RIGHTEOUSNESS TAUGHT :BY DIVINE JUDGMENTS. 


A SERMON 

PREACHED IN ANTRBI, N. H., 

BY THE 

J. H. &,A T E S, 
THANKSGIVING DAY, NOV. 27, 1862. 

PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. 

MANCHESTER, N. IT.: 

A.!IERIC.AN STEA..ll PPJNT~G WORKS OF G.':..GI.:: ~ FA.R.~S'70P.TTI 
1863. 


Lrbrary 
University of Te~ 

Austin 

SER~ION. 


IsAIAlI 26 : 9. When thy judgments are in the earth, the inhabitants 
of the world will learn righteousness. 

"\Ve can never be without abundant cause for thanksgiving, 
and it would be a profitable exercise to-day to recall 
to mind the many tokens of God's past and present goodness, 
and so stir up our hearts to unite fervently in the 
praises of Him whose hand of mercy is over all. But let 
me speak to you of our country, its condition and its hopes. 
The Lord has bestowed on us a goodly heritage. We haYe 
a land abounding in all resources of material comfort and 
wealth and in all means for mental and moral improvement 
and social happiness. But now our nation is in trouble; 
the judgments of God have come upon us, and it becomes 
us to look for the lessons of righteousness which these 
judgments are designed to impart. The prophet affirms 
that when the Lord's judgments are in the earth, the inhabitants 
of the world will learn righteousness. Surely 
we have troubles enough to turn our hearts to the pursuit 
of wisdom. 

The process by which these troubles have been brought 
upon us, is familiar to all and needs only to be briefly recited. 
Our ears had long been accustomed to thrents ·of 
resistance to federal authority. ·Dishonorable concc~sioa"-'.; 
to put off the day of evil, had been made till forbearance 

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ceased to be a virtue. Intended treason was long and 

· boldly proclaimed in our halls of national legislation and 
met with scarcely the semblance. of rebuke. Our Chief 
Magistrate was surrounded by those who were plotting 
destruction to the Union and who did not leave their high 
stations, where they were bound by the most solemn obligations 
to maintain the federal constitution and laws in all 
their integrity, until they had done their utmost to place 
the whole fiscal, military and naval power of the nation in 
the hands of those who, in their hearts, were alretidy in 
rebellion. Repeated efforts at compromise were made. 
Concessions were proposed more liberal than honor or justice 
demanded. But the time, consumed in vain attempts 
to adjust differences, was only used to strengthen the hands 
of treason. The crisis at length came and the government 
had no alternative but to engage in a most violent conflict 
for its own existence. No truth. is more plain from the 
whole course of events, than that the loyal states have been 
forced into this civil strife against their will and against 
the power of honorable prevention. 

This war has been most wickedly forced upon us. Of 
this there seems no room for doubt. Yet I do not say that 
the North lms been guilty of no wrong. Many honest efforts 
have been made to correct northern sentiment when 
it was manifestly unsound. But northern faults have been 
often unduly magnified as compared with wrongs perpetrated 
by the South. Fanatical opinions, upon the great 
questions at issue, have been promulgated in both sections 
of our country. But truth requires the confession that 
great forbearance has been practiced upon the part of the 
North. And for this we have no reason to be sorry : for 
it helps to convince the world, so far as the world is in a 
mood to be convinced, that our cause is most just. We 
v;onld have avoided a sectional collision ; but we could 


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not. .We might have disfranchised ourselves and put the 
reins of government forever in the hands of the South ; 
or we might have submitted to the dismemberment of the 
Nation. When plundered of our army and navy and. 
military fortifications, we might have let the plunderers 
alone and said " depart in peace." I said, we could have 
done these things ; but could we ? Could we have yielded 
such a birthright without a struggle ? Can we look back 
to revolutionary sires, and would not their blood cry out 
for very shame if compelled to flow through the veins of 
such an unworthy generation ! Could we proclaim to the 
world that the experiment of a free government must forever 
be regarded as a failure! 

Truly, we had no choice but to fight or make ourselves 
a by-word in the whole earth. A sad necessity was laid 
upon us which we could not in honor and justice escape. I 
do not hesitate the assertion that no people ever went to 
war for a more righteous cause than that which impels the 
loyal states in this conflict. 

