BULLETIN 

OF 

THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS 

NO. 233 
FOUR TIMES A MONTH 
EXTENSION SERIES 22 JUNE 1, 1912 


Woman· Suffrage 

Bibliography and Selected Arguments 
Edited by 
EDWIN DuBOIS SHURTER. Secretary of the Debatin2 and Declamation Lea2ue of Texas Schools 

PUBLlSHBD BY 
TKI l.INIVIR.SITY 01' TUAI 

AV8TIN, TliXA& 

BULLE~fIN 
OF 
THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS 

NO. 233 
FOUR TIMES A MONTH 
EXTENSION SERIES 22 JUNE 1, 1912 

Won1an Suffrage 

Bibliography and Selected Arguments 
Edited by 

EDWIN DuBOIS SHURTER, 
Secretary of tne Debating and Declamation League of 
Texas Schools 

PUBLISHED BY 
THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS 
AUSTIN, TEXAS 

Entered as second class mail matter at the postoffice at 
A.itstin, Texas. 

It is only out of the contest of facts and brains that the right can ~er be evolved~nly on the anvil of discussion can the spark of truth be struck out.-Josepk H. Choate. 
PREFACE. 
The Executive Committee of the Debating and Declamation League of Texas Schools announces the following question for the debates of 1912-13: Resolved, that women in Texas should be granted fhe suffraige on equal terms with men. This bulletin contains a bibliog­raphy and selected articles on both sides of the question. It was thought best to collate the arguments in a single volume rather than send out separate pamphlets ar traveling libraries. For high school students the material contained in this bulletin will ordinarily be suffi­cient. However, references are given for the benefit of those who may wish to read more widely on the question or to pursue special lines of investigation. See particularly the first paragraph under "Bibliography," page 8. 
The attention of thof;e interested in the League contests is especially called to the following points: 
1. 
Begin reading on the question early in the year so as to avoid a forcing process at the end. There is no good reason why adequate preparation for the debate should interfere with the regular school work if the reading is begun in time. Then, too, there is such a thing as reading too much-to the point of confusion. To put it in another way, there is danger of making reading a substitute for thinking. After reading through this bulletin carefully, a student should be prepared to take up the construction of his arguments on the question, affirmative and negative. 

2. 
While doing the preparatory reading, some system of taking notef! should be used. The best plan, no doubt, is to use cards or sheets of paper of uniform size, writing on only one side, and noting only a single line of argument or group of facts on a single card. Then, when the debater has outlined his argument as a whole, he can assort his notes to flt the outline. 


A word of caution regarding the legitimate use of such notes and of other material. Ideas may be borrowed, but not the language for their expression-unless, of course, it be given as quoted matter and so stated. Gather arguments from every possible source, but use your own words in stating them ; in short, make them your own. 
3. After reading on both sides of the question more or less ex­tensively, the principal arguments, pro and con, will begin to take shape. At this point the issues in the debate should be clearly de­:fined,-the propositions which, if established, will prove or disprove the main proposition. It is no small part of the task of a debater to determine by analysis what these issues are. Arguments that are not vital, or that are of only secondary importance, should be stressed but little, or perhaps not used at all. The successful debater must learn to rest his case on one or two fundamental arguments, to thoroughly establish these arguments, and to stick to them throughout the whole debate. 
4. 
Arguments are established by means of proof. Mere assertion or generalization will not do. Proof consists in the use of various kinds of evidence. The main propositions underlying your argument must be grounded upon facts; and when facts are in dispute, as frequently happens, the authority for a statement of fact should be presented and shown to be reliable. In debating, particularly, ''an ounce of fact is worth a pound of theory.'' A proposition in issue, therefore, must be supported by evidence, a general statement by a specific example, an abstract theory by a concrete illustration. Other things being equal, the debater who has the best array and organiza­tion of facts is the one who wins his case. In listening to a debate the instinctive demand of the hearers is, "Show us your proof, if we are to believe in your side of the question." 

5. 
Remember that the arguments of the two members of a team should be in effect a single argument, that is to say, there should be team-work. Make it plain to your hearers just what you are attempt­ing to prove, and then in rebuttal come back and show that you have proved it and that your first arguments were not successfully at­tacked. After thinking over the question and doing some reading on both sides, it is a good plan for both members of a team to write a complete brief or full outline of the lines of argument, affirmative and negative ; then take the two briefs, pick out the best parts of each, and put together in a single brief. 

6. 
The rules of the State contest provide that each debating team must be prepared on both sides of the question. This rule is necessary, in the first place, in order to pull off the preliminary contests. More­over, good debating requires that a speaker should know both sides of a question, and it is highly educational for a student to train him­self in presenting the truth as he finds it on either side of a really debatable question. Now, in order to prepare both sides of the ques­tion, a good plan, no doubt, is to construct the strongest affirmative 


argument that you can, then take up the negative side and ask your­self, ''How can this affirmative line of argument be answered T'' This will give you a cue for working out the negative argument. Of course, it frequently happens that a strong constructive line of argu­ment can be presented on the negative side of a question,-an argu­ment to take the place of the case or the plan urged by the affirma­tive,-which is only an indirect reply to the affirmative side. 
7. 
Just how much a debater will depend upon a memorized argu­ment will, in turn, depend upon the individual. For the main speeches the average high school student will proba,bly need to get his argu­ment pretty well in mind. At any rate it will be necessary for him to write it out. This conduces to orderliness and economizes words. A brief, direct reply to the preceding speaker in opening one's main speech will have a good effect upon the hearers, provided a debater is able to do this. In the rebuttal speeches proper, one must learn to depend, at least in part, upon the extempore method. Nothing is more incongruous than a memorized rebuttal that does not fit the case that the other side has presented. 

8. 
The rules stress rebuttal work. By rebuttal is meant, answer­ing opposing arguments. It is a general rule in debate that no new arguments can be introduced in the rebuttal speeches. Additional proof, however, may be offered in defense of any attack that has been made upon an argument that was presented in a speaker's main speech. The rebuttal of many of the more apparent lines of argu­ment on both sides of a question can of course be anticipated before the debate, but real debating requires that the claims on one side be squarely met as they are presented by the other side. Memorized rebuttal speeches, therefore, are apt to prove a misfit, and should by no means be relied upan. 


The two principal rules in rebuttal are: (1) Carefully analyze your opponent's argument, and (2) Answer only the strong argu­ments against you. In carrying out the first rule, intercollegiate de­baters frequently write out on uniform-sized cards answers to various arguments that may be brought up by the opposing side. When such arguments are presented, the opposing team simply shuffle their cards and pick out that particular argument to be answered. This may sometimes be done by reading from the card, but it is much better to give it off-hand after being reminded of it by a glance at the card. 
The second rule in rebuttal work-answering only the strong '&r&'U­ments against you-is one of the most difficult to carry out in actual 
practice. In debating any question there are various and sundry arguments more or less related to the issues in the discussion, but which are not vitally related enough to demand any considerable atten­tion. Now a good debater will very often absolutely refuse to touch such arguments at all. He will of course make it plain to his hearers that he does so refuse, and will point out to them that these questions are not vital to the discussion. By this means he makes the argu­ments that are vital-the real issues-all the more emphatic. A de­bater should try to avoid a scattering effect in rebuttal work,-hitting at various points without really delivering a good solid shot at any one. The best form of rebuttal, in fact, is the strengthening of your own argument wherever it has been attacked, recalling the minds of the hearers to the main issues, showing that you have proven your case, showing that your proof is better than that of your opponents, that the lines of argument you have offered are the ones that are 
vital to the discussion, and that they have been established. 
In debating, then, cut-and-dried speeches can not be absolutely 
relied upon, and in rebuttal work, especially, are usually fatal; and 
this very fact renders debating the most :flexible and interesting, and 
withal the most valuable form of public speaking. 
9. 
The rules for securing and instructing the judges, as laid down in the Constitution, should be strictly followed. Care should be exercised in trying to secure judges who know what it really means to judge a debate,-men who will appreciate the fact that their indi­vidual opinions regarding a question have nothing to do with judging a debate on such question. Lawyers and judges in the courts are usually well qualified. Generally speaking, the larger the number of judges, the better. The consensus of opinion of five men is always safer than that of three. 

