibited from selling their horses to the nei gh­borhood people, travelers, Indians, or strangers. Neither could they sell their arms, dress, or any part of their equi­page. Rule 120. Soldiers were prohib:i ted from s~earing or blaspheming God, or the Virgin, or the saints. Rule 124. If any of the soldiers knew that a pla ce on the pay roll was vacant, and that the captain was using the money himself, the so1dier was re­quired to notify the captain-general ••• with the assurance that the informants name should be kept se cret. Rule 132. When mounted, the sol­diers had to always carry his guns, and powd~~ horns, even though it fatigued him. Ibid., f. 24. Rule 142. If a priest found it ne­cessary to go from one presidia to another, at least one soldier ha d to go along as a body-guard for him. Rule 152. The captain of the presidio of Bah{a del Esp{ritu Santo was required to f urnish an escort sufficient for what­ever convoy th2. t should come from the Rio Grande.13 Ibid. , f. 2 5 • Rule 163. Two soldiers were to be placed in each mission of Texas, to assist the mis­sionary fathers to 1:ring the Indians under the influence of Christianity.14 4 Ibid., f. 27. Rule 181. The governor of Texas was co1D1!18.nded to have an expedition, command­ed by a man who was trustworthy, and twenty-five so.i dlers to be taken from the Presidios of San Antonio and of Las Adavs,u , to go from the Bay of Espiritu Santo, and follow the coast to the mouth of the Sabine River for the purpose of finding out if there had been a.ny habitations built along the coast by the foreign aggressor. Rule 182. Tt e captain of the presidia of Bah{a was required to attract, in the best manner in which he could the Indians of the Cocos, Cujanes, CHrancaguazes and others who inhHbit the coast, 1~n order that p ea ce might be att~ined. Ibid., f. 130. Rivera had quite a bit to say in regard to the reasons for his reducing the garrison from ninety men t o forty. He first took up the loca­tion of the presidio. According to his judgement, the bay was so shallow that :)nly ships of ve ry lL(ht drcu.:ht could enter into i t . The presidio had been founded as a protection against the foreigners, yet it had been placec at such a posi­ 0 tion that it could d(fend, with its field batter­ ies, very little of the coast. The land was so swampy where the fort h<:;:.d first been built that the foreigner would not attempt to l a nd there; however, there was no t hing to prevent him f'rom landing at ano t her location, if h e so chos e . Therefore, there was nothing for the ninety men to do, t hought Rivera, except to hold the dominion a­gainst tbe Coc os, Carancaguazes, Coapites, Cujl>nPs, £,nd Copt:J.nes Indians, and these were of such known cowardice that forty men could very easily guard 16 the garrison against them. 6 Rivera, Proyecto, ff. 51-53. Rivera stater that because of the l e. ck of martial spirit among the Indians of the coast, and because the shallow bay snd swampy shores acted as a natural defence against t he foreigners, it might be thought that the presidia was unneces­sary --that the remaining forty soldiers might be moved. However, he stated that when he visited the presidia, he had had the cap tain to examine the Guadalupe River to its mouth and to locate the San Rafael River, with thEJ purpose of seeing if these two streams could be made navigable. He stated that the Guadalupe River could be drain­ed, with very little expense, so that thP port of Espfritu Santo could receive ships of large draught, and that commerce might then be opened up with the province of Leon. It was his opinion t hat villages should be, and could be established, at short dis­ tance apart, connecting Espfritu Santo with the , province of Leon; that vast territories could be cul­ tivated, and that there was much land that could be 17 irrigated along the Guadalup e River. Therefore, 17 Ibid. in viPW of the foregoing, Rivera thought that it was best not to extinguish the presidia, but to work along the lines he indicated. Thus in 1728, the presidia of Nuestra Senora de Loreto, was reduced to forty men; the salaries of the men were reduced by twenty pesos; the pre­sidial officers received very high complim""nts from the Inspector for their diligence and for the good discipline in which th0 presidial soldiers were found; and, finally, tentative plans were laid for the building up of that part of Texas. CHAPTER X COSTALES AND BMHERRA Some time during the year 1728, the presidia of Esp!ritu Santo ran short of i t s salt supply. The nearest known place wher e salt could be ob­tained was about fifty leagues to the south of the presidia. (This was probably on Palo Blanco Creek, in Kleberg County.) This vicinity was inhabited b-~ a great number of Indians, so t hat Capta in Juan hntonio de Bustillo y Zavallos thou.