And yet we must not forget that these troubles are the 
judgments of God upon us. It is easy to trace secondary 
causes. It is easy to see that the great design of this unparalleled 
rebellion, was to establish more firmly and permanently 
the institution of human slavery. For many 
years, political leaders at the South have preached the right 
of secession, a right perfectly incompatible with the existence 
of any reliable government. But in this way it was 
sought to prepare the popular mind for the basest treason 
the world ernr saw; and not a thing has been left untried 
to stir up the most intense hatred toward the free North; 
and when it was made plain that the slave interest could 
no longer rule the Nation, then came rebellion. Idscreet 
sayings and actions, both North and South, may have 11~dtened 
the conflict; but a permanent peace was utterly im



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possible while one section of the country liad a growing 
conviction, not only that slavery was lawful and justifiable 
under due restrictions, but that it was truly a sacred and 
divine institution and needful to the highest interests of 
society : and the other section had an equally growing conviction, 
founded upon the increasing developments of the 
system; that human bondage, the holding of men as chattels, 
subject to the will of the basest masters as well as the 
best, was a tremendous wrong, utterly incompatible with 
tho~e institutions which necessarily belong to a free people. 
The war is emphatically one between freedom and slavery. 
Can our hearts hesitate for a moment which side should 

triumph? 

It is not always safe to predict the result of God's special 
dealings with men and nations. It is not for us to foreknow 
the divine purposes and then lay our plans with reference 
to their accomplishment. The Lord will secure his 
ends and by the agency of man if He sees fit, but He asks no 
lmmanadvice. Sofaraswecanjudge, thecourse oftheseceding 
states seems providentially tending towards emancipation. 
It would indeed be remarkable if the very efforts to 
perpetuate slavery forever, should be the means of its destruction. 
But let the Lord work as He will. His hand is in 
these judgments, and while He is fulfilling His designs, let 
us seek the lessons of wisdom and righteousness. And what 
are some of them ? 

· 1. The first great duty, urged upon us, in the time of 
these judgments, is to acknowledge God. Amid all the confusions 
and strifes of men and nations, there is a .Being 
who rules· over all and orders all things well. There is 
nothing done in this universe without His knowledge, permi~
sion, and providential control. There is a boundary 
Ect ~o wickedness, within which the fiercest wrath of man 
wiIL be restrained. The annals of the world can not fur



nish the record of another so great a crime as this rebellion, 
and yet the hand of God is in it, and will accomplish glorious 
ends by means of it. We have national faults and 
blessed will it be if they are now corrected. But how 

. great must be the evil that calls for such a remedy ? 

But what are the proofs of a national recognition of 
God ? They are to be found in the habits both of the people 
and of the government. Can it be truly said that the 
inhabitants of this land are worshippers of the Supreme 
Being ? That a great many are sincerely pious, is not to 
be questioned ; but is reverence for God a national trait ? 
The first indications of right feelings toward God are to be 
looked for in the manner of observing the Sabbath. It is 
true that a great many conscientiously regard the Sabbath 

, as tl1e day which the Lord has sanctified for His own special 
worship. It is equally true that vast numbers utterly disregard 
the day except to devote its sacred hours to pleasure 
seeking. Absociations have been formed with the avowed 
purpose of discountenancing, in every possible way, Sabbath 
observance, and of securing the abrogation of all civil 
laws, designed to preserve the day for rest and worship : 
and probably upon no Sabbath could we ever find one tenth 
part of our population in the house of prayer, either personally 
or by representatives. And yet there are no other 
such agencies for f:ecuring the blessings of civil freedom as 
the Sabbath and the appropriate services of the sanctuary. 
Without these, a nation can not possibly be free. Without 
tl1ese, it is impossible to secure those public and private 
and social virtues which are the only sure basis of human 
happiness. We have indeed great reason to be thankful, 
that the ordinances of religion are maintained to such an 
extent, that a large proportion of the population is brought 
more or less di~ectly under their influence; yet it is most 
lamentably true that vast numbers pay no manner of heed 


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to these things, and that in many towns and neighborhoods 
there is no stated worship of any form. And if we look 
to our government, the aspect is no better. Among our 
civil, military and naval officers, we have some religious 
men, but they are considered by all as the exception and 
not the rule. Since this war began, the holy day has been 
repeatedly and without necessity, profaned by marching 
armies and by the clash of arms in deadly strife. Attention 
has been often called to the subject, yet it is too true 
that our armies know not the Sabbath. If our rulers think 
that soldiers need not the rest and the hallowing influences 
of the Sabbath, they may perhaps yet learn this lesson of 
righteousness by severer judgments. 