10. 
When three schools are closely grouped, the triangular system for try-out debates is recommended. That is, each school furnishes two teams, one team taking the affirmative, and the other team the nega.tive side of the same question. The affirmative team debates at home, and the negative team away from home. All three debates are held the same evening. In determining which one of the three schools is the winner, each decision counts one point, and each judge's vote counts one point, making a possible eight points (assuming there are three judges) for any one school in two debates, the school securing the largest number of points being the winner. The triangular system has these advantages: (1) It develops an affirmative and a negative team at each school, (2) it gives each school at least one home debate, 


and (3) no school has the advantage over another in sides of the ques­tion, and frequent dissatisfaction over biased judgments will be veq largely obviated. 
11. Finally, a word regarding the ethics of debate. Good debat­ing means a search for and a presentatiCYD. of the truth on each side of a given question. It assumes that there is another side, hence your opponents and their arguments should always be treated with respect. Again, debaters should remember that the judges are more competent to pass upon the total effect of the arguments on each side than the participants. The right principle to proceed on is to do the best you can and leave the decision absolutely to the judges. Wrangling over decisions is unsportsmanlike and accomplishes nothing. Teachel'!! should be careful about encouraging an over-partisan or over-con­tentious attitude on the part of their students. It is fine training for a boy to learn how to lose as well as how to win. 
. BIBLIOGRAPHY ON WOMAN SUFFRAGE. 
The government publications listed below can usually be obtained by a student through the Congressman from his district. If more af­firmative material is wanted than is given in this bulletin, write to the National American Woman Suffrage Association, 505 5th Ave., New York City, for a list of pamphlets and prices. The best single publication to get from this Association is a bound volume entitled "Woman Suffrage, Arguments and Results." Price, 25c. For addi­tional material on the negative side in addition to the references given in this bibliography, send to the New York State Association Opposed 
t.o Woman Suffrage, 29 W. 39th St., New York City, and to the Mas­sachusetts Association Opposed to the Further Extension of Suffrage to Women, Room 615, Kensington Building, Boston, for a list of pamphlets that these organizations have for distribution. 
GENERAL REFERENCES. 
Books, Pamphlets and Documents. A star (•) preceding a reference indicates that the entire article or a part of it has been reprinted in this bulletin. BLISS, WILLIAM D. P., ed. New Encyclopedia of Social Reform. 19()8, pp. 1295-1303. BRYCE, JAMES, American Commonwealth. 3d ed., Vol. II. Chap . .XCIII. Congressional Record. 18 :987-1002. January 25, 1887. Woman Suffrage. HECKER, EUGENE A. A Short History of Women's Rights. G. P. Putnam & Sons. Price, $1.50. Comprehensive survey of the chang­ing status of woman from the days of Augustus to the present, with special references to England and the United States. New American Supplement to the Encyclopedia Britannica. Vol. V. 
p. 3181. New International Encyclopedia. Woman Suffrage. REMBAUGH, BERTHA. The Political Status of Women in the United 
States. Woman Suffrage Association, New York. Price, $1.10. A digest of the laws concerning women in the various States and Terri­tories. 
ScHIRMACHER, K. The Modern Women's Rights Movement. The Macmillan Company, New York. Price, $1.50. Comprehensive sur­vey of the movement all over the world. Not confined to Woman Suffrage. 
SQUIRE, BELLE. The Woman Movement in America. Woman Su:l!­rage Association, New York. Price, 75c. Series of sketches of diff­erent phases and periods of the woman movement in America. 
•SuMNER, HELEN L. Equal Siiffrage. The results of an investiga­tion in Colorado made for the Collegiate Equal Suffrage League of New York State. Harper & Bros., New York City, 1909. Price, $2.50. 
This is an important suryey of the results of woman suffrage in Colorado, and will be helpful to both affirmative and negative sides. The conclusions of each chapter are contained in this bulletin. 
United States 47th Congress, 1st session, Senate Report, 686. Re­ports on Woman Suffrage. United States 48th Congress, 1st session, Senate Repart, 399. Re­port of the Committee on Woman Suffrage. United States 48th Congress, 1st session, House Report, 1330. Extending the Right of Suffrage to Women. United States 52nd Congress, 2nd session, Senate Report, 1143. Report of the Select Committee on Woman Suffrage. United States 62nd Congress, 2nd session, House Document No. 762. 
Magazine Articles. 
American Magazine, 69; 468-81. February, 1911. American Wo­m..an: Her First Declaration of Independence. Ida M. Tarbell. Ann. Am. Acad. 35 sup.: 6-9. May, 1910. Discussion of Equal Suffrage. R. L. Owen. 
ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY. 35: sup. 1-37. May, 1910. 
Significance of the W om.an S1iff rage Movement. (Contains seven 
papers, four in favor of Woman Suffrage and three against.) 
ATLANTIC MONTHLY. 1'()2 :343-6. September, 1908. English Work­
i,ng Woman and the Pranchise. Edith Abbott. 
ATLANTIC MONTHLY. 105 :559-70. April, 1910. Wom..an's War. 
M. Johnston. 
•CHAUTAUQUAN. 13 :72-7. April, 1891. A Symposiurn-Woman Suffrage. CHAUTAUQUAN. 34:482-4. February, 1902. Woman Suffrage in 
Colorado. William Macleod Raine. CHAUTAUQUAN. 59 :69-83. June, 1910. Woman Suffrage Movement. CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. 100:91-104. July, 1911. Women, Ancient 
and Modern. HARPER'S WEEKLY. 44 :949-50. October 6, 1900. Female S1tffrage in the United States. J. D. Whelpley. HIBBERT JOURNAL. 9 :424-6. 163-8. January, October, 1911. Prin­cipal Childs on Woman Suff rage. 
•Quoted from in this bulletin. 
HIBBERT JOURNAL. 8 :721-38. July, 1910. A Review and a Conciu­sion. W. M. Childs. 
INDEPENDENT. 69:32-4. July 1, 1910. Woman Movement in Eng­land and America. D. B. Monteflore. 
NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 194 :271-81. August, 1911. Past, Pres­
ent and Future. G. Overton. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 193 :60-71. January, 1911. OUTLOOK. 94:375-7. February, 1910. Do Women Wisk to Vote1 OUTLOOK. 98 :757. August 5, 1911. Results of Women Suffrage. 
AFFIRMATIVE REFERENCES 
Books, Pamphlets and Documents CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 16 :1322-5. February 6, 1885. Woman Suffrage. Thomas W. Palmer. 
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 18 :34-8. December 8, 1886. Joint Reso­l·ution Proposing an Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. 
•
CREEL, GEORGE, and JUDGE BEN B. LINDSEY. Measuring Up EquaZ Suffrage. 

•
cuRTJs, GEORGE WILLIAM. Orations and Addresses, edited by Charles Eliot Norton. Vol. I, pp. 181-213. The Right of Suffrage. Harper & Brothers, New York, 1894. 


An address given before the constitutional convention of the State of New York, at Albany, in 1867, following the proposal of an amendment in favor of woman suffrage. 
DoHONEY, E. L. Full Citizen's Suffrage. An address before the Texas Legislature, Feb. 2, 1911. Sent on application to E. L. Do­'honey, Paris, Texas. 
•EASTMAN, MAX. Is Woman Suffrage Important? HIGGINSON, THOMAS WENTWORTH. Common Sense About Women. Pp. 303-403. Lee & Shepard, Boston. 1882. Mn..L, JOHN S·ruART. The Subjection of W ornen. Longmans, Green & Co., London, 1869. TAYLOR, EDWARD T. Speech on "Equal Suffrage in Colorado." Congressional Record of May 24, 1912. A good, up-to-date resume. *THOMAS, MJSs M. CAREY. Address before the National Woman Suffrage Association. UNITED STATES 47TH CONGRESS, lsT SESSION. Senate Miscellaneous Document 7 4. Arguments of the Woman-Suffrage Delegates before the Committee on the Judiciary of the United States Senate, January 23, 1880. 
UNITED STATES 49TH CONGRESS, lsT SESSION. Senate Report 70. Report of the Select Committee on Woman Suffrage. 
..Quoted from in this Bulletin. 
UNITED STATES 50TH CONGRESS, 2ND SESSION. Senate Report 2543. Report of the Committee on Woman Suffrage. UNITED STATES 51sT CONGRESS, lsT SESSION. Senate Report 1576. Report of the Committee on Woman Suffrage. UNITED STATES 51ST CONGRESS, ls'l· SESSION. House Report, 2254. 
Woman Suffrage. 
UNITED STATES 53D CONGRESS, 2ND SESSION. Senate Miscellaneoll!J Document 121. Hearing before the Committee on Woman Suffrage, February 21, 1894. 
UNITED STATES, 54TH CONGRESS, lsT SESSION. Senate Document 
157. Report of Hearing before the Committee on Woman Suffrage, January 28, 1896. 
Reports and Pamphlets may be obtained from the secretary of the Na· tional American Woman Suffrage Association, 505 Fifth Ave., New York City. 
Magazine Articles. 
AMERICAN MAGAZINE. 67 :288-90. January, 1909. Problem of tke lntellect-ual Woni.an. C. M. H. 
•
ARENA. 10:201-13. July, 1894. Last Protest Against Woman'1 Enfranchisement. James L. Hughes. 

•
ARENA. 40 :92-4. July, 1908. Shall Our Mothers, Wives, and Sisters Be Our Equals or Our Subjects? Frank Parsons. ATLANTIC MONTHLY. 102 :196-202. August, 1908. What It Mean.f to be an Enfranchised Woman. Ellis Meredith. ATLANTIC MONTHLY, 105 :297-301. March, 1910. Determination of Women to Exercise the Suffrage. ATLANTIC MONTHLY. 106 :289-303. September, 1910. Ladies' Battle. BOOKMAN. 31 :312-4. May, 1910. Miss Johnson and Woman Suf­frage. A. N. Meyer. CANADCAN MAGAZINE. 33 :17-21. May, 1909. Why I Am a S1itfra­gette.. Arthur Hawkes. COLLIER'S WEEKLY. 46 :25. January 11, 1911. Woman's Victory in Washington. 