~ht it necessary to take a force of forty men a s escorts for the workers wh o gathered t he salt. After his r e turn, he wrote his superior officer concerning bis action, and sought his approval. In consequence of t h is Brigadier-General Don Pedro de Rivera was consulted, and he advised the gove rnor of Texas to nrohibit the captain of Espiritu Santo from making trips 1 after salt. Rivera to the Viceroy, July 19, 1731, in "carpeta de Correspondencia, Gtc. 11 , in L. G. M., Provincias Inte rnas, CCXXXVI. 107 In the year 1730, Don Gabriel Costales bec21ne captain of the presidio. In accepting the commission, he stated that he would carry out t he orders issued to him and would have copies of the General Orders posted, so that his officers and soldiers could ex­runine them. He stated that he would keep peace with the three Indian nations (with whom peace h&.d been arranged in l '722), anc. that he -,7ould not al­low foreign goods to be brought into the presidia. He stated that the presidio had been without salt for the past six months, and asked permission to get a supply for one or two ye;:,.rs. He added th&ct he had no intention of per sonal profit in this enter­ 2 _prise. 2 Costales to the Viceroy, June 10, 1731, in "Carpeta de Correspondencia, etc. 11 , 4. G. M. Provin­cias Internas, CLXXXI. Upon the receipt of this petition of Cost~les, concerning the extraction of salt, Brigadier­Gener&l Don Pedro Rivera was again consulted. He cited th~ correnpondence which had been carried on with Bustillos y Zevallos concerning this affair. 109 He added: "In view of this, Costales shoul d not go out after the salt. His garrison is not suff icient to allow him to carry forty men to escort the workers, as the former captain did. Besides, the Indians will resent the intrusion into their terr itory, and will become bitter enemies. It i s bet­ter to let Costales suffer the lack of sult than to let him expose his garrison to the attacks by the Indians, ·which are so abun­dant in thEtt region. ~here are otller reasons, but these are enough." ··----- -----­ 3 Rivera to Casa£uerte, July 19, 1731, in "Car­ peta de CorresrJondenci2c, Inter nas, CLXXXI. etc.", A. G. };I., Frovincias In view of this opinion an or der was issued 4 restrG,ining Costa.les from going after soJ.t. 4 Itid. On December 17, 1730, Costales detached nine men from his presidia to be sent to the mi ssions in the jurisdiction of the presidia of San Antonio. Although these soldiers were needed in the San Antonio district as reinforcements against the Apache Indians, Costa.les regretted having to part 5 with them. He complained to Rivera that "soldiers Don Juan de Olivan t0 Vice roy Casafuerte , July 18, 1733, 5 -9, in Order f or Protection of Sa n Antonio Against Apaches, Jul y 18, 1733, in- 1'3'eXar Archives. ----­ detached to the missions will be without discipline, inobedient, without arms, horses and othe r military equipment, and will be turned into gambl e rs. Their salarie s wil l be useless, and desertion will be a temptation. It will be hard to re cruit any soldie rs, horses or arms, because of t h irty-five who had been hired, only three, besides the lieutenant and the sergeant remain." He said t h at he f eared the In­ 6 dians would start troubl e. Gabriel Costales to Brigadi er Don Pedro de Rivera, January 7, 1731, note on margin of let ter, in Carpeta de Correspondencia, etc., in A. G. M., CCXXXVI. -------------------· --·· -------­ Of the nine soldiers who had been de tached from Bah{a in the year before, four were retu rned in August 1731. The reason for th is was that dur­ing their stay in San Antonio ten families from the Canary Islnnds arr ived , and thus it was thought that the presidia of San Antonio de Bexar could 7 well spare the four of them. 7 Rivera to the Viceroy, April 16, 1731, Carpeta de Correspondencia, etc., A. G. M., vincias Internas, CLXXXI. in Pro- The distribution which Costales made of his men, according to duties assigned them, were as follows: for conducting supplies from the Rio Grande (wbich took place only twice a year), seven; as garrison in the ~residio, seven; for dis­tribution to other missions when called for, eleven; for the mission of Esr;fritu Santo de Zuniga, two; 8 and for ;;;;.ny emei.'gency, three. G Costales to Rivera, January ?, 1?31, in Carr;eta de Corres(Olidencia, etc., A. G. M., Pro­vincias Internas, CLXXXI. According to Cost&les, in 1731, there we£e 9 over sixty Indian men congregated in the mission. 