The University of Texas Publication No. 3826 July 8, 1938 STUDIES IN ENGLISH 1938 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSfTY OF TEXAS AUSTIN The benefits of education and of useful knowledge, generally diffused through a community, are essential to the preservation of a free eovern­ment. Sam Houston Cultivated mind is the guardian genius of Democracy, and while guided and controlled by virtue, the noblest attribute of man. It is the only dictator that freemen acknowledge, and the only security which freemen desire. Mirabeau B. Lamar CONTENTS PAGE ROBERT MANNYNG'S VERSION OF THE TROY STORY, by Elmer Bagby Atwood ----··--------------------------------------------­ 5 The Reeve's Tale IN THE HANDS OF A NORTH MIDLAND SCRIBE, by Martin Michael Crow____ _ _·----------------------­ 14 BROKE'S Romeus and Juliet AS A SOURCE FOR THE VAL­ ENTINE-SYLVIA PLOT IN The Two Gentlemen of Verona, by Mozelle Scaff Allen__________________________ ·--------25 THE REWARDS OF AUTHORSHIP IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, by Harry Ransom ----------·-----------··-------··-----47 LEIGH HUNT AND The Rambler, by Willis Winslow Pratt . ___ . _____________________ _______________ --------------· _ _______ 67 THE ENGLISH SOURCES OF PUSHKIN'S SPANISH THEMES, by Robert Clarence Stephenson________ _________ __ _____________ 85 COTTON MATHER'S ANNOTATIONS ON THE FIRST CHAP­TER OF GENESIS, by Theodore Hornberger_ -----··--·----112 DID POE READ DANTE? by Joseph Chesley Mathews____ __ __ 123 The Masque of the Red Death AND I Promessi Sposi, by Cortell King Holsapple _ ____________ ____----··-------------------------137 SOME EVIDENCES OF HAWTHORNE'S INDEBTEDNESS TO SWIFT, by Alice Lovelace Cooke__________________________________ 140 PAUL HAYNE'S REPUTATION IN AUGUSTA AT THE TIME OF HIS DEATH, by Daniel Morley McKeithan____________ 163 A GLOSSARY OF SHAKESPEARE'S HAWKING LANGUAGE, by John Howard Schultz___________________ --------------------------174 ROBERT MANNYNG'S VERSION OF THE TROY STORY BY ELMER BAGBY ATWOOD The first part of the Story of England by Robert Mannyng of Brunne1 is primarily a translation from Wace's narrative of the settlement of England. There is an interesting departure from Wace, however, in a digression of some 300 lines in which Mannyng recounts the events leading up to the destruction of Troy. As his authority on Trojan history he cites Dares Phrygius, and this is the source to which scholars have attributed the digression.2 The present study is concerned with the validity of this attribution. After a complete genealogy of Brut, which (according to Zetsche3 ) is essentially that given by Nennius, Robert begins his story of Troy by stating that the war raged for twenty-two years on account of Helen, who was "rauisched" by Paris. He then relates the first destruc­tion of Troy, which was brought about by lasan, son of Pelles, who won the ram with the fleece of gold. After lasan had ruined Troy, "sire Pryami" rebuilt it; but it was destroyed again and has never since been restored. This brief narrative, consisting of only twenty-five lines (431-56), undoubtedly corresponds to the account given in chapters I-III of Dares' De Excidio Troiae Historia.4 Yet Mannyng's account is so lacking in detail that one could hardly demonstrate that the story derives directly from Dares rather than from some intermediate version, 1 Edited by F. J. Furnivall, 2 vols. (London, 1887). 2Aem. W. Zetsche, Ober den ersten Teil der Bearbeitung des "roman de Brut" des Wace durch Robert Mannyng of Brunne (Leipzig diss., 1887), p. 10; F. J. Furnivall, op. cit., p. xviii; J.E. Wells, Manual of the Writings of Middle English (New Haven, 1926), p. 200. aop. cit., pp. 7-9. 4 Ed. F. Meister (Leipzig, 1873). Studies in English such as the Roman de Troie of Benoit5 or the Historia Destructionis Troiae of Guido de Columnis. 6 Both of these sources contain all the information reproduced by Mannyng-except the twenty-two-year duration of the war, which, so far as I know, is original. But before reaching a decision, let us turn to the continuation of Mannyng's narrative. The remainder of Mannyng' s story is almost entirely concerned with the career of Paris, and can be divided into. three episodes. The first of these I shall call the Battle of the Bulls.7 Paris, son of Priam, says Mannyng, was a keeper of beasts, since this was the custom in old times for knights and youths of noble blood : the Biblical knights, Moses and David, are cited as evidence. One day a bull comes from Greece and fights with one of Paris's beasts. The next day he returns ; the fight goes on for many days. Paris, who has been watching them, decides that the winner must be given a crown. After a long struggle the issue is decided : So longe pey foughte, pat atte laste }>e bole of Troye doun was caste. When Parys saugh his bole doun, }>e bole of Grece he gaf pe croun; & 1'at was gret curtesye, To gyue pe bole pe maistrie, & late hym gon corouned quit }>at hadde ydon his bole despit. (495-502) No trace of this story is to be found in Dares ; nor can it by any means be considered an invention of Mannyng, since the story of Paris's youth as a shepherd is told rather fully in two anonymous prose chronicles of the Trojan War: the Excidium Troiae8 and the Compendium sEd. L. Constans, Societe des anciens textes frarn;ais, 6 vols. (Paris, 1906-12). 6Ed. N. E. Griffin, Mediaeval Academy Publication No. 26 (Cam­bridge, Mass., 1936). 7Ll. 459-502. 