The amount of irreligion among our military officers, 
showing itself in gross profanity, drunkenness, dishonesty, 
and other kindred vices, is truly alarming. It may well 
make us tremble for the men who are exposed to the influence 
of such examples, and who may return to their 
homes with ruined characters. We may well fear, too, 
lest severer wrath yet come upon the nation that tolerates 
such wickedness in high places. God is a sovereign ruler. 
He calls upon his rational creatures to recognize their dependence 
upon His holy will. In various ways he makes 
known his being and attributes to the children of men, and 
is most jealous of his honor and will not suffer the withholding 
of it with impunity. If men and nations will not 
acknowledge Him in those providences with which He 
blesses them, then will He compel. their remembrance in 
those judgments with which He curses them. 

And are we not verily guilty of withholding praise from 

Him who is the source of every mercy ? Let us look at a 

few facts. "In accordance with a time-honored custom' 

inaugurated by our forefathers, and so much in harmony 

with t~e convictions of nll chri5tian people," this day has 


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been set apart " to be observed as a day of thanksgiving 
and praise." We are invited by our Governor to meet in 
our usual places of worship to unite in public thanks to 
the Lord" for the bountiful har,·ests with which he has 
gladdened the hearts of men," and for all the unnumbered 
benefits with which the year has been crowned. Who can 
say that this is an appointment which ouglit not to be observed 
; but where are the people of this Commonwealth 
to-day ? .A very small proportion are gathered for praise 
and worship, and thus recognize the hand of God in their 
blessings ; while the great majority are spending the day 
in mere feasting, worldly merriment or vicious indulgence; 
as if that were the way to honor Him who is the source of 
every good and perfect gift. 

Again, as a nation we ha;e been proud of our country 
and our institutions, but have taken to ourselves too much· 
credit. We have forgotten that God gave us this goodly 
land. He sent our forefathers to this western world and 
through their toils and hardships planted this free government. 
Ws have entered the abundant fruits of self-denying 
labors performed by other men, under the protection 
and guidance of a gracious Providence. But we talk too 
much as if our own skill and hands had gotten all these 
benefits. .And now that these gifts of Heaven are in such 
peril that we have to fight most earnestly to prove that we 
have a country and government worthy of being preserved 
to those who may come after us, the lesson of recognizing 
God is set before us to. be well studied. Shall we learn it 

and praise God for the possession of so excellent a country~ 

Well, if we do before it be taken from us to make us re


member whence it came . 

.Among our choicest civil privileges is the right of suf


frage. Our goYernment places the supreme political power 

in the hands of the people, to be exercised in the choice of 


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rulers. This we regard as the great excellence of our 
constitution. We hold our rights to be more safe in our 
own hands than in the hands of a man who has the right 
to rule by the accident of royal birth. We think it better 
and safer to choose our own magistrates rather than have 
men placed over us without our consent. We esteem this 
right offranchise most highly, but have we recognized God 

in the gift? · 

The world has looked upon our government as only a 

partially tried experiment. Shall we pass through this or


deal in safety; or shall secessfon be triumphant and thus 

prove that a republican government has not power to 

maintain itself against faction and rebellion~ These judg


ments from the Almighty are calling upon the world to 

come to America and learn an important lesson in the fit· 

ness and capacity of a people to govern themselves. Happy 

will it be for us if we come out of this school of affiiction 

wiser in the art of self control. 

2. The second lesson whi~h it becomes us to learn, un-· 
der the discipline of these judgments, is to attach more 
importance to intelligence and virtue, as the only sure basis 
of republican institutions. Scarcely has any political 
maxim been oftener repeated than this, that" None but an 
intelligent and virtuous people are fit to govern themselves;" 
and yet we are brought to the very brink of ruin by wickedness 
and vice. We say that slavery is the cause of the 
rebellion, and so it is. But if there had been throughout 
the land, a right understanding of that one subject, in its 
essential principles and practical workings, it could not have 
caused war. In every great moral question the appeal 
should be to the Bible and not to arms. But those who 
have done the most to disturb the nation by the discussion 
of this subject, have either utterly neglected the teachings 
of Holy Writ, or falsified the word to make it support favoTxU 



11 


rite notions. If all concerned had been willing to abide by 
the Scriptures, we could have lived together as bretheren 
and had no strife. But the leaders on both sides have held 
extreme views, and have not submitted their differences to 
the Word of God. 