9 Ibid. Atten1pts were made to civilize them, but vvi th little success. They would st&y in the mission 112 only so long as they could get something to eat, without having to work too hard. That was, per­ haps, the strongest reason why such little pro­ gress, either from a spiritual or from an econom1­ cal standpoint, was noted at this establishment. The following report on the activities of this mission, (which can be verified only by going through the archives in Mexico City), has been made by Bolton: "At the mission of Esp!ritu Santo (de zUri.igaJ several years had been spent, after the transfer to the Guadalupe River, in an attempt to build a dam across the stream as a preliminary to irrigation. Mean­while the missionaries had supported his charges on provisions purchased with his annual stipend. But this did not suffice, and during the greater part of the year the Indians sought their own food on the prair­ies and in the forests. In 1736~ however, the attempt to build the dam was abandoned, and agriculture without irrigation was at once successfully established. Thereafter the Indians raised, by their own labor, plentiful maize, and vegeti8les and cared for large herds of stock." Bolton, Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century, 19-20. Unlike Bustillo Y Zavallos, Costales did not have as happy a time in his business relations with his fellow man as might have been the case had he been a little more considerate of the feelings of others. In May, 1735, a man by tbe name of Yparra­guirre sued him for the payment of a debt which he alleged was due him f or various services. Costales declared that this debt had b-een offset by charges for supplies which he had advanced Yparraguirre. Three witnesses were examined, and the evidence going against Costales the governor ordered the cap­tain to pay the debt. A charge of fraud was now lodged against him, but that charge was later 11 thrown out of court. 11 Ju(a)n Bappta. de Yparrag(ui)re, Gabriel Costalles, Manuel de Sandoval, etc., May 27-Aug­ust 6, 1735, in Yparraguire vs Cost8.les For Debt, Bexar Archive. -· -----­ Another instance of his unhappy business re­lations is found in the court proceedings which Costales brought a gainst Urrutia for the latter's failure to carry out a contract for the delivery of supplies at Bah!a. The defendant alleged that circumstances over which he had no control had caused the delay, but Costales claimed that Urru­tia was attempting to defraud hj_m. In t his suit, the ap::pellant won, for the governor ordered Urrutia 12 to deliver the suppli es. 12 Gabriel Cost:,..les, Joseph de Urrutia, Manuel de Sandoval, etc., June 10-30, 1735, in Costales vs. Urrutia, Bexar Archives. Nor was Gabriel Cost;,,les as energetic as his predecessor had been. He had an opportunity of helping na ke a succes2 of three missions v:hich hc;;.d been placed within the jurisdiction of the pre­sidio of Nuestra Senora de Loreto, between the yecffs 1731 and 1743, but clicl not take advantage of it. These missions were not a success and finally 13 were moved. 13 Fray Benito Fernandez Santa Ana to the Viceroy, Ma rch 4, 1743, in A. G. K., Histo:t i a , CCXXXVI. v On account of sickness, Capt c..,in Cost.les resi gned his conuLission on the 17th of Septerr.ber, 1741. He wa s followed ~y Don Joach in de Basterra 14 y Echasabal. The new ce;,ptain we,;.. s ener getic, re­ 14 Royal cedula, Se1~ ternber 17, 1741, in A. G. M. , Historia, CCXCVIII. sourceful, and industrious. During h is admi nistra­ tion, Governor Escandon of the new province of Nuevo Santand1:r, was grant ed t he territory along the Gulf Coa st as far n orth a s the Bay of Espfritu 15 Santo. This placed the presidia of Nuestra Sefiora 15 Jos' de Escand6n t o the Viceroy, February 10, 1749, f. 55. A. G. M., Historia, XXIX. de Loreto and the m~ ssion of Esp!ritu Santo in the jurisdiction of Escandon. 16 Twice during the administration of Basterra, Testimony of Leonardo Flores, November 21, 1749, Visita, 11 -11 -1749 -11 -30 -1749, Bexar Archives. this brave captain undertook expl oring exp editions along the c oa st of Texas. Once h e went as far as the Trinity River, with the purpose of seeing whether or not the French had established any settlemen ts in 17 Texas. Affidavit by Joachin de Orobia Basterra, December 20, 1745, p. 6 in Diligencias 10 -1 -1745­7 -6 -1746, Bexar Arch ive s. In order that he should have enough men with which to make the trip, BasterrE called upon the cap tain of the presidia of Be'jar to furnish him 18 fifteen men. The exact number detached from Be'j c..i· 18 Order of Joaquin de Basterra, D~cember 11, 1745, in Diligencias, San .hnton:lo de 3e,jar Pa.pers# 1. for that purpose is not known, but it is known