8For text and discussion see Atwood, "The Rawlinson Excidium Troie--a Study of Source Problems in Mediaeval Troy Literature," Robert Mannyng's Version of the Troy Story Historiae Trojanae-Romanae.n According to these sources, Paris was exposed in infancy because Hecuba, his mother, had dreamed a sinister dream which was interpreted to signify that her son would become the bane of Troy. After his exposure, he was found and reared by shepherds. The Excidium Troiae contains the fuller and better motivated account of the bulls, which runs as follows: Paris likes to watch fights between the animals, and the champion he crowns with a golden crown. One day Mars takes the likeness of a bull and overcomes Paris's favorite, where­upon Paris dutifully removes the crown from his bull and bestows it on Mars. Because of this Paris becomes renowned among the gods as a just and impartial judge.10 The story is no doubt a product of the rationalistic late classical period, and developed from a desire to explain the choice of a shepherd as arbiter in the divine dispute of Juno, Minerva, and Venus. At any rate, the episode was immensely popular in medieval literature. Analogous versions are to be found in the Middle English Seege or Batayle of Troy;11 the Old Norse Tr6jumanna Saga;12 the Middle High German Gottweiger Trojanerkrieg18 and the Trojanische Krieg of Konrad von Wurzburg;14 the Italian Jstorietta Trojana;15 the Old Bulgarian Trojanska Speculum, IX (1934), 379-404, and "The Excidiurn Troie and Medieval Troy Literature," Mod. Phil., XXXV (1937), 115-128. 9Ed. H. Simonsfeld, Neues Arch,iv der Gesellschaft filr iiltere deutsch,e Gesckicktskunde, XI (1886), 241-251. 10Speculum, IX, p. 398. nEd. M. E. Barnicle, E. E. T. S., 0. S., No. 172 (London, 1927), II. 281-88. 12Ed. J. Sigurdeson, Annaler for Nordisk OUlkyndighed og Historie, IV (Copenhagen, 1848), p. 20. isEd. A. Koppitz, Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1926), 11. 1764-86. 14Ed. A. von Keller, Biblioth,ek des Litterarisch,en V ereins, XLIV (Stuttgart, 1858), 11. 618-50. 15Ed. E. Gorra, Testi inediti di Storia Trojan.a (Torino, 1887), p. 381. Studies in English Priea;16 and the Spanish General Estoria of Alfonso el Sabio11 and the Sumas de Historia Troyana of Leomarte.18 In not one of these accounts, however, is the strange bull identified with Mars; it seems likely, therefore, that the Latin redaction (or redactions) of the story on which these versions were based suppressed the detail entirely. In nearly all of them, nevertheless, the incident is taken as an indication that Paris had a precocious sense of jus­tice, for which he became widely known. Indeed, accord­ing to Alfonso's General Estoria, people constantly come to Paris for a settlement of their disputes: ... e por esta derechura que fazie, pues que el fue sonando por las tierras, vinien muchos a el con sus pleitos. (Fol. 45va) 19 Evidently Mannyng also includes the episode from a desire to establish the competence of Paris as a judge; but he compresses the story considerably by having the three goddesses themselves observe the Battle of the Bulls and its outcome. Because of Mannyng's great freedom in this narrative, it is difficult to determine the exact nature of his source. That source could, naturally, not have been Dares, and it seems unlikely that it could have been the Middle English Seege, where it is merely related in general terms that Paris liked to watch his animals fight and that he regularly iGEd., with a Latin translation, in Starine (Jugoslavenska Akad­emija Znanosti i Umjetnosti), III (1871), p. 159. HMS Escorial Y I, 1-a photostatic copy of which was kindly lent me by the late Professor A. G. Solalinde of the University of Wis­consin. Fols. 45rb, 45v•. isEd. A. Rey, Revista de Filologia Es]XLfiola, Anejo XV (Madrid, 1932). Pp. 150-51. rnJt is interesting that the medieval writers should go to such trouble to present Paris as a just and impartial youth, and then should have him turn out so selfish and easily corruptible in the judgment of the goddesses. Possibly in order to show that his tempta­tion was too great to resist, The ExcUlium (p. 399) and the Com­pendimn (p. 243) have Venus take unfair advantage of the other goddesses by appearing nude before Paris-after which his sense of justice flees. Robert Mannyng's Version of the Troy Story gave a crown to the winner. The closest parallel (in an available source) seems to be the Latin Compendium, which, unlike the Excidium, relates that the strange bull returned to battle more than once.20 Whatever source supplied Mannyng with the essence of his narrative, it must have been very closely related to this account. The second of Mannyng' s episodes is the Judgment of the Goddesses21-but Robert transforms them into "l>re wicches," who "in l>e eyr dide fare." These weird sisters observe the bull fight and Paris's decision, and marvel at his wisdom. Soon they begin to argue over their beauty, and they agree to let Paris decide the issue. For the prize, they resolve to make a ball of some kind, and they request Paris to award it to the fairest among them. Before the day set for judgment, the three come to Paris individually and offer bribes. Juno offers worldly position: "I schal pe graunte porow my power, In Troye schold neuere be py per." (553-4) Pallas offers wisdom: "Of wysdam y schal gyue pe grace Ouer alle oper in ilk a place." (561-2) Venus offers the fairest lady alive: "I schaJ ]>e gyue a loue of pris, ]:>e fairest lady pat now lyues, ffor pe bal, ;;if pou hit me gyues." (580-82) After much soul-searching, Paris decides to award the ball to Venus, whereupon the other ladies are "for wrayth al mad." Now, this episode could hardly have come from Dares, since De Excidio Troiae Historia does not connect the Judgment with Paris's life as a shepherd; instead, the whole occurrence is set in a dream, which Paris relates at the council when the Trojans are considering sending 2op. 242. 