CURRENT LITERATURE. 51 :596-600. December, 1911. Woman Suf­frage Marching On. 
•CENTURY. 48 :605-13. August, 1894. Right and Expediency of Woman Suffrage. George F. Hoar. CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. 83 :653-60. May, 1903. Justice for the Gander-Justice for the Goose. Francis Power Cobbe. 
CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. 94 :11-6. July, 1908. Liberalism am.a Woman's Suffrage. Bertrand Russell. 
•Quoted from in this Bulletin. 
DIAL. 51 :45-8. July 16, 1911. Votes for Women. T. D. C. Cock­erell. EVERYBODY'S MAGAZINE. 21 :723-38. December, 1909. Why f Elizabeth Robins. *FORUM. February, 1910. Woman Suffrage As It Looks Tvday. Mrs. 0. H.P. Belmont. FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW. 89 :634-44. April, 1908. Ideals of a Woman's Party. Agnes Grove. FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW. 93 :268-73. J·ulia Ward Howe, the Veteran Suffragist. C. E. Maud. FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW. 90 :258-71. August, 1908. Sex Disability and Adult Suffrage. Teresa Billington-Greig. HARPER'S BAZAR. 45 :38. January, 1911. New State for Woman Suffrage. I. H. Harper. HARPER'S BAZAR. 45 :101-578. February and December, 1911. l1otes for Women. I. H. Harper. HARPER'S BAZAR. 45 :346. July, 1911. Victory in Sight. I. H. Harper. HARPER'S BAZAR. 44:240-1. April, 1910. Mrs. MacKay at Work. 
0. 	H. Dunbar. HARPER'S BAZAR. 44 :289. April, 1910. 1'emptations and Woman /::iuffrage. P. Leonard. HARPER'S WEEKLY. 53 :6. July 31, 1909. Influence Not Govern­
ment. 	H. S. Howard. *INDEPENDENT. November 2, 1911. Woman Suffrage in Six States. 
I. 	H. Harper. INDEPENDENT. 68 :902-4. April 2, 1910. President and Siiff rage. 
I. H. Harper. INDEPENDENT. 71 :804-10. October 12, 1911. Spectacular W oma11 
Suffrage in America. B. D. Knabe. 
INDEPENDENT. 71 :104-5. November 10, 1911. Crumbs for Women. 
LADIES' HoME JOURNAL. 27~21-2. Why Women Should Vote. 
NINETEENTH CENTURY. 61 :472-6. March, 1907. Women and Poli­
tics: A Reply. 	Eva Gore-Booth. NINETEENTH CENTURY. 64:495-506. September, 1908. Women and the Suffrage. Eva Gore-Booth. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 193:60-71. January, 1911. Is Woman Suffrage Important'! M. Eastman. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 163 :91-7. July, 1896. Why Worn.en Should Have the Ballot. John Gibbon. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 178:362-74. March, 1904. Would 
•Quoted from in this Bulletin. 
Woman Sitffrage Benefit the State and Woman Herself? I. H. Har­per. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 179 :30-41. July, 1904. Why Women Cannot Vote in the. United States. I. H. Harper. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 183 :689-90. October 5, 1906. Necessity of Woman Suffrage. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 183 :830-1. October 19, 1906. Woman'.• Inherent Right to Vote. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 183 :1203-6. December 7, 1906. Woman Suflrage in Colorado. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 188 :650-8. November, 1908. Woman Movement in England. Charles F. Aked. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 190 :664-74. November, 1909. Woman'& Right to Govern Herself. A. E. Belmont. ""NORTH AMERIC~N REVIEW. 183 :1272-9. 1906. Aiistralian Women and the Ballot. Alice Henry. ""NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 191 :75-86. January, 1910. Appeal of Politics to Women: R. S. Sutherland. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 191 :701-20. May, 1910. Inherent Right. G. Harvey. OUTLOOK. 91 :780-4. April 3, 1909. Case for Woman Suffrage. Julia Ward Howe. PUBLIC. 11 :205-6. May 29, 1908. Women Who Know That They Need the Ballot. Jane Addams. REVIEW OF REVIEWS. 37 :484-6. April, 1908. Campaign of the English Suffragettes. WESTMINSTER REVIEW. 174:629-36. December, 1910. Right to Vote. A. B. W. Chapman. WESTMINSTER REVIEW. 175 :524-6. March, 1911. Great~t Political Question of the Day. A. B. W. Chapman. WESTMINSTER REVIEW. 174 :386-91. October, 1910. Division of LabM and the Ballot. R. V. Phelan. WESTMINSTER REVIEW. 173 :400-12. April, 1910. From Chattel to Suffragette. B. Houghton. WESTMINSTER REVIEW. 171:383-95. April, 1909. Women's Indu&­tries. Francis Swiney. WOMAN'S HOME COMPANION. April, 1908, page 20. Working Woman and the Ballot. Jane Addams. WORLD TODAY. 12 :418-21. April, 1907. Housekeepers' Need of th~ Ballot. Molly Warren. 
*Quoted from in this Bulletin. 
WORLD TODAY. 21 :1171-8. October, 1911. Why I Am a Suffra­gist. Mrs. 0. H . P. Belmont. 
WORLD'S WORK. 22 :14733-45. August, 1911. Recent Strides of W om.an Suffrage. B. D. Knabe. 
•Wo&LD's WORK. February, 1912. Woman, tke Savior of the State. Selma Lagerlof. Also, An Equai Suffrage State in Earnest. 
NEGATIVE REFERENCES 
Books, Pa.mphfots, and Documents 
•BucKLEY, JAMES MONROE. Wrong and Perii of Woman Suffrage. The Fleming H. Revell Co., New York, 1909. 
"BROWN, JUSTICE. Woman Suff'rage. 
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 18 :980-3. January 25, 1883. Woman Suff'/lage. Joseph E. Brown. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. 18 :986-7. January 25, 1887. Woman Suf­frage. George G. Vest. JOHNSON, HELEN KENDRICK. Woman and the Repubiic. D. Apple­ton & Co., New York, 1897. JOHNSON, ROSSITER. Blank-Cartrirlge Ballot. Sp. pa. New York State Association Opposed to the Extension of the Suffrage to Women. 
PARKMAN, FRANCIS. Some of the Reasons Against Woman Suffrage. 16p. pa. Issued by the Massachusetts Man Suffrage Association, 7 Park St., Boston. 
SMITH, GoLDWIN. Essays on Questions of the Day. Pp. 197-238. 
Macmillan & Co., New York, N. Y. 1894. 
UNITED STATES 52D CONGRESS, 2D SESSION. Senate Miscellaneous 
Document 28. Memorial of Caroline F. Corbin for American Women 
Remonstrants to the Extension of Suffrage to Women, Praying for a 
Hearing Before Congress. 
Printed with this memorial is a letter from the Right. Hon. W. E. Glad­
stone, M. P., remonstrating against female suffrage. 
UNITED STATES 54TH CONGRESS, lsT SESSION. Senate Report 787. 
Minority Report of the Committee on Woman Suffrage. 
Reports and pamphlets may be obtained from New York Association Op­posed to the Extension of Suffrage to Women, 29 West 39th Street, New York City. Also from the secretaries of the Illinois Association Opposed to the Extension of Suffrage to Women, 597 Dearborn Ave., Chicago, Ill., and the Massachusetts Anti-Suffrage Association, P. O. Box 134, Brookline, Mass. 
Magazine Articles. 
ANNALS OF AM. AcAD. 35: sup. 10-15. May, 1910. Logical Basis of Woman Suffrage. A. G. Spencer. 
•Quoted from in this Bulletin. 
ANNALS AM. AcAD. 35: sup. 36-7. May, 1910. Inadvisability of W om.an Suffrage. C. H. Parkhurst. ANNAJ,s AM. AcAD. 35: sup. 28-32. May, 1910. Answers to A.rgit­ments in Favor of Woman Suffrage. L. Abbott. AMERICAN MONTHLY. 72611-9. September, 1911. Getting Out the Vote, Week's Automobile Campaign by Women Suffragists. H. 
M. Todd. 
•
ARENA. 2 :175-81. June, 1900. Real Gase of the Remonstrants Against Woman Suffrage. 0. B. Frothingham. 

•
ATLANTIC MONTHLY. 65 :310-20. March, 1890. Woman Suffrage_. Pro and Con. Charles Worcester Clark. ATLANTIC MONTHLY. 92 :289-96. September, 1903. Why Women Do Not Wish the Suffrage. Lyman Abbott. 


ATLANTIC MONTHLY. 105 :297-301. March, 1910. Change in th4 Peminine Ideal. Margaret Deland. 
•
Bibliotheca Sacra. 67 :335-46. April, 1910. Is Woman's Suffrage an Enlightened and Justifiable Policy for the State? Henry A. Stim­son. 

•
CENTURY. 48 :613-23. August, 1894. Wrongs and Perils of Woman Siiffrage. James M. Buckley. 