that the captain took 1Nith him twenty-one men. He left Lieutenant Boneo in charge of the presidio of 19 Loreto. Before leaving, he investigated the ad- Affadavit of Basterra, December 20, 1745 in Diligencias. visability of constructing l:ioats in which to make 20 the trip, but later decided against th~t plan. 2 Order of Basterra, October 10, 1745, in Diligencias. Basterra did not find any French settlements, tut he added to the geographical knowle:cige of the Texas coast line, and helped to strengthen the claims of Spain to Texas. The month of December, 1744, was the first time that the prohibition question in Texas re­ceived official attention. During that month a royal cedula was received at the various mi s­sions throughout the province which prohibited the manufacture of agu~rdiente (firewater), and other intoxicating beverages. Soldiers were for­bidden to sell, or give away to Indians any in­toxicants, and were admonished to do everything in their power to prevent the natives from indulg­ 21 ing in drink. 21 Royal Cedula, December 12 , 1744, in Book III, 153-159, San Fernando Cathedral Records. During the administration of Baste:rra the neophytes away from of th the Bah!a r egion continued e mi ssion of Esp!ritu Santo. to 22 stay Fray 22 Fray Benito Fernindez Santa Ana to the Vice­roy, March 4, 1743, in A. G. M., Historia, CCXXXVI. Benito Fern~ndez reported , in 1743 that "the presi­dia of Bah!a has only one mi ssion in its charge, which being the oldest, has not been able until now to get a conversion of a single nation, be­cause the soil is not suitable to feed t J:1 em." It was this reason, as well as the war that the Apaches were wagircg on the Spaniards in Texas, that caused the removal of the presidia of Nues­tra Senora de Loreto and its mission of Espiritu Santo de zfiniga from its location on the San Marcos River, in 1749, to a point about two miles above the newly located village of Balmecido, established by Escandon's colonists. This removal was the last suffered by the little presidio and mission~3 CHAPTER XI I NSPECTION OF 1749 In the year 1749, sometime after it has been removed to its new location, the presidio of Loreto underwent another offici&l inspection, conducted t his time by General Don Pedro de Barrio Junco y Esprilla, captain-general of the province of New Mexico. This was a v ery thorough inspection, and it reflected credit on Captain Basterra. As usual, when the Inspector arrived, he had posted the notice of the inspection, in which the soldiers of the g arrison were informed that if any of them had grievances against the captain they would be allowed fifteen days in which to present their cams to the Court. He further c ommanded the captain to have his compnny in readiness f or the morrow so that t heir arms might be inspected; and to have ready the royal book of accounts, together with a map of the district (if t here was one avail­able), showing the location of the pre sidio, the 119 fields belonging to it, fruits, and woods. On November 12, the second day after the arrival of Don Pedro de Barrio Junco y Espriella, the company was inspected. It was found that there were twenty-two privates, r,hree corporals, one sergeant, one lieutenant, and one captain stationed at the presidia, while th irteen men including one corporal, be longing to the garri­ son had been detached to San Xavier. The follow­ ing p ersons answered to muster-roll: Captain don Joachin de Orot.io y B~. :-Jcr ra Lieutenant Don Gregorio de Estr&.C:a. ~,l ly equipped with guns and with hor ss s. Sergeant Nicol's de los Rios, fully equip­ ped. Corporal Diego Riosf fully equipped. Corporal Xavier Venitez, fully equipped. Corrioral Joseph Cabrero, fully equipi::-:eci. Private Joseph de Ci:Srdova, fully equip "'.'ed. Private Joseph Miguel Trevifto, fully equip­ ped. Private Gaspar Trevifio, fully equipped. Private Antonio Trevifio, fully equipped. Private .Andres Flo~es, fully equipped. Private Ambrosio Bazquez, fu1ly equipped. Private Gayetano Gonz~les, f ully ~quipped. Private Juan de l a Garza, fully equipped. Private Migue! de Vergara, fully equipped. Private Nicolas Ven!tez, fully equipped. Private Joseph Ben!tez, fully equipped. Private Guillermo de Leon, fully equj_pped. Private Crist~bal MartfnPz, fully equipped. Private JlJ~n Joseph illartfnez, ful ly equipped. Privat e Juan Joseuh de Guizar, i~lly equipp ed. Private Joachin Vasqu0z, fully equipned. Private Javier ~e Aldope, fully equipped. Private Pedro Sanchez, fully equipped. Private Baptista de Luna Soltero, ful ly equipped. Private Cayet ano ~ios, ful ly equipped. Pr ivate Domingo Gomez, fully e-{uipped. Private Felix de la Ga rza, fully