21 LI. 503-612. Studies in English an expedition to Greece. In the dream, the three goddesses are brought before Paris by Mercury, who demands that he judge them. No mention is made of bribes offered by either Juno or Pallas; though Venus does off er the most beautiful woman in Greece.::2 The differences between the two accounts are especially significant when we consider certain of the medieval analogues which approach Man­nyng's account much more closely than does Dares. Most medieval versions of the Judgment introduce it by means of the episode of the divine feast and the malice of Discordia.23 Such accounts are found in the Excidium,24 the Compendium,25 and numerous vernacular versions: Konrad's Trojanische Krieg,26 the Weltchronik of Jansen Enikel,21 the Libro de Alexandre,28 the General Estoria,29 the Tr6jumanna Saga,30 and the Trojanska Priea.81 Mannyng agrees with the Seege and the Istorietta Trojana in dropping the episode, and also in making the prize a ball instead of an apple ; but in both these accounts the goddesses find the ball rather than make it.32 In the bribes of Juno and Pallas, Mannyng is quite conventional. He seems closest to Hyginus33 and the First Vatican Mythographer34 in having Juno offer dominion 22C. VII. 23That is, in some form. There is a wonderful variety in these stories. See Mod. Pkil., XXXV, 125. 24Pp. 397-8. 25P. 243. 2sL1. 813-1641. 21Ed. P. Strauch, Mon. Germ. Hist., Scrip. qui Vernac. Lingua, Usi Sunt, vol. III (Hannover and Leipzig, 1900), 11. 13787 ff. 2sEd. R. S. Willis, Elliott Monograms, No. 32 (Princeton and Paris, 1934), pp. 64-66. 29Fols. 45°-46r•. 30Pp. 18, 20. 31 P. 159. s2Seege, 1. 512; Jstorietta Trojana, p. 382. S3Ed. M. Schmidt (Jena, 1872); Fable 92. S4Ed. Angelo Mai, Classici Auctores, vol. III (Rome, 1831), I, 208. Robert Mannyng's Version of the Troy Story 11 and Pallas wisdom; Ovid35 has Pallas offer victory in battle, and several medieval writers agree with him.86 Juno's offer of dominion (or wealth) takes a great variety of forms. In the First Vatican Mythographer,37 she offers the entire realm of Asia; in the Excidiurn,38 she offers to increase Paris's wealth by causing his flocks to produce twin offspring; while in the Gottweiger Trojanerkrieg,39 she offers all the treasures buried since Adam. It is hope­less to attempt to choose Mannyng's source from this mass of analogous versions. Neither the Excidium nor the Compendium will serve; in the former, Pallas is called Minerva and she promises victory rather than wisdom; in the latter, there is no mention at all of the bribes of Juno and Pallas. But the general similarity between Mannyng and these narratives40 is too strong to ignore, and it seems necessary to suppose that the source which he used bore some relation to these accounts. The third episode which Mannyng presents is the Rape of Helen.41 Venus, immediately after the Judgment, instructs Paris to prepare a ship laden with riches and to proceed to Greece in the guise of a merchant. Paris, upon his arrival, is greeted by Menelaus. He tells him that whoever wishes to see his wares must come aboard his ship. Helen hears of this and finally gets leave to visit the merchant vessel. After she comes aboard and is absorbed in an examination of the riches, Paris sets sail and takes her away to Troy. There follows a short account of Menelaus' wrath, and of the expedition which resulted in the final overthrow of Troy. sr,Heroides, XVI, 81-2 (Loeb Classical Library, London, 1914). asE. g., Trojanska Prica, p. 161; Jstoriett;a Trojana, p. 382; Libro de Alexandre, p. 70; Troju.manrw, Saga, p. 22: both. wisdom and strength in battle. 37J, 208. asp, 398. aDLl. 2074-79. 4oE. g., in the Excidiu.m Paris likewise sets a day for the judg­ment; the godde~ses come to him separately to offer bribes, etc. HLl. 613-730. Studies in English This episode likewise differs radically from the narra­tive of Dares. Venus, according to Dares, does not directly supervise Paris's plans; Paris undertakes his expedition ostensibly to avenge his aunt Hesione, who had been cap­tured by the Greeks. He does not pretend to be a mer­chant; he captures Helen in the temple of Diana and Apollo, instead of luring her on board his vessel; and he must needs overcome the oppidani in battle before he can make his escape.42 Mannyng's narrative shows a much closer correspondence to the Compendium at this point. The Compendium43 gives the principal events as follows: At Venus's counsel Paris prepares a ship and proceeds to Greece in the likeness of a merchant Menelaus receives him kindly and takes him into his palace. Paris is soon able to approach Helen alone; he woos her with words and gifts. By this means he wins her to his desire, and sails away with her to Troy. An almost identical account is given in the Libro de Alexandre,44 the only important difference being that Menelaus is absent at the time of Paris's arrival (as he is also in Dares). One manuscript of the Seege,45 moreover, mentions Paris's ruse of pre­tending to be a merchant when questioned as to his iden­tity. Now, in the Excidium, Venus does not give Paris instructions as to his behavior in Greece; she says merely "de Grecia accipies uxorem."46 But since Paris is later mistaken for a merchant, 47 it seems quite evident that the Excidium gives us an abridgment of an episode which was originally something like that contained in the Comperulium. 42C. IX-X. 43P. 243. HPp. 74-6. 46ffarley MS., 11. 654a-h. 46P. 400. 