•
CHAUTAUQUAN. Vol. 13. April, 1891. Why the Suffrage Slwul,d Not Be Granted to Woman. Rose Terry Cooke. CHAUTAUQUAN. 58 :166-83. April, 1910. Social Idealism and Suf­frage for Women. G. W. Cooke. CHAUTAUQUAN. 59 :84-9. June, 1910. Anti-Suffrage Movement. Mrs. B. Hazard. CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. 100 :393-703. November, 1911. Feminism 


and Politics. 	T. Billington Greig. COLLIER'S. 45 :22-4. August 20, 1910. Women's Political Methods. 
F. M. Bjorkman. CURRENT LITERATURE. 48 :177-9. February, 1910. Wrong and Peril of Woman Suffrage. J. M. Buckley. 
EDUCATIONAL ·REVIEW. 36 :398-404. November, 1908. Some Suf­fragist Argitments. Mrs. Humphrey Ward. 
•FoRUM. 43 :495-504, 595-602. May and June, 1910. Facts About Suffrage and Anti-Suffrage. Mrs. Gilbert E. Jones. HARPER'S WEEKLY. 54 :27. February 5, 1910. Solemn Responsi­bi"lity of Influencing Father's Vote. F. Pier. 
HARPER'S WEEKLY. 53 :34. December 11, 1909. Delightfully Quaint Antis. F. Pier. 
•Quoted from in this Bulletin. 
HARPER'S WEEKLY. 55 :6. December 2, 1911. Objections to Woman Suffrage. HIBBERT JOURNAL. 9 :275-95. June, 1911. Woman Suffrage a New Synthesis. G. W. Mullins. LADIES' HOME JOURNAL. 27 :21-2. February, 1910. WJiy the Vote Would Be lnjiirious to Women. L. Abbott. LlPPINCOTT's. 83 :586-92. May, 1909. Shall Women Vote1 Ouida. (Reprinted in condensed form in the Review of Reviews. 39: 624-5. May, LIVING AGE. 260 :323-9. Feb. 6, 1909. Suffrage and Anti-Suffrage. 
M. 	E. Simkins. (The burden of the suffrage would come on the working-woman, who is unequal to the task.) LIVING AGE. 261 :240-3. April 24, 1909. "Se.ems So"-the Suffra­gettes. Stephen Reynolds. (His main argument is that working-men and women do not desire the suffrage.) NINETEENTH CENTURY. 61 :227-36. February, 1907. Women amd. 
Politics. Caroline E. Stephen. 
(Reprinted in full in Living Age. 252: 579-86. March 9, 1907.) 
NINETEENTH CENTURY. 61 :595-601. April, 1907. Women and 
Politics. Two Rejoinders. 
(Reprinted in full in Living Age. 253:271-6. May 4, 1907.) *NINETEENTH CENTURY. 64 :343-52. August, 1908. Woman's Anti­
Suffrage Movement. Mary Augusta Ward (Mrs. Humphry Ward). 
(Reprinted in full in Living Age. 259: 3-11. October 3, 1908.) 
NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 178 :103-9. January, 1904. Woman'.! Assumption of Sex Superiority. Annie Nathan Meyer. *NoRTf! AMERICAN REvmw. 190 :158-69. August, 1909. Impedi­ments to Woman Suffrage. Mrs. Gilbert E. Jones. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 191 :549-58. April, 1910. W oma.n's 
Relation to Government. Mrs. William Forse Scott. 
OUTLOOK. 68 :353-5. June 8, 1901. Rights of Man. Lyman Abbott. 
OUTLOOK. 75 :737-44. November 28, 1903. Woman's Suffrage in Colorado. Elizabeth McCracken. OUTLOOK. 90 :848-9. December 19, 1908. Theodore Roosevelt and Elihu Root on Woman's Suffrage. OUTLOOK. 93 :868-74. December 18, 1909. Melancholia and the Silent Woman. Edwina Stanton Babcock. OUTLOOK. 99 :50. September 2, 1911: Woman Suffrage on Trial. 
W. 	Smith. WESTMINSTER REVIEW. 175 :91-103. January, 1911. Economic Criticism of Woman Suffrage. C. H. Norman. 
WORLD TODAY. 15:1061-6. October, 1908. Should Women Votet Virginia B. LeRoy. 
*Quoted from in this Bulletin. 
Selected Arguments In Favor of Woman Suffrage 
WOMAN SUFFRAGE AS IT LOOKS TODAY 
MRS. o. H. P. BELMONT 
(Forum: February, 1910.) 
In our country there is now (1910) municipal suffrage for women in but one state, Kansas. They have various forms of school suff­rage in about half of the states. In Louisiana, Montana, and Mich­igan tax-paying women vote on questions of special taxation, and those in the villages of New York have this privilege. In Iowa all women can vote on the issuing of bonds. In four states, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, and Idaho, women vote on exactly the same terms as men, and have done so for many years. They have also the right to fill all offices, but have shown very little desire far office-holding. The present year promises to be a very important one in the movement toward woman suffrage, probably the most important in its long history, as the question will be voted on in four states. 'The Legis­latures of Washington and South Dakota have submitted an amend­ment to their Constitutions giving the complete franchise to women on the same terms as men. The voters of Oregon will pass upon one conferring the franchise on tax-paying women. To this campaign the National Suffrage Association will contribute neither speakers 
. nor money, as it stands only for universal suffrage--for the enfran­chisement of women on exactly the same terms as men. In Okla­homa the State Suffrage Association has secured a petition of 40,000 voters asking the Governor to submit the question of woman suffrage, and the law requires him to do this. Itis probable that in one of these states the amendments will receive a majority vote. 
The women of Maryland have become very active during the last few years, and two distinct movements are under way. One is con­ducted by the State Association, which will have a bill introduced into the Legislature to amend the State Constitution so as to give women the same suffrage possessed by men. If it passes, the question will then go to the voters for their decision. 'The second measure is in charge of the Equal Suffrage League and the Just Government League, two strong clubs in Baltimore, who will endeavor to have the Legislature grant the municipal franchise to the women of that city. This can be done without sending the question to the voters. A num­ber of prominent men in Maryland are in favor of giving some form of suffrage to women, and the situation seems hopeful. 
Bills to amend the Constitution are pending in New York and other state legislatures, and there is agitation of the question from ocean to ocean. Out of all this confusion one fact stands forth clear and unmistakable-women intend to have the suffrage! All that any state can hope for is to delay the time for granting the vote to its own women. If they are not demanding it now in large numbers, they will soon be doing so, and they will continue their demand until they get it. 
WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN SIX STATES 
IDA HUSTED H ARPER 
(The Independent: Nov. 2, 1911.) 
When, on Nov. 8, 1910, the State of Washington, by a very large majority vote of its electors, gave the complete franchise to women citizens the subject of woman suffrage passed from the stage of aca­demic discussion to that of a live, practical question; and when on October 10, 1911, California fully enfranchised the women of that State it became one of the political issues of the day. This fact was evident at once in the attitude of the press, which in its news reports gave woman suffrage equal if not superior place to the referendum, recall, and other important constitutional amendments which were passed upon at this recent California election. It was equally noticeable in the editorials, especially of papers heretofore opposed, such, for instance, as the New York Tribune, which said: "Now that Washington with 1,142,000 population, and California with 2,­377,000, have shown their desire to put the political equality idea into practice, the pressure behind it will become more acute, and. the larger and older states will have to take more serious notice of its existence. '' 
The experiment heretofore in the United States has been made in the four comparatively new and sparsely settled states of Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and Idaho, where women are greatly outnumbered by the men and no large cities exist with their complicated political and social problems. While it is true that human nature is the same everywhere, yet it must be admitted that in these four states there has not been an opportunity for such a real test of woman suffrage as would be necessary to influence the older and more thickly popu­lated one. Denver, with a little less than 214,000 inhabitants, has afforded the most conspicuous example for study. 
Wyoming became the first commonwealth in the world's history to grant to women the same rights in the government that men pos­sessed. The official statistics show that about 90 per cent of the 
women qualified cast their votes at the annual elections. Not one man of prominence has ever voiced publicly the slightest opposition, while volumes of favorable testimony from those eminent in all departments of the State's activity have been published. Again and again the Legislature has adopted resolutions expressing the highest approval of woman suffrage, urging other states to adopt it and calling upon Congress to submit an amendment of the National Constitution to the various Legislatures. 
We come now to the second state which has fully enfranchiseJ women, Colorado. In 1893 the women entered at once upon their new duties and the official records show that during all the past eighteen years they have voted in quite as large a proportion as men. They have evinced no especial desire for office, but more than a dozen have been elected to the Legislature and scores to the various county offices. The office of State Superintendent of Public Instruction has always been filled by a woman. They serve on State boards and commissions and are eligible to jury service. The testimony in favor of the way they have used their ballot is overwhelming and from the highest sources-justices of the Supreme Court, Governors, presidents of colleges, clergymen, editors. Not one Colorado man or woman of prominence has ever given· public expression to a derogatory word. The strongest proof of the success of woman suffrage in this State, however, came ten years after it had been in operation. The Suffrage clause of the Constitution permitted immigrants to vote on their first papers and six months' residence. An amendment was submitted in 1903 requiring a year's residence and using the words ''he or she.'' It was adopted by 18,000 majority and it safely entrenched woman suffrage in the Constitution of the State. With the Populist party eliminated, the vote for it was three times as large as before it had been tried. If this increase was due to the women it showed they appreciated their voting power and wished to make it secure; if it was due to men it proved they were satisfied. In either case the result was decisive. 
In 1895, two years after the Colorado victory,a convention of Utah men assembled to make a Constitution for statehood. At the No­vember election it was submitted to Gentile and Mormon voters and carried by 28,618 ayes, 2,678 noes. This was the answer of Utah men after an experience with woman suffrage of seventeen years. This Constitution received no objection by Congress. The women of this State were far better organized and worked much harder for their political freedom than those of any other up to that time. They have used their franchise generally and wisely; no complaints or criticisms 
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have ever come from Utah to the contrary. Women have been sent to both houses of the Legislature, have :filled State, county and city offices, served on may boards and gone as delegates to Presidential conventions. 
The story of Idaho is short and there is no great struggle for the ballot to record. In 1893, woman suffrage was carried at the Novem· ber election by a vote of almost two to one. At the next election three women ·were sent to the Legislature; one State Superintendent of In­struction, :fifteen county superintendents, four county treasurers elected. This proportion has been kept up and there have been a number of deputy sheriffs elected. There is nothing but the slightest testimony as to the part of women in the politics of the State. They constitute 42 per cent. of the population and by official statistics they cast 40 per cent. of the vote in Boise, the capital, and over 35 per cent. in the rest of the State. The hardships of getting to the polls through snow and over the mountains can hardly be described. Women sometimes ride twenty miles on horseback to vote. 
In 1910 came the political revolution in Washington, where the voters threw off the "machine" yoke and honest men of all parties secured a free election and a fair count. The women made the ablest campaign for the suffrage ever known, with the splendid result that it was carried in every county in the State and received a majority of nearly three to one-the largest victory every achieved. The way in which they registered by the tens and thousands in Seattle the fol­lowing month, ''recalled'' the Mayor, turned out the council and chief of police, and regenerated the city-and later performed the same service for Tacoma-this is of too recent date to need extended mention. It advanced the cause of woman suffrage throughout the whole country and across the ocean on either side. 
The :first results were seen in California, which in the State at large 
had been swept clean of its corrupt political forces by the great wave 
of insurgency. The press representatives who have been going to 
Sacramento for years said they never had seen so able, sincere, and 
upright a body of men as the legislators who submitted the reform 
amendments, all of which were adopted in the recent election, includ­
ing woman suffrage. The women remembered with anguish of spirit 
the magnificent campaign they had made in 1896 only to be betrayed 
and sold by the political leaders. With largely augmented numbers 