equip- p ed. The following list were those detached to San Xavier. , Corp oral hgustin de Castro Priva te c~yetano de Ca stro Private Crist~bal P ~rez Priva t e Eusevi o Garc{a Private Francisco Ven{tez Private Francisco P~rez Privat e Xavier Trevifio Priva t e Jua n de Muro Private Juan de Gamez Private Joseph Mari~ Martfnez Private Pedro Zevall~ s Private Cristobal r:;(~,_.i.uez Privat e Francisco Trevino The men, having passed a creditabl e inspec­ tion, they were now ordered t o t heir ba rracks, end t hings ~ere put into shape for the inspection of the munitions and fortifications of t h e p resi­ dio. This t ook place on the t h irteenth . The plantation was found not prepared, because of the recent r emoval t o that place . Six cannon, in good firing condi ti on (but not mount ed on gun-carriages because it had not been possi ble to have them built), were found, Three bags of powder, of t wenty-five p ounds each, and together with three halls of iron and four ram-rods, a v; orm for drawing wadding, and two cartridge boxes for the cannon \Vere al so found. Of the buildings, there were forty grass huts which served as "barracks; a large assembly hall; and various of fices, together with houses for the officers and their f amilies. All of t h is was surrounded with a palisade made of poles. The f ortifications were not complete however-, and Bs.s­terra p ointed out to the Inspector that it would re­quire some more work before everything would be up to standard. Following this part of the inspection, the accounts of the soldiers were next examined. This c onsumed the greater part of five days. All ac­counts were f ound satisfactory. Beginning on the ninete enth of t he month, the secret investigation was begun. Nine witnesses were called, and were required to answer six questions. To the first question th ey were to tell how long they had known the captsin. In answer to the sec­ ond, they were required to tell how the cap­tain had fulfilled his office , if he had carried out the orders of his superior, and if he had observed the laws. The third qu0stion was ask­ed to find out if the personal conduct of the captain or his f amily had always been exemplary, and if he had punished violators of t he law, or had tolerated gam1:;ling --if so the name s of the violators were to be given, and also t he punish­ment assessed. To the fourth question the wit­nesses were to state whether t he captain had tried to induce the neighboring Indians to be­come Christians, or if he had punished them un­deservedly. The next qu.:,stion was asked with the purpose of finding out whether the captain had charged extortionate prices f or any c ommodities; if he had promptly paid the soldiers their wages; and if he had allowed any citizen to come into the presidia, or leave i t , and, if so, who they were, and when they came or left. The last ques­tion wished to know the reputation tha t the cap­tain enjoyed. The first witness called was Don Joseph Mart!nez, a citizen of the presidio. He took customary oath, after making the sien of the cress and swearing to tell the truth about every­thing he was asked. He stated that he had known Basterra when the captain was a lieutenant under the government oi' Don Prudencio Orobio, former governor of tbc pl"ovince. When Basterra first came to the presidio of Loreto the witness was serving as a soldier, but now, he said, since he had two sons enlisted in the service , he had re­ceived his discharge, and was living in tbe capaci­ty of a private citizen. He stated that the cap­tain had always fulfilled all supe rior ordP-rs and decrees, and that when he was commj ssione15 to go to the coast, and again , 'r:hen he moved the presi­dia to the place where it was now located the cap­tain had labored like a private. To the t hird question, Mart{nez stated that Basterra had led such an exemplary life that the soldiers did not have to be punished severly for anything; and that when any soldier won anything worthwhile, in a game of chance, the c&.ptain made him 1•eturn it to the person with whom he hed been gamb­ling. In answer to the f ourth question t.he old soldier sta tecl +.hat he had seen the captain give a~"-£.at~1 to the ee 'A Cocos, andJthe Cujane s In­dians such things as tobacco, powder and balls, and bayone ts; that t hese Indians seldom came to the presidio, but when t h Gy did come the captain promised to give them what ever they wish­ed of the things that he had. The Indians that were f ound in the m~ ssion all loved him, the witness testified , and they all spoke only good of him. Answering the fifth question, the witness stated that the captain never overcharged either the soldiers