41Jdem. At least, this is strongly suggested when Helen sends word to Paris: "Si aliquod ornamentum quod regine placeat in uenalibus possit ferre." Robert Mannyng's Version of the Troy Story 13 It would obviously be rash to speak decisively about the sources actually used by Mannyng. The supposition that he made use of Dares rests on his short summary of the first destruction of Troy, which, as I have said, could have come from almost any intermediate version (even the English Seege could have supplied all the facts). The other episodes are distinctly not part of the Dares narrative. The most plausible conclusion, it seems to me, is that Mannyng did not use Dares at all. The De Excidio Troiae Historia was not a well known book in fourteenth­century England; even Chaucer seems to have known Dares only by reputation.48 In the absence of more tan­gible evidence, it is permissible to suppose that Mannyng· cites Dares only for the prestige it will give his narra­tive, but that he actually draws upon other sources for his information. In two of Mannyng's episodes (the Battle of the Bulls and the Rape of Helen) the closest Latin source seems to be the Compendium Historiae Trojanae-Romanae, and there is no reason why he may not have drawn directly from that source. There is, however, an alternate possi­bility to be considered. As I have elsewhere attempted to show,49 the Compendium and the Excidium could hardly have been medieval in origin; they go back to a common body of classical material which must have been avail­able to medieval writers in a number of somewhat vary­ing redactions. If this view be correct, we have another quite possible explanation of Mannyng's source material. From some one of these redactions, embodying material common to the Compendium and the Excidium, he may have derived his three episodes concerning Paris, although he has no doubt allowed himself abundant freedom in combining and presenting them. •ssee Robert K. Root, "Chaucer's Dares," Mod. Pkil., XV (1917), 1-22. Root holds that Chaucer mistook De Bello Troiano of Josephus I scan us for the narrative of Dares. 49Speculum, IX, 395; Mod. Pkil., XXXV, 116 ff. THE REEVE'S TALE IN THE HANDS OF A NORTH MIDLAND SCRIBE BY MARTIN MICHAEL CROW I That Chaucer used dialect in the Ree,ve' s Tale to char­acterize the two Cambridge students, John and Aleyn of Strother, is common knowledge.1 In the ninety-eight lines of dialogue assigned to the students, the language, in con­trast to Chaucer's normal South East Midland or London English, is full of Northern forms. We find examples of a (Broke, op. cit., p. 169. The parentes had the power, of lyfe and sodayn death. What if those goodmen should agayne receave the livyng breth, In how straight bondes would they thy stubberne body bynde? What weapons would they seeke for thee? what tormentes would they fynde? To chasten (if they saw) the lewdness of thy lyfe, Thy great unthankfulnes to me, and shamefull sturdy strife? . On lesse by Wensday ne-xt, thou bende as I am bent, And at our castle cald Freetowne thou freely doe assent To Counte Paris sute, and promise to agree To whatsoever then shall passe, twixt him, my wife, and me, Not onely will I geve all that I have away, From thee, to those that shall me love, me honor, and obay, But also too so close and to so hard a gayle, I shall thee wed for all thy lefe, that sure thou shalt not fayle, A thousand times a day to wishe for sodayn death."36 The means by which Valentine plans to enter Silvia's room is that actually employed by Romeus to effect entry into Juliet's room after the marriage. Asked by Proteus whether Silvia loves him, Valentine reveals the secret: "Ay, and we are betroth'd: nay, more, our marriage-hour, And all the cunning manner of our flight, Determin'd of: how I must climb her window, The ladder made of cords, and all the means Plotted and 'greed on for my happiness."37 Three times more the plans are reviewed: when Proteus determines to betray Valentine,38 when he actually becomes tale-bearer to the Duke,39 and when Valentine is inveigled into offering the ladder device as a solution for the Duke's pretended difficulties. The last speech adds the detail of the hooks: "Why then, a ladder quaintly made of cords, To cast up, with a pair of anchoring hooks, Would serve to scale another Hero's tower, So bold Leander would adventure it."'0 asBroke, op. cit., pp. 160-161. STll,iv.180--184. ss11. TI..33-84. • 9111.i.38-40. 40111.i.117-120. Studies in English Romeus, just married to Juliet, tells her how he proposes to come to her in secrecy : "Fayre lady, send to me agayne your nurce this afternoone. Of corde I will bespeake, a ladder by that time; By which, this night, while other sleepe, I will your window clime."41 A servant obtains the ladder and affixes hooks: "[He] straight as he was charged, a corden ladder lookes, To which he hath made fast two strong and crooked yron hookes."4 2 In this story Leander actually climbs Hero's tower: "[Juliet] in the windowe watcht the cumming of her lorde; Where she so surely had made fast the ladder made of corde, That daungcrles her spouse the chaumber window climes."u When the Duke of Milan discovers Valentine's ladder and a note promising enfranchisement to Silvia, he angrily banishes Valentine : "Go, base intruder! overweening slave! Bestow thy fawning smiles on equal mates, And think my patience, more than thy desert, Is privilege for thy departure hence.. But if thou linger in my territories Longer than swiftest expedition Will give thee time to leave our royal court, By heaven! my wrath shall far exceed the love I ever bore my daughter or thyself. Be gone! I will not hear thy vain excuse; But, as thou lov'st thy life, make speed from hence."44 The decree pronounced against Romeus is the same, though his offense is different. After the death of Tybalt, Prince Escalus nBroke, op. rit., p. 108. 42/bid., p. 110. 