Neglect of the Bible has been one great cause of our 
trouble. Nor has there been a correct understanding of 
the working of the system. The North has not understood it. 
The most active sentiments here have been too much based 
upon extreme cases of wrong. Nor has the South understood 
it_. For years past, most industrious efforts have been 
made in the work of self-blinding, so that the people who 
11ave most to do with slavery, have really known least 
about its evils. They themselves have not been willing to 
look upon the dark side and were ready to fly into a 
passion if any one ventured to intimate that there was any 
dark side. To their disordered vision, there was no darkness 
about the system except the skins of its subjects, while 
the darkest feature was the moral blindness and the bitter 
spirit of persecution, which the system of human bondage 
so plainly fostered. 

There has also been, at the South, a thorough ignorance 
of northern sentiment and design. The leaders in this 
confederated movement have perseveringly sought to increase 
sectional prejudice and hatred, by the grossest falsehoods. 
The southern people would never have entered inio 
this conflict, had they been correctly informed of northern 
sentiments and designs. But unfortunately for the nation, 
in the absence of common schools and other means of instruction, 
ignorance prevails so extensively among the 
masses, that great numbers are just fit to be the dupes of 
designing men. We may well say that ignorance, the want 
of general intelligence as well as of Bible knowledge, is 
the chief support of this rebellion. It should be remem



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bered that the states, which deny their allegiance to the 
Federal Government, have done almost nothing for the 
general education of the people. Indeed many prominent 
men do not hesitate to affirm that the masses should be 
kept in ignorance. .And this presents another feature of 
the dark side of slavery. But it is worthy of being remembered 
that those same states are suffering most terribly 
from the evils inflicted by their own hands. 

The present is emphatically the time when we should be 
most deeply impressed with the truth, that a nation must 
be intelligent in order to be free. No narrow views of self 
interest, should hinder liberal provision for the education 
of the people. It is every ma~'s duty and privilege to contribute 
to the establishment and support of institutions of 
learning. It will be a most blessed thing if these judgments 
impress our minds deeply with the great truth that 
only an intelligent people can enjoy the blessings of a free 
government. 

But mere intelligence will not preserve freedom. An 

educated people can not easily become the tools of an un


scrupulous ambition, but if intelligence be not under the 

control of right moral principle, it may be the instrument 

of vast mischief. .A man that can not be safely trusted 

with the interests of others, is not fit to exercise the right 

of suffrage. Every vote, cast at our popular elections, has 

an influence upon our happiness and prosperity. The en


acting of laws and putting of laws in force, the raising of 

taxes, the providing the public means of education, and for 

the security of private property, are all affected by the bal


lot box. Is a man, destitute of moral honesty, and of eyery 

rule of action except self-interest and passion, i~ such a 

man worthy of the bigh privilege of voting, and so of ex


erting an influence upon the destiny of the nation ? It is 

surprising how reckless the American people have been in 


• 1.1orary 
Umversity of 
13 Austin 

the matter of voting. God has mercifully secured to us 
this privilege by whieh we can determine our own laws and 
their administration ; and if there be any act, bearing directly 
upon interests in the present life, in which men ought 
to feel the energetic power of an enlightened conscience, it is 
the placing of theirvotes in the ballot box. Who shall tell the 
result of that voting which is often done with such a reckless 
and selfish spirit ! We can not too highly estimate the 
importance of the ballot box. God has kindly put it into 
our hands for His glory and our good ; and yet it is through 
the ballot box, that a base and fanatical ambition has 
brought this rebellion upon us. The ballot box is a fearful 
engine for evil, unless it be in the hands of an intelligent 

and honest people. 

Look then at these severe judgments, consider the m~nner 
in which they have been brought upon us, and learn 
this important lesson that none but an intelligent and virtuous 
people can be truly and permanently free. Freedom 
can exist only in name among the ignorant and debased, 
as the condition of Mexico and the South American States 
abundantly· proves. 