or t he citizens for the g;ocds which they bought at the company supply store. He s a id that he knew this to be true because he had had ample dealings with the captain both as a soJdier in the company, and as a private citizen under the protection of the presidia. In regard to the public reputation enjoye d by Basterra, the ~it­ness said that it was unimFleachable in Coahuila, New Mexico, and in the province of Texas. Having received the answers to the questions propounded, the court clerk read them to the wit­ness, and Mart{nez signed a statement that they were all true; that he had nothing further to add, nor anything to take away. The second witness called t o the stand was the lieutenant of the company, Don Gregorio de Estrada. This man stated that he had only known the captain since joining the compa ny in 1744, but tha t he had served under him as a private, a corporal, and a lieutenant. All the time in wh ich he had served under him the witness stated that the captain had f a ithfully fulfilled all orders with the greatest zeal; that his private conduct had been beyond reproach; and t hat he had punished law violators. He declared, further, that the cap­tain had tried to attract the Indians; that he had kept the accounts of the soldiers in such perfect order that none had ever complained about t hem; and lastly, that as far as he knew, the capta in en­joyed a good reputation. It is not necessary to give the substance of what the other seven witnesses testified, for their testimony was almost identical with that of the two witnesses cited above. Suffice it to say, that, according to these reports, the cap­tain had exercised his office with extreme care 1 and zeal. The foregoing reoort is based upon the in­ spection of Pedro de Bario Junco y Esprilla, Nov­ ember 11-30, 1749, in Visita, 11 -11 -1749 -11­ 30 -1749, Bexar Archives. On November 26, the Inspector made out his report. He stated that he had found everything very satisfactory and that the royal service was fortunate in having such a faithful servant as vms found in the personage of the captain of the pre­sidio of Nuestra Senora de Loreto. Therefore, there was no charge to be lodged against Captain Orobio y Basterra. The nex t day the captain was notified that on the following day he should pre­sent himself to the Inspector and hear the sen­tence read. The sentence was read in the pres­ence of all the garrison, after which all the wit­nesses signed it. The instrument was then placed 128 on the public billboard, where it would be ac­cessable to all who wished to read it. A short time after this inspection, Basterra , was transferred, by the order of Escandon, to another assignment. He was ordered to take charge 2 of establishing a settlement on t he Nueces River. Diario que hizo el p.e Fray Simon, etc., in A. G. M., Historia, XXIX, f. 34. At Espfritu Santo, he was succeeded by Don 3 Phillipe R~ago who too~ office on March 2, 1750. 3 Royal cedula, March 2, 1750, in A.G.I., Guadalajara, 104 -6 -8, ff. 1-2. CHAPTER XII CONCLUSION It had now been something like sixty-three years since the Spanish government had become interested in the region of Bah{a del Esp!ritu Santo. During those years the old fort e stab­lished by La Salle had been found and burned, and order after order for the building of a fort to guard the entrance to Texas from the Gulf Coast had been heard and obeyed, but not executed, by the royal official of New Spain. Years of procrastination had ensued, until final­ly, the menace of the French, in East Texas, had aroused the Spaniards to action, and a fort had been established at Espfritu Santo in 1721. other places in Texas had been considered more promising to the Spaniards, and hence, the development of tbe Esp!ritu Santo region had been more or less neglected. War with the Indians had engaged the attention of the presidial troop dur­ 129 ing the first few years of the existence of Nue stra Senora de Loreto; sickness and disease due to the low country in which the pre sidio had first been located had finally decided the officials to move the presidio up the San Marcos River where it was hoped better conditions would prevail. Twenty-three years had been spent at the second location of the presidio of Nuestra Senora de Loreto and the mission of Esp!ritu Santo de Zuniga, but all to no avail, if considered from the standpoint of' converting Indians to the Chris­tian faith, and bringing the coasbtl t ribes under the authority of the Spanish government. During this time the presidial troop had op ened up a road to the Rio Grande; had been on at least one ex­cursion to the Corpus Christi area in search of salt; had made t wo