49Ibid., p. 111. UJll.i.157-169, Romeus and Juliet and Two Gentlemen of Verona 33 ". . . geves sentence in a while, That Romeus, for Eleying him should goe into exyle."411 Romeus himself hears the judgment from the lips of Friar Lawrence: "Thy hap quoth he, is good, daunger of death is none, But thou shalt live, and doe full well, in spite of spitefull fone. This onely payne for thee was erst proclaymde aloude, A banished man, thou mayst thee not within Verona shroude."•6 Both Valentine and Romeus would prefer death to separa­tion from their respective ladies. Says Valentine: "And why not-death rather than living torment? To die is to be banish'd from myself; And Silvia is myself: banish'd from her Is self from self,-a deadly banishment! What light is light, if Silvia be not seen? What joy is joy, if Silvia be not by? Unless it be to think that she is by And feed upon the shadow of perfection. Except I be by Silvia in the night, There is no music in the nightingale; Unless I look on Silvia in the day, There is no day for me to look upon. She is my essence; and I leave to be, If I be not by her fair influence Foster'd, illumin'd, cherish'd, kept alive. I fly not death, to fly his deadly doom: Tarry I here, I but attend on death; But, fly I hence, I fly away from life."47 Upon hearing later that Silvia's intercession for him has accomplished nothing except her own imprisonment, Val­entine briefly repeats this outburst: •11Broke, op. cit., p. 120. 46Jbid., p. 131. 47111.i.170-187. With the closing sentences of this speech compare a line from Broke, in which Juliet begs that she may accompany Romeus: "Thy absence is my death, thy sight shall geve me life." (Op. cit., p. 145.) Studies in English "No more; unless the next word that thou speak'st Have some malignant power upon my life: If so, I pray thee, breathe it in mine ear, As ending anthem of my endless dolour."48 Romeus, with more violent physical demonstrations, makes the same lament: "He rises eft, and strikes his head against the wals, He falleth downe againe, and lowde for hasty death he cals. Come spedy death (quoth he) the readiest leache in love, Since nought can els beneth the sunne the ground of griefe remove, Of lothsome life breake downe the hated staggering stayes, Destroy, destroy at once the lyfe that faintly yet decayes. But you (fayre dame) in whome dame nature dyd devise With cunning hand to woorke, that might seeme wondrous in our eyes, For you I pray the Gods, your pleasures to increase, And all mishap, with this my death, for evermore to cease. And mighty Jove with speede of justice bring them lowe, Whose lofty pryde (without our gylt) our blisse doth overblowe. "4 s Friar Lawrence, in his long sermon to Romeus, puts the cause of distress more concisely : "Me thinkes I heare thee say the cruell banishment, Is onely cause of the unrest, onely thou dost lament, That from thy natife land, and frendes thou must depart, Enforsed to ·flye from her that hath the keping of thy hart."50 Proteus, in the play, enacts for a brief moment the role of comforter, which is the part of Friar Lawrence in the poem. With feigned innocence and sympathy he announces to Valentine : "... thou art banished, 0, that's the news, From hence, from Silvia, Jl,nd from me thy friend."111 48111.i.238-241. teBroke, op. cit., pp. 131-132. 60/bid., p. 137. 51III.i.218-219. Romeus and Juliet and Two Gentlemen of Verona 35 Friar Lawrence makes a like announcement to Romeus in lines that have already been quoted. When Valentine asks whether Silvia knows of his banishment, Proteus gives a graphic account: "Ay, ay; and she hath offer'd to the doom­Which, unrevers'd, stands in effectual force-­A sea of melting pearl, which some call tears: Those at her father's churlish feet she tender'd; With them, upon her knees, her humble self; Wringing her hands, whose whiteness so became them As if but now they waxed pale for woe: But neither bended knees, pure hands held up, Sad sighs, deep groans, nor silver-shedding tears, Could penetrate her uncompassionate sire; But Valentine, if he be ta'en, must die. Besides, her intercession chaf'd him so When she for thy appeal was suppliant, That to close prison he commanded her, With many bitter threats of biding there."52 The passage does not resemble anything Friar Lawrence says, but recalls the description of unhappy Juliet beseech­ing her father not to require her marriage: "The wofull daughter all bewept, fell groveling at his f eete, Which she doth washe with teares as she thus groveling lyes: So fast and eke so plenteously distill they from her eyes: When she to call for grace her mouth doth think to open, Muet she is: for sighes and sobs her fearefull talke have broken."H Juliet's father also remains adamant, despite the tears shed at his feet, and he at least threatens to confine his daughter to "so close and to so hard a gayle"5 that she • shall wish for death a thousand times a day. "And thinke not," he warns, "that I speak in sport, or mynd to breake my vowe."55 HJil.i.228-237. HBroke, op. cit., p. 169. "Ibid., p. 161. Hfbid.. Studies in English Proteus, like Friar Lawrence, becomes philosophical and delivers a brief sermon on hope, fortitude, and submission to necessity: "Cease to lament for that thou canst not help, And study help for that which thou lament'st. Time is the nurse and breeder of all good. Here if thou stay, thou canst not see thy love; Besides, thy staying will abridge thy life. Hope is a lover's staff; walk hence with that And manage it against despairing thoughts."56 The thought and the wording bear a striking resemblance to these passages from the very long discourse of Friar Lawrence: "A wise man in the midst of troubles and distres Still standes not wayling present harme, but seeks his harmes redres. . . . LikQ as there is no weale, but wastes away sometime, So every kind of wayled woe, will weare away in time. . .. Compare the present while, with times ypast before, And thinke that fortune hath for thee, great pleasure yet in store, The whilst, this little wrong, receive thou paciently, And what of force must nedes be done, that doe thou willingly.... To geve to Fortune place, not ay deserveth blame, But skill it is, according to the times, thy selfe to frame."11r Other lines that might well contribute to the philosophy of hope are: 1. The description of the change wrought in Romeus by the counsel of Friar Lawrence: "So banisht hope r&­turneth home, to banish his despayre."118 2. The advice of an instructed Romeus to a despairing Juliet: "And where there is no cause of greefe, cause hope to heale thy smart."110 HIIJ.i.242-248. 