and full of faith in the new order they made the :fight, but it required 
the decent men of the whole State to overcome the corrupt vote of 
San Francisco and Oakland. Now in a State that has been in the 
Union over sixty years, and in several big cities, we shall have the supreme test of woman suffrage. Will another year see victory in Oregon and women enfranchised on the entire Pacific Coast 1 
IS WOMAN SUFFRAGE IMPORTANT? 
MAX EASTMAN With the advance of industrial art the work of women has gone from the house to the factory and market. Women have followed it there, and there they must do it until this civilization perishes. In 1900, approximately one woman in every five in the United States was engaged in gainful employment, and the number was increasing. Most of these women have no choice as to whether they will work or not, and many of them are working in circumstances corruptive of health and motherhood. It is, therefore, a vital problem for the future of our race, how to render the conditions of industry com­patible with the physical and moral health of women. And to one who knows a little about human nature and the deep wisdom of repre­sentative government, it is clear that the only first step in solution of that problem is to give to the women themselves the dignity and de­fence of political recognition. Compared to the variety of their needs and the subtlety of the dis­advantages under which they enter a competitive i::ystem, it is a small thing to give them. But it is the first and manifest thing. It is the ancient antidote of that prejudice which everywhere opposes them, and its smallness not a reason for withholding, but for bestowing it. Give them that small thing for which Anglo-Saxon men have groveled and lied and slaughtered and perished for a thousand years, to win­namely, a little bit of the per0 onal sacredness of sovereigns before their rulers and the law. A small thing, but their own,-and an in­dispensable prerequisite and guarantee of every other privilege or opportunity you may hope to confer upon them. Women have that guarantee in a male democracy, it is stated, through their husbands and fathers who represent them. And to an extent the statement is true. 'I'o an extent it is true, even when the husbands and fathers have none of that perfect loyalty to them which the statement a~sumes, for the habit of mind which democracy en­genders in its officials involuntarily extends to their dealing with the unenfranchised. But there is a time when it is not true, and a point where the habit of mind does not extend. And it is a crucial point for them-when as a class they, the unenfranchised workers, segregate themselves and dare to stand alone for their special aims 
in a labor organization. Then they are severed in our mind, as they are in fact, from any voter who might represent them; and then, above all, they need standing in the political system. For there are just two dependable guarantees of the effectiveness of an organiza­tion of people without wealth, and one is gunpowder and the other is the ballot. 
"Why, the ballot never helped the working classes!" we hear it exclaimed. ''Organization is the sole hope of labor ! '' But such igno­rance of the history and significance of popular sovereignty is revealed in the exclamation, that one knows not with what kind of kindergarten instruction to begin to answer it. He has read nothing or he has read in vain of nineteenth-century democracy, who thinks that labor organizations of males could have arrived where they are, in the re­spect of men and the law, if they had been unable to compel con­sideration from the State. It is because organization is the sole hope of labor that labor must have its portion of the sovereignty. And it is because, when united together for their special purposes, women lose even that second-hand sovereignty they are elsewhere alleged to have, that they must have a fi.rst-hand sovereignty. They must have a genuine guarantee that their needs shall be of consequence to the community they serve. Such certified consideration from the powers of law is both a symbol and a force indispensable to any group, or person, that either desires or is compelled by fortune, to enter the competitive world. 
A hearing was recently held at Albany upon a bill to limit the hours of women's labor. Twelve big employers appeared against the bill, stating that the working women do not want it. Five elected delegates from the working women's organizations appeared in favor of the bill, stating that they do want it. No woman appeared against the bill. That was a drawn conflict of two vital interests in the State. The stronger and wealthier and better organized of those interests we clothe with the whole power and prestige of political citizenship, and the knowledge of political methods. The weaker and poorer and less organized we leave with no power and no standing in the com­munity, and no political experience whatever. We let those employ­ers come down to the Capitol and demand what they want from their representatives, and we make those workers come up and beg what they want from somebody else's representatives. The idea of such a hearing upon such a bill ought to disgust every clear-minded Ameri­can with this old-fashioned masculine pretense at representative government. 
Such is the argument from the ideal of democracy, theoretic, practical, and coercive in the concrete present.-Yet, in so far as we are moral, in so far as we are believers in the progressive enrichment of life, we have something more to do than live up to our ideals. We have to illumine and improve them continually. The Athenian youths had a running-match in which they carried torches, and it was no victory to cross the tape with your torch gone out. Such is the race that is set before us. And we may well remember-we in America who scorn the contemplative life-that no amount of strenuousness with the legs will keep a flame burning while you run. You will have to be thinking. 
And it is out of a thoughtful endeavor, not merely to live up to an ideal of ours, but to develop it greatly, that the suffrage movement derives its chief force. I mean our ideal of womanhood. It is not expected by the best advocates of this change that women will reform politics or purge society of evil, but it is expected, with reasoned and already proved certainty, that political knowledge and experience will benefit women. Political responsibility, the character it demands and the recognition it receives, will alter the nature and function of women in society to the improvement of themselves and their hus­bands and their children and their homes. Upon that ground we can declare that it is of vital importance to the advance of civilized life, not only to give the ballot to those women who want it, but to rouse those women who do not know enough to want it, to a better apprecia­tion of the great age in which they live. 
APPEAL OF POLITICS TO WOMAN 
ROSAMOND LEE SUTHERLAND 
(North American Review, 91 :75-86: January, 1910.) Why men, however ignorant or feeble-minded, just because they are men, should be credited with exclusively possessing a Heaven-be­stowed ability of governing, to which women, whatever their training or mentality may never aspire, must forever remain one of the un­explained mysteries. That even men are not all qualified for the bal­lot or entirely beyond c~iticism in its use might be suspected by the unregenerate from a perusal of the newspapers, say, at the time of the recent election in New York City, or any other large city, for that matter. When the ballot shall be given to women-as it is sure to be sooner or later-is it thinkable that any of them will make a worse use of it than some men are now doing? On the other 
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hand, is it not quite possible, indeed, is it not probable, that there will be an improvement 1 It has been argued adversely that to give the ballot to women would but double the vote without affecting the result, as most women would follow the party convictions of father or husband, but if danger of doubling the vote through a tendency to follow a hus­
band's or father's footsteps is a valid objection to giving the fran­chise to women, then as a general proposition a man's sons should not be given a vote for the same reason. Our politics, as well as our 
religion, are, after all, largely matters of inheritance and environ­ment, and if the objction is good, there should be but one voter in the family-the head of the household. If death has removed the father, for example, the mother is, or should be, the head of the house and the property owner. Why should she not, then, be the one to cast the vote 1 It might really be a better plan than the pres­ent system under which large property interests must often go wholly unrepresented, except on the tax list, until a son becomes of age. 
AUSTRALIAN WOMAN AND THE BALLOT 
ALICE HENRY 
(North American Review: December 26, 1906. 183 :1272-9.) 
The argument that women will not vote is completely disproved by Australian experience. They not only vote, but they vote in con­tinually increasing numbers as time goes on, and they become edu­cated up to a sense of their political responsibilities and all that these imply. Not all the states discriminate in their returns between men and women voters, but those that do, show something like the following: In South Australia, at the last general election, 59 per cent of the men on the rolls voted, and 42 per cent of the women. In Western Australia 49 per cent of the men and 47 per cent of the women voted. At the last federal election 56 per cent of the men voted, and 40 per cent of the women. None of the Australian states 
has yet reached the extraordinary record of New Zealand, where, in 1902, nearly 75 per cent of the women electors recorded their votes 
' 
as against 76 per cent of their brothers. It is unnecessary to add that the conservative woman votes. Her husband or father and their newspaper take good care that the duty of doing so is well impressed upon her, even though abstractly they 
may all three disapprove of woman in politics, and have striven to avert her appearing in that arena as much as they possibly could. 
In the legislative world the trend of the laws whose passage has been brought about, or hastened, by the direct political action of women is very clear. These constitute, largely, measures to remove disabilities from women and improve the condition of children, par­ticularly homeless and neglected children. It is probably true that very few measures can not be named which can not sooner or later be obtained in other countries by the old, slow, indirect methods; but it is quite certain that there is no country w'hich can point to such a series of reforms brought about in such a short time, with so little friction and with such a minimum expenditure of energy­energy thus left free to take up newer problems and fresh educa­tional work. Among the measures that can be traced to woman suf­frage within the last ten years are many acts improving children's conditions by extending juvenile courts, limiting hours of work, providing better inspection, forbidding sale of drink, drugs, etc., to children. 
In South Australia, where the women have been longest enfran­
chised, the care of neglected children is better understood, and the 
oversight of such children (under a state department) better con­
trolled, than elsewhere. It was the first country in the world to 
have a legally constituted juvenile court. The New South Wales 
and Tasmania courts were among the first results of enfranchising 
women, while in Victoria (where alone the women do not possess the 
state franchise) a measure for establishing juvenile courts is still, 
after years of agitation, in the stage of a much-debated and very 
defective bill. 
That the welfare of the general community is subserved by the 
co-operation of women electors is seen by the adoption of rnme more 
general measures, such as the laws dealing with the drink traffic, the 
gambling evil, and the sale of drugs (the importation of opium, for 
instance, except as specially prepared for medical purposes, being 
by federal enactment entirely forbidden, throughout the Common­
wealth). On all these points the experience of Australia during the 
last ten years has been the same as that of New Zealand for thirteen 
years. The power of the best men in the community has been re­
inforced, and the hands of conscientious legislators strengthened by 
the addition of the woman's vote. 
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EXPERIENCE WITH WOMAN SUFFRAGE 
WINIFRED SMITH 