explorin~ expeditions up the coast of •rexas; and had acted as escorts to the supply shipments from the Rio Grande. The real con­ tribution that this presidio had made to the Span­ish government, in addition to those services just mentioned, was that it had acted as a barrier to the possible incursion of the foreigner from the south and east by the way of the sea, and also had acted as a reminder to the Indians of the coastal region that Spain was the mJstress of the province. With its removal, in 1749, to the San Anto­nio River, the importance of the presidia began to wane, for now it mis placed under different environments, and was inevitably coupled with the destiny of Escandon 1 s new settlements in Nue~ Santander. It::J history, hencefor·ward, entered upon a new phase, the development of which haa no place in the story of i t s early struggles. 132 BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Manuscript Sources A.rehivo General de _!!! Indias, Audiencia de Guadalajara. 67-3-11. Testim.0 de la Miss.on de Na. s.ra de Loreto. Testim.0 de la Posson y Misson de sn Joseph. Aguayo to the King, June 13, 1722. Royal cedula, Al Governa.dor y of1z1ales de Yucatan sobre las familias de Canarias que han de ir a CamReche para pasar d~spues a la Vera Cruz y de all{ a la Bah!a de s. Bernard0 • 67-4-38 Testimonio de los Autos en virtud de R.1 Cedula sobre que PftSen 400 familias para que pueblen la Vah!a de s. Antonio, misiones de los Ad{as y los Texas. Rivera to Casafuerte, January 16, 1730. Archivo General E,! !!.! Indias, Audiencia de Guadalajara,1710-1738. ­ 67-1-37 Royal cedula, May 10, 1723. D. Joseph Patino to the viceroy, July 3, 1727. 67-3-11 Expediente number 6. 133 Archivo General de las Indias, Audiencia de Guadalajara, 1719-1721. ~--­ 67-3-11 CasafUerte to the king, June 13, 1722. Fiscal's notation on Aguayo•s two memorials to the king, April 17, 1723. Casafuerte to the king, June 13, 1722. 67-1-27 Royal cedula, October 17, 1696, Da Quanta de ocho miaiones que se han fundado nuebamente en aquel obispado quatro qen se Coaguila y vn Pueblo de Tlascaltecos, dos en el Nayarit, y vno en las Cali­fornias; y dize lo que se deue al celo de los reli­giosos de la Companie en este vltima; Y al de Don Francisco Cuerbo de Valdes, Gouernador de Coagulia en los que ha fundado en aquella Provineia y suplica se le onrre y aliente; para que lo continue por ser acquel territorio muy aprosposito para dilatarse en la conquista y que confina oon los yndios Tejas; Bah!a del Sp!ritu Santo o Pansacola. 104-6-8 r1Philipa de Babago-Patente-De Capitade latBah!a .· n. del Esu!ritu s.n 0 de vno de los Pres1d 1os in ernos de la Nueoa Espana, 2 de Marzo de 1750. Arehivo General de ,!!.! Indias, Indiferente General ~1!:, nac1on. 136-6-23 Viceroy Valero to the king, February 25, 1717. El Virrey Marques de Balero.Da Quanta de estado allo aquel reyno, y lo que ha ydo agecutando. 136·7-7 Papeleta 181. 134 Archivo General ~.±.!.! Indias, Audiencia E2. Mexico. 61-1-41 Antonio de Aviles to Viceroy Casafuerte, April 20, 1729. 62-1-41 Reforma, y ordenas de Pres1d1os segn el Pro1ecto del V1sita. (Rivera.) Sobre pretension del Procurador del Colegio des.ta Cruz de Queretaro de que v. M. concede lisencia para fundar otro en el paraje que ezpres! Dize a v. M. las 1mportanc1as de la extension del 8. 0 ebangelio, y combersion de las ynd1os que se seguiron de ello, y la torma en que V. M. puede servirse de conzeder la Lizen­ cia. 67-3-23 Papeleta 25, Casaf'uerte to the King, August 1, 1730. Archivo General de .!!! Ind1as, Audiencia de Mexico, ~-1736. 89-3-9 Papeleta KK, Autos a representac1on hecha el d!a ocho de Abril de 1737 por R.P.F. Pedro Munos Vice Comisario de los misiones del Colegio Apostolica de la Santa Cruz de Queretaro a nombre de los R.R.P.P. Missioneros de la Provincia de Tejas sobre los injur1as irrogados Por el Governador que era de aquella Prov.a Coronel n.n Carlos Benitos de Lugo con diversos recados de justi­fieacion, Pareces del s.or Fiscal Melgarejo, y s.or Auditor O!ivan en 16 y 17 de Abril de dho afio de 37 y Dec. 0 del Mismo, para ~~e se librasse Dispacho Amoneslando, y aperciviendo a Franquis. Arehivo General d.e las Indias, Reales Cedulas, 1685-1807. ~~~--~~~-- Expediente described in Table of Contents as "Explora­ tion of the Bay of Esp!ritu Santo and Commerce with Quivira". Dunn translation. Expediente described in Table of Contents as "Approval of Measures of Count of Monclova in regard to the Bay of Espiritu Santo." Dunn Transcripts. Archive General de las Indias, Reales Cedulas. XL, 1719. The King to Viceroy Valero, October 31, 1719. Archivo General de Mexico, Historia XXIX. Estado de las Kisiones del