117Broke, op. cit., pp. 134-139. 58Jbid., p. 139. 59Jbid., p. 148. sad" ; 3. The assurance of the Nurse to Juliet that Fortune will surely restore joy, and her subsequent injunctions: "Wherfore rejoyce a while in hope, and be ne more so 60 ". • promesse me to f eede on hope, till I retorne • agayne."01 The practical plans of Proteus for mitigating the un­happiness of Valentine are identical with those proposed to Romeus by Juliet and Friar Lawrence. Here Proteus speaks: "Thy letters may be here, though thou art hence; Which, being writ to me, shall be deliver'd Even in the milk-white bosom of thy love. The time now serves not to expostulate: Come, I'll convey thee through the city-gate, And, ere I part with thee, confer at large Of all that may concern thy love-affairs. As thou lov'st Silvia, though not for thyself, Regard thy danger, and along with me!"62 In the poem, Juliet is the one who arranges for a corre­spondence through a third person : "Fayle not to let me have at fryer Lawrence hand, The tydinges of your health, and how your doutfull case shall stand."6S But it is Friar Lawrence who confers with Romeus about "his affaires at large," and who urges him to avoid danger: "To whom he doth wisely discoorse, of his affaires at large. He telles him how he shall, depart the towne unknowne, Both mindfull of his frendes safetie, and carefull of his owne."64 Romeus behaves obediently: "When Romeus had of his affayres with frier Lawrence spoken, Warely he walked forth, unknowne of frend or foe."65 60fbid., p. 128. 61fbid., p. 129. e21II.i.249-257. 6sBroke, op. cit., p. 148. e4Broke, op. cit., p. 140. 65fbid., p. 150. Just as Juliet, grieving for her absent husband, is un­receptive to Paris, so Silvia, after Valentine's departure, "takes his going grievously,"66 is "lumpish, heavy, melan­choly,"67 and more than ever obstinate against Thurio. The Duke agrees with Proteus that "A little time ... will kill that grief,"68 but meanwhile he worries about the proposed match. "Thou know'st how willingly I would effect The match between Sir Thurio and my daughter,"89 he says to Proteus ; "And also, I think, thou art not ignorant How she opposes her against my will."10 Even with Valentine gone, "perversely she persevers so,"11 complains the Duke ; and he asks help in making Silvia forget Valentine and give her love to Sir Thurio. Juliet's grief is described at greater length: "In absence of her knight, the lady no way could Kepe trews betwene her greefes and her, though nere so fayne she would; And though with greater payne she cloked sorowes smart, Yet did her paled face disclose the passions of her hart. Her sighing every howre, her weping every where, Her recheles heed of mate, of slepe, and waring of her geare, The carefull mother markes."12 The real cause of Juliet's affliction is unknown to her parents, who at first suppose that she mourns "her coosin Tybalts death"73 but finally conclude that she laments 66Jil.ii.14. 67Jbid., I. 62. 68Jbid., I. 15. 6911!.ii.22-23. 70111.ii.25-26. 71Jbid., I. 28. 12Broke, op. cit., p. 152. For other descriptions of Juliet's grief see pp. 154, 162. 7S/bid., p. 155. being "unmaried."u Accordingly, Capilet begins negotia­tions, and, having selected Paris, supports him with as much zeal and parental determination as Silvia's father exhibits in behalf of Thurio. "Emong the rest was one inflamde with her desire, Who, County Paris cliped was, an Earle he had to syre. Of all the suters, him the father liketh best, And easely unto the Earle he maketh his behest, Both of his owne good will, and of his frendly ayde, To win his wife unto his will, and to perswade the mayde."n Juliet resists : "Within herself she thought, rather then be forsworne, With horses wilde, her tender partes a sonder should be torne."1s Thurio's request that Proteus shall praise Thurio while slandering Valentine at least recalls the scene in which Juliet's Nurse praises the second lover. "Therefore," directs Thurio, "as you unwind her love from him, Lest it should ravel and be good to none, You must provide to bottom it on me; Which must be done by praising me as much As you in worth dispraise Sir Valentine."11 The gossipy Nurse exalts Paris of her own accord: "She setteth foorth at large the fathers furious rage, And eke she prayseth much to her, the second mariage, And County Paris now she praiseth ten times more, By wrong, then she her selfe by right, had Romeus praysde before."78 The capture of Valentine by outlaws has no counterpart in Romeus and Juliet; but Valentine's complaint against Fortune, his invention about the cause of his banishment, HJbid. 111Broke, op. cit., p. 157. 18Jbid. HIII.ii.51-55. 