As to Colorado, perhaps the verdict of a casual visitor to the state eight years ago, when the women there had been enfranchised only five years, is negligible by this time, or at least should be revised to date. Such a revision your readers would find in an article by Judge Ben Lindsey in the February, 1911, number of the "Delin­eator." In this paper the author lists Iio less than twenty-six ex­cellent Jaws passed in the thirteen years of woman suffrage in the State, laws which he considers are due to the women voters. More­over, any one who read of the hearing of the Suffrage Bill before the New York Legislature last winter, and who remembers how Judge Lindsey, in a two-hour speech, refuted, point by point, the superficial inaccuracies in Mr. Richard Barry's anti-suffrage ar­ticle in the "Ladies' Home Journal," will possibly hesitate to con­demn the experiment in Colorado as an absolute failure. Should the testimony of one citizen, even of so eminent and just a man as the "children's Judge," seem inadequate, let me refer you to the results of the questionnaire sent by the late Julia Ward Howe shortly before her death to all the Protestant ministers in four suffrage states, asking for their unbiased opinion as to the effects of the fP.minine votes. Out of the very large number of answers, some four hundred in all, the great majority were enthusiastically favor­able to the unlimited franchise, a small number thought there had been no great change in politics for better or for worse, a very few­! regret that I have not the exact figures here-said they had discov­ered a few bad effects. Most suffragists would, I am sure, be will­ing to grant that thirteen years is too short for any reform to prove its absolute value, but most would add that within that time some valuable results must have been made apparent, else five other states -neighbors to those already enfranchi>ed-would not be on the point of submitting a woman suffrage amendment to the people. 
WOMAN SUFFRAGE IN COLORADO 
Extracts from the conclusions reached by Helen L. Sumner in her book, '' Equal Suffrage in Colorado.'' The influence of equal suffrage in Colorado over the machinery of party politics, though apparently not great, has probably been bene­
ficial. Women have been slack, even more so than men, in the ful­fillment of political duties other than voting. Few of them attend caucuses or primaries, but more serve as delegates to conventions, and their presence has a slight tendency to improve political plat­forms and the selection of candidates. "Planks" are sometimes in­troduced to ''catch the woman vote,'' but they are no more lived up to than the planks introduced to catch other classes of votes. Saloonkeepers and men of questionable personal morality are usually, but not always, tabooed as candidates. This, however, deos not nec­essarily improve the standard of public efficiency or honor. 
Women have shown their capacity for breaking away from party lines when moral issues became apparent. They need only the right kind of nominating machinery in order to express their rightful in­fluence within party lines. It is no reflection, then, on equal suf­frage to show woman's incapacity to cope with the existing ma­chinery of nominations. Equal suffrage, indeed, serves to show, in the most striking way, the essential rottenness and degrading char­acter of the existing system. 
Though they have gained in their proportion of county superin­tendents and members of school boards, the women of Colorado seem in other directions, since the early years of equal suffrage, to have lost ground in the distribution of elective offices. This is due, how­ever, not to any record of dishonesty or inefficiency in office, but to three factors of an entirely different nature. First, there are many men who have a hankering for office; they are more experienced, and often less scrupulous politicians than women; and they are up­held by a powerful public opinion of both sexes that the women should not take the man's job. Second, there are comparatively few women who desire office ; those who do so are frequently deterred by distaste for the methods required to secure it ; and they are se­riously handicapped by the discovery that other women in voting cling much closer to party than to sex lines. Third, the normal po­litical and economic motives were at first somewhat obscured by the uncertain element of the woman vote, and the men were not sure but that they would be obliged to yield many offices in order to keep the new voters under the party whip. As things have settled down, however, they have discovered that the offices given to women may be quite narrowly limited without materially endangering the party Rupremacy. 
The record of women in office is high. It is difficult to secure an adequate mearnre of the efficiency and honesty of individual office­holders, but the general opinion prevails that women have given, as a Weld County man put it, "more attention to business and less to wire-pulling than men.'' There is no record of a woman defaulter, though men defaulters in county and city offices have been distress­ingly common. Women office-holders have sometimes been accused of graft and of accepting bribes, but this has been only when charges of bribery and graft have been floating around in such numbers as to hit any one who stood in the limelight. No such charge has ever been taken seriously enough to go beyond the opposition newspapers, and in only two or three cases have such accusations even gone be­yond private conversation. In short, the record of women office­holders on the score of honesty is considerably abave that of men office-holders. 
Again, no woman has shown herself grossly inefficient in office, and several have made brilliant records-one, at least, attaining na­tional eminence by reason of her excellent administration of the office of state superintendent of public instruction. In the matter of efficiency, then, women have made, on an average, better records than men. Their privilege of holding official positions has, moreover, brought out and developed talents which would otherwise have re­mained dormant, and rn have been lost to the state. It is unfor­tunate, however, that men and women rarely compete for the same office, because segregation along sex lines tends to hamper the selec­tion of the fittest candidate. But, upon the whole, the administra­tion of women in public office has been at least as successful, and, all tilings considered, probably more so than the administration ef 
men. The ewnomic effect of equal suffrage during the first dozen years of its existence in Colorado has evidently been slight. The only clearly demonstrable results, indeed, appear to have been the open­ing up to women of a few new avenues of employment, such as po­litical canvassing and elective offices, their employment in somewhat greater numbers as clerks and stenographers in public offices, and the equalizing in most public positions of their salaries with those of men doing the same work. But the positions are graded, and men are given the best-paid places. The average wages, even of women teachers, are still decidedly lower than those of men teachers. It should be noted, moreover, that twelve years is entirely too short a time for the influence of equal suffrage over economic condi­tions to have fully developed. To a certain extent this is true of its influenc~ in other directions. But its effect. for instance, on the character of candidates nominated for office is direct, while it has almost unlimited possibilities of influencing economic life indirectly 
through legislation. The results of this opportunity are necessarily of slow development. 
It is safe to say that the most conspicuous effect of equal suffrage has been upon legislation, and, though it is impossible to prove be­yond the possibility of a doubt that the woman's club movement would not have brought about the passage of the same laws, it seems probable that the votes of women have effected the desired end with less effort and in less time than would have been required in non­suffrage states. When they were first enfranchised their influence may have been slightly stronger than a.t present, as they were then politically an unknown quantity, and the men, in order to win their votes, may have yielded more than later experience proved neces­sary. But they are still, to a certain extent, an unknown factor, as they spli.t their tickets more often than men. For this reason, po­litical bosses, as well as saloon men, are usually opposed to equal suffrage. They have never been known to favor "prize fight" bills, or other laws of vicious tendency, and not more than twenty persons, in answering any of the questions relating to the effect of equal suf­frage on legislation, expressed the opinion that it had been bad. 
Although the Colorado laws for the protection of working women and children might be greatly strengthened, and although the ex­perience of older states furnishes a warning that such legislation should be enacted, if it is not to encounter grave difficulties, before urgent occasion for it has arisen, it is fair to say that, in other re­spects, no state has a code of laws betted adapted to its immediate need for the protection of women and children, and that the in­fluence of the enfranchised women has distinctly strengthened the cause of reform in this particular. The direct influence of women who have taken active part has been one factor, but the indirect in­fluence of the merely voting woman, by materially strengthening the backing of the men who have stood for reform measures in the in­terest of women and children, has been even more powerful. 
The influence of the social settlements and of the juvenile court is, 
of course, potent in securing many of the reforms which settlement . 
workers have also secured in other states and cities. But the pro­
portion of women interested in these matters is almost everywhere 
larger than the proportion of men, and in Colorado there is in­
evita.bly, in the consideration of such questions, a tendency to yield 
to the wishes of that large element of the political constituency, the 
women. This tendency is not as great as might be wished, and there 
are sometimes other more powerful interests to be conciliated. When­
ever a Colorado woman, however, makes a demand in which she may 
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reasonably be supposed to have the silent backing of the great mass 
of women who do not talk, but vote, she inevitably has far less diffi­
culty in obtaining her object than her sisters of the non-suffrage 
states. The possession of the ballot economizes for her both effort 
and time 
The effect of equal suffrage upon the women themselves, their 
outlook upon life, and their relationship to the home, is, in the opin­
ion of many, the crux of the problem. Its effect upon party politics 
has been slight. But the reason is to be found primarily in the char­
acter of the present political machinery. 
Over the majority of women it is readily evident that equal suf. 
frage has exercised a good influence, and one which inevitably re­
acts, to a certain extent, upon political life. It has tended, for in­
stance, to cultivate intelligent public spirit among the women of 
Colorado. Many have not been aroused; many have become dis­
curaged and lost interest after the failure of their early efforts; com­
paratively few have taken an active part in political life; but thou­
sands vote, and to every one of these thousands the ballot means a 
little broadening in the outlook, a little glimpse of wider interests 
than pots and kettles, trivial scandal, and bridge whist. 
As for the loss in womanly characteristics, sometimes alleged to 
have resulted, it is difficult to find any evidence to show that votin~ affects this side of a woman's character any more than purchasing a garden hose. Families usually go to the polls together, old and young, men and women. In Pueblo, in 1906, one woman one hun­dred and two years old cast her first ballot. Many mothers have cast their first ballots with sons just arrived of age. Women at the polls meet, not rough and unfamiliar persons, but their own neighbors and friends. In political conventions they often exchange recipes · for cooking egg-plant and choice information about the baby, the servant and the dress-maker, just as they would at any other gath­
ering. 
There are, it is true, a thousand and one psychological points in 
which women differ more or less decidedly from men, and their en­
franchisement has probably tended to slightly modify some of these 
points of difference in some women. Social divisions, for instance, 
sometimes impede women's political work. They are not usually as 
democratic as men, primarily because they do not have as much oc· 
casion in their daily lives to a~sociate with other classes than their 
own. But to assert that equal suffrage is capable of destroying real 
womanliness is to assert that the characteristics which make women 
women and men men are only skin deep. As for man's chivalry, one woman remarked rather pathetically that she never knew what real chivalry meant until she could vote, and there are doubtless many others who have had the same experience. The fundamental emo­tional characteristics of men and women, whether good or bad, are far too deeply rooted to be subverted by the fraMhise privilege. 
Equal suffrage has brought them practically no loss and some de­cided gain, the latter mainly evident in the effect of the possession of the ballot upon the women of Colorado. It has enlarged their in­terests, quickened their civic consciousness, and developed in many cases ability of a high order which has been of service to the city, the county and the state. Closely allied to this wider outlook and richer opportunity, and also distinctly visible as at least a tendency, is a development of a spirit of comradeship between the sexes. It is still too early to measure adequately these factors, and perhaps it will never be possible to determine exactly how much equal suffrage has contributed. But the Colorado experiment certainly indicates that equal suffrage is a step in the direction of a better citizenship, a more effective use of the ability of women as an integral part of the race, and a closer understanding and comradeship between men and women. 
MEASURING UP EQUAL SUFFRAGE 