Let us learn wisdom from these judgments. No investment 
pays so well, in securing public prosperity and happiness, 
as that which is made in the christian school and 
church. Armies and navies are useful in special emergen


cies, but the nation that relies permanently on these for 
safety, is already a mass of moral corruption. A tithe of 
what is now spent for the destruction of human life and 
the creation of human wo, wisely employed, would have 
placed the school and the higher seminary of learning, with 
competent teachers, and the church with an evangelical 
ministry, in every part of the land. With ample means 
for mental culture and with a pure Gospel everywhere received, 
this rebellion would have been impossible. If any 


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man will not aid in the support of religion and learning 
he deserves not to be called an American ; for in his stupidity 
or meanness, he has despised the only foundation of 
republican freedom. 

3. Another lesson to be learned now, is the vast importance 
of electing upright and intelligent men to office. 
have already spokon of the value of the ballot box. It is 
unquestionably an instrument for good when rightly used., 
but it is as clear as the sun in the heavens that it has been , 
corrupted to the basest of purposes. Why should a man 
wish to vote ? It is that he may secure the enactment of 
righteous laws and their just administration. Can you 
think of any other good reason ? And yet you know there 
are thousands who knowingly and persistently vote against 
righteous laws and their enforcement. Personal promotion 
and party triumph, are the great ends which many 
seek for by this agency. It is by far too near a general 
rule, that men are nominated for office~ not from any known 
worth or fitness, but with reference to their availability for 
securing private or party interests. It is notorious that 
known integrity of character often renders candidates unpopular. 
When, some years ago, Mr. Frelinghuysen was 
nominated for Vice President, a leading editor of the same 
political party was asked what he thought of the n~mination. 
He replied, " It will never do ! It will never do! 
He is too much mixed up with the Bible Society." "Well 
sir," was the answer, "if it has come to this, that because 
a man is a christian, and president of a Bible Society, he 
can not be elected to high office, it is time that we should 

know it." And it has been coming to this, and yet the 
people have not considered the peril of an elective government 
when base and dishonorable men Iiave the fairest 
chance for office. 

The ballot box ought to be regarded· by every .American 


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as a sacred instrument for .the preservation of our dearest 
rights; but men have sought to control our elections, and 
largely gained their object, who care no more for the national 
well-being than the hungry lion cares for the life of 
the prey that lies bleeding at his feet. The means employed 
to secure nominations and to influence votes, are in 
perfect keeping with the character of such men. 

The nation has been cursed with men who make politics 
their trade, and who for paltry gold are ready to betray the 
dearest interests of the land. Ifthese things are not true, 
how came it to pass that this monster trearnn had its beginning 
and its strength among those who bad Eworn before 
high Heaven to protect and execute the federal constitution 
and laws? Ifour popular elections have not been 
greatly abused, how comes it to pass that corrupt and ignorant 
men so often disgrace our halls of legislation ? If 
public sentiment had been sound in this matter, how could 
it have come to pass that such a long process should be necessary 
in order to sift treason, and drunkenness and every 
species of base profligacy from the official ranks of our 
federal armies? .And why must our soldiers suffer often 
for want of the few comfcrts that belong to the soldier's 
fare, and the nation be taxed almost beyond the power of 
endurance, not only to meet the necessary demands of the 
war, but to gratify the avaricious lust of men who are 
growing rich by the most unrighteous gains ? 

A very important part of the inheritance, secured to us 
through the toils and sufferings of our forefathers, is this 
'fight of suffrage; but unless we guard it with great care, 
it may be turned into an instrument for the infliction of 
righteous judgments. As a nation we have abused this 
right and God has permitted it to become the agent of 
our great danger. Where then is the remedy for these 
evils ? It is in the hands of the people, and nowhere else. 

'



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The government can never make itself pure so long as 
you, by your free suffrages, put corrupt men in authority. 
The evil begins in the primary assemblies where nominations 
are made. These primary elections should be kept , 
from the control of designing men. Is it the part of hon


est freemen to allow candidates to be forced upon them 
whom they know to be unfit for public trust 1 And yet 
this is done. Men do not know how to break loose from 
the tramels of party. They are slaves to party organizations 
and dare not assert their birthright and vote accord


ing to the dictates of conscience. 

I would not underestimate the value of sound political 
sentiments in candidates for office, but moral integrity is 
far more important. Honest men will gladly correct mistakes, 
but how can you expect errors to be corrected by 
men whom you have placed in office for no other reason 
than their party connectio~1 Under the false maxim of 
"principles, not men," honest voters have been cheated 
into the support of candidates who were utterly unfit to 
be entrusted with public interests. 