1sBroke, op. cit., p. 174. and the description of him given by one of the outlaws are probably echoes from Broke's poem. "Crooked for­tune"79 thwarted him; else he might still be in Milan, says Valentine to his captors. Certainly there is nothing peculiar about the idea or the manner of expression. But the multiplicity of references in Broke to "wavering For­tunes whele,"80 "tickel Fortune,"81 or "Fortunes cruell will"82 would impress even the most indifferent reader. Moreover, Romeus is not content with a single epithet: "On Fortune eke he raylde, he calde her deafe, and blynde, Unconstant, fond, deceitfull, rashe, untruthful, and unkynd."83 Called upon to give the reason for his banishment, Valen­tine invents one: ". . . that which now torments me to rehearse. I kill'd a man, whose death I much repent; But yet I slew him manfully, in fight, Without false vantage or base treachery."84 The pretended offense of Valentine is the real offense of Romeus, who slays Tybalt manfully, in a "fight begonne ... by Tybalt,"85 and who afterwards expresses sorrow over the corpse of his "cosin dere."86 Just as Valentine holds himself "glad of such a doom,"87 which seems too severe to his questioners, so Romeus is said to be for­tunate because "daunger of death is none."88 "His frendes," however, "do think ... that Romeus hath wrong."89 Upon assurance from Valentine that he knows 79IV.i.22. 80Broke, op. cit., p. 115. 8 1/bid., p. 136. 82/bid., p. 144. 83/bid., p. 133. 84IV.i.26-29. 85Broke, op. cit., p. 120. For the account of the fight see pp. 116-119. 86Broke, op. cit., p. 189. 87JV.i.32. 88Broke, op. cit., p. 131. soIbid., p. 120. Romeus anrJJ of Bookselling, 1617-1688 (Austin, 1930), The University of Texaa Doctoral Dissertation. there's more money laid out upon Islington turnpike in a month than upon all the learned men in seven years.4 Patronage did not die suddenly; it faded gradually into the subscription system, which grew steadily in the days of Pope but became less popular in Johnson's later years. From the beginning of the eighteenth century there were objections to both methods of publication, and opposition to them continued unabated until they were largely sup­planted by the modern system of publishing.5 The second important development was the emergence of the professional author.6 For two centuries the writing profession had been growing. Dryden had contributed much to its dignity, and since his time it had become more and more profitable. The professional writer, how­ever, was not yet firmly established. Some aristocrats looked down upon him for marketing his wit, while other writers resented him as a rival. Goldsmith describes these attitudes: A man here who should write, and honestly confess that he wrote for bread, might as well send his manuscript to fire the baker's oven; not one creature will read him; all must be court-bred poets; or pretend at least to be court-bred, who can expect to please. Should the caitiff fairly avow a design of emptying our pockets and filling his own, every reader would instantly forsake him; even those who write for bread themselves would combine to worry him, perfectly 4Samuel Foote, The Author (London, 1757), I, i, pp. 2-3. 5Swift objectea to the subscription system on numerous occasions. See Swift's Works, ed. Walter Scott (London, 1884), XVII, 216; II, 390. See also Johnson's Lives of tke Poets, ed. G. B. Hill (Oxford, 1905), III, 50. A specific comment on the practice was published in Thomas Malton's Essay Concerning tke Publi.cation of Works of Science by Subscription (Montkly Review, LVII [1777], 322). In 1790 Cowper barely made expenses on his translation of Homer (Cowper's Letters, ed. Thomas Wright [London, 1904], III, 487). 6The general conditions of authorship are discussed by A. S. Collins in Authorship in tke Days of Joknson (London, 1927). This work contains a useful introductbn to the relations between authors and booksellers. Studies in English sensible that his attempts only served to take the bread out of their mouths.' James Ralph presents the same problem.8 Both he and Goldsmith defend the professional writer against the "vol­unteer" on the ground that the man who writes for a living is more likely to know what to write and how to write than is the amateur. Among other new conditions perhaps the most impor­tant resulted from the creation of the author's bargain­ing power. In 1710 the Act of Anne, defining the author's ownership of his work, had strengthened the position of all writers, although until 1760 protection of literary rights was sought in Chancery rather than in courts of law. The author's absolute right to his unpublished manu­script was meanwhile established in the courts. There was a firmer basis, therefore, on which negotiations be­tween author and bookseller might be made; but these negotiations were by no means uniform. Even in a limited sense, royalties did not become com­mon in the eighteenth century. As early as 1710 Tonson agreed to pay Congreve £20 upon publication of a second edition of the Works,9 a contract which bears close simi­larity to Milton's agreement for the sale of Paradise Lost. Later in the century it was not unusual for a bookseller voluntarily to give the author of a successful work an additional payment, but contractual agreements did not usually take into account the possible success of a book. So long as subscriptions were common, booksellers often paid authors with books, or with books and a sum of money. The customary agreement, however, was for an outright sale of the manuscript in consideration of a fixed sum. Although the Act of Anne specifically provided that 1works, ed. Peter Cunningham (New York, 1881), IV, 423-424. BThe Case of Authors by Profession or Trade, Smted; mth Regard to Booksellers, the Stage and the Public (London, 1762), p. 58. 