An Authoritative Estimate of Results in Colorado by 
GEORGE CREEL and JUDGE BEN B. LINSEY 

Colorado, better, perhaps, than any other state, affords an oppor­tunity for a fair appraisal of equal suffrage's value, of its merits and demerits, its efficiency or its failure. This commonwealth is pecu­liarly suited for such an examination by reason of the typical Amer­icanism that marks its people and its problems. 
If the matter were pinned down to a specific result, and discus­liion limited to one concrete outcome, equal suffrage could well afford to rest its case on the findings of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. This globe-circling organization of men and women, who play im­portant parts in the public affairs of their various countries, is on record as declaring that ''Colorado has the sanest, the most humane, the most progressive, most scientific laws relating to the child to be found in any statute books in the world." And of these laws which drew such prafse from impartial sociologists, not one but has come into operation since Colorado's adoption of equal suffrage in 1893; not one but owes either its inception or its success to the voting woman. Even in those cases where the law was not originated, not 
The University of Texas Bulletin 
specifically championed by them, they elected the official responsible for the law, and whose candidacy had its base in revolt and reform. 
The list is as long as splendid: laws establishing a state home for dependent children, three of the five members of the board to be women; making mothers joint guardians of their children with the fathers; raising the age of protection for girls to eighteen years; cre­ating juvenile courts; making education compulsory for all children between the ages of eight and sixteen, except the ailing, those taught at home, those over fourteen who have completed the eighth grade, those who support themselves, or whose parents need their help and support ; establishing truant or parental schools ; forbidding the in­suring of the lives of children under ten; making it a criminal offense for parents or other persons to contribute to the delinquency of children; forbidding children of sixteen or under to work more than eight hours a day in any mill, factory or store or in any other occu­pation that may be deemed unhealthful; requiring that at least three of the six members of the Board of County Visitors be women; es­tablishing a State Industrial Home for Girls, three of the five mem­bers of the Board of Control to be women, including instruction con­cerning the humane treatment of animals in the public school course; providing that any person employing a child under fourteen in any mine, smelter, mill, factory or underground works, shall be pun­ished by imprisonment in addition to fine; abolishing the binding out of industrial home girls until twenty-one, and providing for parole; forbidding prosecuting and arresting officers from collecting fees in c-ases against children; providing that at least two thousand dollars of the estate of a deceased parent shall be paid to the child before creditors' claims are satisfied. 
These laws, directly concerned with the welfare of the child, are supplemented by the following safeguards thrown about motherhood, the home, and general sociological conditions: 
Laws making father and mother joint heirs of deceased children; 
requirin~ joint signature of husband and wife to every chattel mort­
gage, sale of household goods used by the family, or conveyance or 
mortgage of homestead; making it a misdemeanor to fail to support 
aged or infirm parents; providing that no woman shall work more 
than eight hours a day at labor requiring her to be on her feet; 
requiring one woman physician on the board of the insane 
asylum; providing for the care of the feeble-minded, for their 
free mamtenance, and for the inspection of private eleemosynary 
institutions by the State Board of Charities; making the Colorado 
Humane Society a State Bureau of child and animal protection; 
enforcing pure food inspection in harmony with the national law. 
' 
providing that foreign life or accident insurance ocmpanies, when sued, must pay the costs; establishing a State Traveling Library Commission to consist of five women from the State Federation of Women's Clubs ; and making it a criminal offense to fail, refuse or neglect to provide food, clothing, shelter and care in case of siii:-k­ness of wife or minor child. 
The woman voter has boldly and intelligently dealt with the "criminal problem," the "labor problem," and the "suffrage prob­lem." Not only has the "indeterminate sentence" been w:dtten on the statute books, and probation laws of greatest latitude adopted, but women serving on the penitentiary and reform school boards have practically revolutionized the conduct of penal institutions in Colorado. Broken men are mended now, not further cowed and crushed. A State Free Employment Bureau, with offices in all Colo­rado cities of more than twenty-five thousand, has worked wonders, and the bitter cry of the unemployed is less and less heard; and women have largely engineered the effective campaign in favor of direct legislation, and have been almost solidly behind the fight for the initiative and referendum, and direct primary, and the com­mission form of government. 
At the last Denver election, held May 27, 1910, both Republican and Democratic parties were compelled to recognize the popular de­mand, and present charter amendments providing for the initiative, referendum, recall, and a water commission. But, under the control of public service corporations, and practically :financed by the water monopoly, which was asking for a new franchise, "fake" amendment. were framed by the old parties. Skillful indeed was the wording­every amendment "looked good"-yet not one but had a "joker" in it. At the last moment a Citizens' Party took the field, women behind it, and a woman on the ticket. Real initiative, referendum and recall amendments were prepared, and a distinguished water commission named with power to either buy the water company's plant at a fixed :figure, or build a new one. 
Against both organizations, corporation money, and every profes­
sional politician and party henchmen, the Citizens' ticket won an 
overwhelming victory. Denver now possesses the initiative, referen­
dum and recall; and by virtue of a bond issue carried September 6, 
1910, Denver will build its own water plant, and be forever freed 
from as arrogant and rapacious a monopoly as ever cursed a com­
munity. 
And the women voters led! 
Equal suffrage has been one of the great first causes of these laws, 
reforms and revolt. Surely, in the face of such results, fair-minded 
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people must be shown a tremendous counter-balancing of injury and 
evil before they can justly condemn the movement. And what is it 
that the anti-equal suffragists chiefly urge 1 That ''it destroys the 
home.'' 
Since it is admittedly the case that equal suffrage has safeguarded 
the home by scientific laws, and sweetened and bettered communal 
conditions directly bearing upon the home, this charge must be re­
garded as specifically leveled at the women in the home. In fact, the 
more blackguardly critics have not hesitated to declare that "the 
character of the Colorado woman is steadily deteriorating under the 
influence of the ballot.'' 
It is, of course, a charge that defies detailed disproof. To those 
who have visited Colorado, admired the conjunction of taste and 
care that marks the Colorado home, and rejoiced in the intelligence 
and refinement of the State's womanhood, the slander is at once ap­
parent. To others the only thing that can be offered is a flat denial 
from every Colorado man. 
Why, in the name of reason, should the mere fact of voting work deterioration in any woman ? It does not take any mother ''away from her home duties" to spend ten minutes going to the polls, cast­ing her vote, and returning to the bosom of her family, but during those ten mmutes she wields a power that is doing more to protect her home, and all other homes, than any other possible influence. 
SHALL OUR MOTHERS, WIVES AND SISTERS BE OUR EQUALS OR OUR SUBJECTS 1 
FRANK PARSONS 
(Arena: 49 :92-4. July, 1908.) Sex has no essential relation to suffrage. The reasoning on which the case of manhood suffrage rests is that the ballot is necessary as s protection against injustice, and very desirable as a means of edu­cation and development. These reasons apply to women as well a,, men. The only limitations placed on manhood suffrage relate to age, intelligence, character and interests, or residence and identifica­tion with the country sufficient to justify the interference of interest, and these should be the only limitations placed upon woman suffrage. Inconsistency is supposed to be feminine, but consistency is not a prevalent virtue even with men. We make a vigorous statement of inherent and inalienable rights and would fly to arms if any one denied us political liberty and equality, yet we deny those sacred rights to those within our power. We declare that taxation without 
representation is tyranny, but tax numbers of women directly and practically the whole mass of women indirectly without representa­tion in either case, so we are self-confes~ed tyrants unless it is under­stood that there is a mental reservation to the effect that it must be man who is taxed without representation or there is no tyranny. We affirm the governments derive their just powers from consent of the governed, but exclude the consent of half of the governed. We boast of our liberty and hold the best part of the people in subjec­tion. We proclaim a republic and ignore the fact that no real repub­lic can exist where half of the people of full age and discretion, character and interest have no part in the elections, and though they have to obey the laws are allowed no voice in making them. We gave the suffrage to millions of unprepared slaves, and claimed it for ourselves (or our ancestors did, and we approve the act, with some slight modifications, perhaps) centuries before we knew much about using it, believing the use the best means of developing fitness for use, and yet we deny suffrage to women because they are not familiar with politics. We permit the slums of New York and Chicago to vote, but deny the privilege to such women as Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Mary A. Livermore, Jane Addams, Clara Barton and a host of the best minds on earth, on the ground that women do not know enough to vote. We allow a multitude of men to vote who are exempt from military duty, and yet deny the right to women because they can not fight, and even Herbert Spencer deems this argument conclusive. We give the suffrage to millions of men who do not care enough for it to use it, and yet deny it to women because some of them do not wish to vote. With our brothers over the sea a woman may sit on a throne, but is not permitted to sit in Parliament. 