Colegio de San Fernando de Mexico aflo de 1746. Diario que hizo el P.e Fray Simon del Yerro en el Seno Mexicano aflo de 1749. Escandon to the viceroy, February 10, 1749. Proyecto y vissita de Presidios hecha el aflo de 1728 por el Brigadier D. Pedro Rivera. Rivera to Casafuerte, December 7, 1738. Archive General de Mexico, Historia XLIII. Historia Del Descubrimi ento y Pobl acion de la provinciade Tej as hasta el afio 1730 por Pe. M. de Talmantes. Archive General de Mexico, Historia CCXXXVI. Fr. Santana to the viceroy, Marc~ 4, 1743. Archive General de Mexico, Historia CCXCVI.II. Royal cedula, September 17, 1741. Archive General de Mexico, Hi storia CCCXXI. The King to Viceroy Valero, ff. 63-78. The King to Casafuerte, January 16, 1734. The King to Valero, June 11, 1718. Alarc6n to the King, November 31 1721. The King to Viceroy Valero, April 22, 1719. 136 Archivo General de Mexico, Provincias Internas, XXIX. Auttos a consulta hecha del p.e fr. Joseph Gon.s M1s1onero del Presidio de San Antt. 0 Balero Contra el Cap.n Nicolas flores per los motiuos q expresa. Padre Marg{l to the viceroy, July 20, 1724. Juan de Olivan, Report to the Auditor, Mexico, July 11, 1725• .AgUayo to Viceroy Grlu11lanA May 3, 1722. Archive General ~Mexico, Provincias Internas, CLXXXI. Autos fecha en la Bah!a de el Esp{ritu Santo Sobre dos Muertos que ejecutaron los yndios en los Soldados que guardavan la Cauallada de dho Presidiodel dia, 13 de En. 0 de ests .Afio de 1724 por D.n fern. 0 Perez de Almazan Gou.or y Cap.n Gen.l de esta prou.a de Tejas Nuebas Philipinas. , Affidavit of Diego Ramon to the War Department, March 4, 1721. Autos a consulta de ofz8 Rs de Zacatecas Sre la duda q pulzaron en Razon de desde que dia hauian de ejecutar la pa~a delos Sueldos delos Soldados del Presidio de Nra S a del Loreto Bahia del Esp{ritu Santo. Archivo General de Mexico, Provincias Internas,CCXXXVI. Vah!a del Esp!ritusanto, Mudanza de Presidio. Carpeta de Corres~ondencia de los Proa. Ynternas por los anos de 1726 a 1731 con los Exmos. Sres. Marquis de Casafuerte y Conde de Fuenclara. Governor Almazan to Viceroy Casafuerte, July 4, 1726. Juan Antonio Bustillos to Casafuerte, June 18, 1726. Archivo General de Mexico, Reales Cedulas, 1718-~. The King to Valero, October 31, 1731. Arch1vo General de Mexico, Reales Cedulas, XL 1719. The King to Viceroy Valero, October 31, 171~. Archivo General ~Mexico, Reales Cedulas, XLIV. Viceroy Casafuerte to the King, October 17, 1723. Bexar Archives. 7-18-1733-7-30-1733, Order for Protection of San Antonio Against Apaches. 10-1-1745-7-6-1745, Diligencias. 11-11-1749-11-30-1749, Visita. Documentos Para La Historia Ecilesi astica Y Civil de la -Provincia de TeJas, Libro Segunda, XXVIII. ---Diario del Viage del Marquis de San Miguel de Aguayo por B. Juan Antonio de la Pena. Puntos: del parecer que el Senor Auditor de Guerra, El Marquis de Altamira expusa al Ezmo. Sor. Virrey Conde Fuenclar~, July 4, 1744. Padilla, Juan A.~tonio, Memoria Sobre Las Indias infieles ~1..§:_ provincia de Tejas. (Transcript from manuscript in the Library of the University of Texas.) II. Printed Sources Arricivita, Juan Domingo, Cronica Serafica_x Apostolica Del 901egio De Propaganda ~De La Santa Cruz De Q,ueretaro En"""La Nueva Espana, Segunda Pa.rte, Mexico, 1792. Espinosa, Isidro Felis de, Chronica Apost61ica, Y Seraphica de Todos Los Colegios ~Propaganda Fide De Esta Nueva Esnai"ia De Missioneros·Franci scanos Observantes, Parte P.r""imara:-Mexico, 1746. III. Secondary Works Bancroft, Hubert Howe, North Mexican States, I, A. L. Bancroft and Company, San Francisco, 1883-1889. 138 Bancroft, Hubert Howe, The Works of Hubert Bancroft, II A. L. Bancroft and Company, San Francisco, 1883. Bolton, Herbert E., "Notes on Clark's 'The Beginnings of Texas'", in The Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Associa tion, II, October, 1898. Bolton, Herbert E., Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century, Univer sity of Califdlrnia Press, Berkeley, 1915. Clarke, Robert Carlton, "The Beginning of Texas", in Un~versity of Texas Bulletin Number 98, Universityof. exas Fress, Austin, December, 1907. Coopwood, Bethel, "Notes on th~ History of La Bah1a Del E~plri~~ Santo", _in_The ~uarterly uf th~ Texas State Historical Association, I, October, lG~B . Dunn, Will iam Edward, "Spanish and Ereuci1 Ri;-2,l.i;y-in t he Gulf Coas' Region of the United States, 1678-1702," in University of Texas J?,ulletin 1Tur:ber 1'70 '/. l!r':ive:rcitv Fress. Austin:-1917. -­ West, Elizabeth Howard, "Bonilla's Brief Compendium of the History of Texas , 1772", in The Quarterly of the Texas State Hist o;rtc __a)._ Asso_q_i ati9g_, VIII, .July, 190Ll.