9See the contract in D. Crane Taylor's William Congreve (London, 1931)' p. 206. Rewards of Authorship-Eighteenth Century 51 after fourteen years the right of copy should return to the author, agreements to sell perpetual rights continued regularly. For special classes of literature there were at different times recognized trade prices, but exceptions were constantly made by booksellers, especially in the case of authors who had already won fame. II Among poets, of course, Alexander Pope became the type of literary success. Compared with Milton's agree­ment for the publication of Paradise Lost, even his first sales were successful.10 These sums, however, are hardly to be compared with his later earnings. Pope's growing reputation and the memory of Dryden's success-no more memorable to a bookseller than Tonson's profits-induced Lintot to offer the poet £200 for each volume of a trans­lation of Homer, the subscription and presentation copies to be added to the consideration.11 The quarto volumes, six of them, were to be sold at a guinea apiece. At this rate 654 copies were delivered to subscribers, and Pope was richer by £5,320 4s. Immediately a pirated edition appeared. This work, imported from Holland, seriously jeopardized Lintot's profits, for he was forced to issue a duodecimo edition at half-a-crown the volume, "finely printed from an Elzevir letter." The aftermath was not io1n his Literary Anecdotes (London, 1814), VIII, 199-200, John Nichols reprints pages of Lintot's account book, including the follow­ing entries: £ s. d. 1712 Statius, etc. 16 2 6 Rape of the Lock 7 0 0 To a Lady, etc. 3 16 6 1713 Windsor Forest 32 5 0 Ode on St. Cecilia 15 0 0 1714 Additions to Rape 15 0 0 1715 Temple of Fame 32 5 0 Key to Lock 10 15 0 1716 Essay on Criticism 15 0 0 11see R. H. Griffith, Alexander Pope: A Bibliography, I, Pt. (Austin, 1927), pp. 41-42, 121-122; and Septimus Rivington, The Publishing Family of Rivington (London, 1919), pp. 61 ff. Studies in English a happy one. Lintot's dream of large profits had been 8hattered, and after the publication of the Odyssey he con­sidered asking a dissolution by Chancery of his contract with Pope. With an exchange of unpleasantries, Pope left him, to finish the quarrel in The Dunciad. Not all poets fared so well as Pope. Those who were unknown often sought a bookseller in vain. Of this num­ber Curll pretends to have helped many, but his boasted charity gave way at least once to gratitude for a poet who was not interested in the price of his wares. "I have made it wholly my business to print for poor disconsolate authors whom all other Booksellers refuse," he says sancti­moniously. "Only God Bless Sir Richard Blackmore he takes no Copy-Money."12 One of the more interesting contracts for the publica­tion of poetry in the early eighteenth century is that by which Matthew Prior sold his rights in his Poems upon Several Occasions. By this agreement, a copy of which is in the Aitken Collection at The University of Texas, Prior assigned to Jacob Tonson, "his heirs and assigns forever," all rights in the edition. The poet was to receive 1,100 copies of the work. For all remaining copies of the edi­tion Prior agreed to pay Tonson £900 and to give the bookseller £80 for corrections. From this undertaking the poet's income was 4,000 guineas. Thomson's copyrights, upon which the principal legal decisions were later to rest, did not bring large sums. Andrew Millar paid £137 10s. for Sophonisba and Spring. In 1738 John Millan bought from Millar the right to The Seasons and Thomson's other works for £105. Liberty, which Thomson considered his masterpiece, was a book­5eller's failure; the poet thought of annulling his contract so as to bear the loss alone.13 12Tke Poisoning of Edmund Curll, quoted in Notes and QuerieB, Sixth Series, xi (1885), 490. 1aA complete account of the copyright transactions may be found in the special verdict of the jury, Millar ver8U8 Taylor, Burrow's Reports, Volume IV. According to the Gentleman's Magazine, XXXI Rewards of Authorship-Eighteenth Century 53 In 1738, when the copyright on old books had expired and new poets were numerous enough to supply both mis­cellanies and magazines, ten guineas was a round sum for a poem of good length. Thus Johnson received that amount for his London, although Dodsley had to pay some­thing for Johnson's pride. "Paul Whitehead had a little before got ten guineas for a poem," Johnson declared, "and I would not take less than Paul Whitehead."14 The preciseness which Jacob Tonson had once practiced with Dryden, whose lines were counted one by one before money changed hands, was no longer the fashion. Young received 220 guineas for his Night Thoughts as a whole. Akenside asked, and probably received, £120 for his Pleas­ures of the Imagination.1" Collins refused to publish his Odes unless he were given ten guineas for them. It may be seen that income from poetry was uncertain, and that often it was meager. Even though Pope's lines probably do injustice to the earning power of Ambrose Phillips, many a self-styled poet, upon reading the Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot, might have envied The Bard whom pilfer'd Pastorals renown, Who turns a Persian tale for half a crown. Of the poets who refused to enter the race for profit, Cowper and Gray are noteworthy. Cowper gave the copy­right of The Task to Joseph Johnson, his bookseller, and (1762), 238, Thomson's works were sold posthumously by subscrip­tion and the proceeds devoted to a monument in Westminster Abbey and to the relief of the poet's poor relations. 14Life of Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill and L. F. Powell (Oxford, 1935), I, 124. 111Where no specific authority is cited for a transaction, I have relied upon the statement~ of Collins,, op. cit.; F. A. Mumby, Book­selling and Publishing (London, 1934); Charles Knight, Shadows of the Old Booksellers (London, 1927); Henry Curwen, A History of Booksellers, Th.