I suppose that under, a constitution that provides for 
popular elections, we must have parties. We may reasonably 
expect honest differences of opinion, with regard to 
both the expediency of measures and the fitness of men. 
But there are great interests and duties to which party ties 
should ever be · su~ordinate. It is most unsafe and most 
absurd to bestow office upon men who are not worthy of 
being trusted. Let office be the reward of merit ; let it 
be conferred only on such as have proved themselves entitled 
to public confidence ; let dishonest and profligate men 
understand that they have no official favors to expect from 
a virtue-loving people, and our public affairs will rapidly 
assume a brighter aspect. If we must have party lines, 
let one also be drawn by which a~~~~ of good order, 

:i../ 


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righteousness and truth shall be found working together for 
the public benefit. Good citizens need not all approve the 
same political measures, but they should agree in withholding 
theiL· suffrages from all candidates who are not of 
honest report. 

'Vhilc then these judgments are upon us, let us learn 
to keep the instrument of self government free from corruption. 
Let us do all we can to disseminate right sentiments, 
and to make the people intelligent and virtuous, so 

I,
that when they come together on election days, they shall 
act wisely and conscieutionsly, in the fear of God and not 
in the dread of party leaders. 

4. 'These judgments that are in the land, are adapted 
to impart much instruction in righteousness, but the only 
other lesson which I will now speak of, relates to the matter 
of benevolence. We are prone to forget that all the 
gold and the silrnr are the Lord's, and that we are but His 
stewards in the use He will have made of it. We are disposed 
to hoard up or to spend in self indulgence, just as 
if God had no daim upon our worldly possessions. But 
when our sin of p:frsimony can be endured no longer, there 
arc many ways by which God can make the purse to open 
and the heart to expand. And have we not gi'ven far too 
sparingly in the cause ofchristian benevolence ? Our Savior 
has many representatives upon the earth in the persons of the 
needy. These He would have fed and clothed and educated 
and taught the m1y of life, from the bounty of those who have 
a larger share of worldly goods. The extension of the Redeemer's 
kingdom demands outlays of money. Preachers 
and churches, teachers and schools, mnst lJC provided for 
millions that arc in heathen darkness and sin. For n. long 
time the Lord has been c3lling upon the profosscclly chrbtian 
world to have compassion upon those who arc suffering from 
·want or perishing for la.ck of spiritual food. But the work 
has gone on very slowly. Satan's kingdom, with all its 

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moral and material desolations, is yet widely spread. The 
bitter cry of want, comes up from all parts of the earth. 

In the time of these calamities, we learn that this is not 
for lack of means. The nation is prosecuting a war at an 
expense a hundred fold larger than enough to execute the 
most liberal plans which christian benevolence ever devised. 
:Many think it a hardship to pay a small sum for the support 
of the Gospel, but now they arc compelled to pay 
largely to furnish the necessaries of war. God is making 
it plain that the Nation is possessed of untold resources, 
and if we will not cheerfully give to meet the demands of 
His works of mercy, then will He compel us to open widely 

our hands to support His works of judgment. 

Nor has this lesson been wholly without its benefits. 

Large contributions have been voluntarily made to relieve 

the burdens of Government and the sufferings of the sol


diers. The Sanitary Commission reports a monthly expen


diture, from the free will offerings of the people, of nearly 

a half million of dollars. .And much is also done, through 

other agencies, for the physical and moral benefit of the 

army. A truly blessed' thing it will be if benevolent habits 

arc now acquired which shall have a lasting effect upon the 

cause of christian charity. .And an evil thing it will be if 

we allow the hardness of the times to hinder au active in


terest in the cause of the Savior. 

Shall we then take to heart these lessons of righteous


ness ? In the midst of the Nation's trials, we have great 

reason for gratitude. The Lord has burdened our fields 

and filled our garners with plenty. We have been permit


ted to see the desolations of this war only at a distance. 

Some hearts and homes are indeed in sorrow for loved ones 

lost, but we almost know nothing, from experience, of the 

actual calamities of this \Var. In the midst of so much 

cause for thankfulness, shall we not let the Lord's judg


ments impre~s His lc~sons of righteousness upon us?