Justice seems to say: "Put the age of discretion where experience indicates the reasonable average to be, and make the requirments u to character, intelligence and interest what you please. Then if women come up to the requirements, let them vote, and if men do not come up to the requirements, refuse them the ballot. To be just is to treat all persons alike under the same essential circumstances, and sex has nothing to do with the reasons on which the suffrage rests. Women are as much entitled as men to education, develop­ment, influence and protection afforded by the ballot. Exclude women who prove to be unfit in the light of impartial and relevant tests, but do not class the whole sex with infants, idiots, criminals, Indians, aliens and paupers.'' 
In four of our states and in New Zealand women have the full suffr11ge, and its exercise has been attended with none of the evils 
The University of Texas Bulletin 
predicted by its opponents, but with beneficial results so marked as to call forth emphatic statements in its favor by leading legislators, judges cf the highest courts, and other leading officials who affirm that woman suffrage has tended strongly to purify politics, improve the character of nominations and aid the enforcement of the law. The approval of equal suffrage is all but universal where it has been tried, almost the only exception being the case of some would-be politician who might get what he wants if it were not for the women's vote, or in the case of an individual like the man from Wyoming, who declared that woman suffrage was a failure in that state, but when they looked up his record they found he had carried the ball and chain for an unpleasnt period in consequence of the verdict of a jury of women. 
In Kansas and in England women enjoy the right of municipal suffrage; and in twenty-five of our states they have the school suf­frage. There is no doubt that the full suffrage already adopted in four of our states will come in all. Certainly there is much need for its adoption and need of the most vital moment. 
The laws and governments made by men have not been fair to women or children. By the common law a married woman has no property rights, nor any legal existence. Husband and wife are one, and the husband is the one. A married woman is a femme covert, or a woman under the cover or wing of her husband, and being so hidden, the common law can not see her, but recognizes the husband as the only personality in the sight of the law. In Shakespeare's day a woman practically belonged to her husband, the same as his horse or dog, except that he could not kill her suddenly. In the early part of this century, it is said that a man in England led his wife to market with a rope about her neck and sold her in the street, getting more for the rope than for the woman. Blackstone says that a man may give his wife moderate correction, but I have hunted in vain through Blackstone to find a similar right granted woman against her hus­band. It must be admitted, however, that the law is not without its compensations, as may be seen by the case of darkey Reuben, who made a complaint against his wife for beating him, and got her con­victed and fined, whereupon, she having no money, he had to pay the fine himself. 
Miss Diana Hirschler, in her address at the Washington suffrage convention a few years ago, cites an old writer as saying: ''If a man beat an outlaw, a traitor, a pagan or his wife, it is dispunish­able, for by the Law Common these can have no action, '' adding very appropriately, "God grant gentle woman better support and 
better company.'' The fact is, that women were formerly thought of by men as their property, and the denial of civic and legal rights was the natural consequence of their conception. With the growth of enlightenment the law has been changed by statute in many re­spects, but the continued denial of civic inequality is a persistent remnant of the conception born of a barbarous age, that woman be­longs to man. Even the lighter disabilities were slow in going, and are not all gone yet. Only a generation ago a man in Massachu­setts married a woman who had $50,000 in personality. He took pos­session of it, as he had a legal right to do, and then made a will pro­viding that in case of his death the lady should have the income from the $50,000 during her life, provided she did not marry again. In Massachusetts and other states a woman can now control her property, for the most part. But the laws are still in many re­apects unjust. Joint earnings and funds belong to the husband ab­solutely, so that if a wife allows her money or her personality to be­come mixed with her husband's she loses legal control of it. In about one-third of our states the husband can appropriate his wife's earnings just as he can take the earnings of his horse and wagon. In all but eight of our states the mother is still denied an equal right with the father to the control of their children. The laws of divorce are not impartial. The laws of descent of property are not equal. A widow's dower affects only a third of the realty of her husband, while a widower's courtesy relates to the whole of his wife's real 
estate. Children under man-made laws are left to fester by thou­sands in an atmosphere pestilent with immoral and criminal influ­ences, left to ''soak and blacken soul and body in the slime of city slums." In many of our states the law makes no effective effort to remave the saloon, the gambling-den and the brothel from the path of youth. nor to banish the poisonous cigarette or the still more pois­onous "literature" of sensationalism and immorality. It is time th• women had a chance to see what they can do. They make home pure and beautiful. They can make our streets and cities pure and beau­tiful also. Their sovereignty in the home is bene:ficient; their sov­ereignty in the state will be no less so. 
It is the right of woman to use not only the power of persuasion, but the power of the ballot to protect herself and her children. The ballot is the point at which intelligence and moral sentiment take hold upon action and mold institutions and laws. Woman has a right to this most effective means of transforming the social environ­ment into greater fitness for the highest life of herself and all her loved ones. It is the right of woman also to enjoy the educating and developing effects of civic responsibilities. 
It is the right of man that woman shall vote in order that his com­panionship with her may be lifted to the plan of equality, and blessed with a new development, a new element of power and thought and sympathy. What man would have his wife and daughters sub­jects instead of equals 1 What man would deny to his mother the right he claims for himself? It is a man's right to have his chil­dren born and reared by women who have had full advantage of de­velopment and who understand the world and conditions under which their children will live. 
It is the right of children, living and unborn, to have the ennobled motherhood and the more excellent training that will come with a symmetrical, well-rounded, fully developed womanhood. It is the right of every citizen to be born and reared by a sovereign citizen and not by a subject. It is the right of every child that the mothers of the land shall have the power to banish vicious influences from the social and political environment in which the child must live, the power to bring the force and wisdom of the mother-love to bear directly upon civic affairs to purify and invigorate the civic and social atmosphere the child must breathe throughout its formative years. 
It is the right of society to have the purest force in the world put into action in political life. It is the right of society to have the virtue, love and devotion of womanhood crystalized into law. Women are far less influenced by the commercial spirit than men. Com­mercialism is the danger of our time. The depotism of the dollar is the threat of the future. The power of women in politics would be of incalculable value in the resistance it would offer to the domina­tion of the mercantile spirit, and the conscienceless pursuit of gain. Women have a higher regard for principle than men. They love justice and mercy. They are against oppression. They would favor peace even if trade shauld suffer. They would banish the slums and make cities beautiful. Their gentleness, sympathy, refinement and incorruptibility are sadly needed in our politics; their nobility should be registered in our statutes. 
RIGHT AND EXPEDIENCY OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE 
GEORGE F. HOAR 
(Century: 48 :605-13. August, 1894.) There are a great many things women are not expected to do. There are a great many things that no doctor of divinity or college­
professor, or very old man or very young man, is expected to do. I! the process of voting or attending political meetings will degrade women it will degrade the clergymen. If it will soil the purity of delicate and refined ladies, it will soil the purity of delicate and re­fined gentlemen. Meanness, coarseness, selfishness, violence and fraud are not of the essence of government. If the fastidious and refined scholar or man of wealth will not leave his palace in Fifth avenue to go to the polling places in the city of New York, the gov­ernment of that city will perhaps be abandoned to the base and criminal classes. But give his wife and daughter the right to go, and he will go with them, and he will see to it that the process of voting is conducted under conditions and with surroundings which will make it decent and clean, and fit for the participation of every re­fined person of either sex. 
Shall women leave the cradle, or the parlor, or the kitchen, to plunge into politics? No. Shall our farmers leave the farm, or our scholars the study, or our workmen the factory, or our sailors the· ship, to plunge into politics 1 No. 
Women can contribute their share to and exercise their right in, the government of the state with not more sacrifice of the other du­ties of life than is made by their husbands or brothers. There are some public duties which require the devotion of a large part of the working hours of life, and in some cases the entire life of the citizen to which they are assigned. As many of these duties can be per­formed by the women as the men, and the public duties which can be performed by women as well as by men, are as important to the well-being of the state. There are many duties for which most women are unfitted. There are many duties for which most men are unfitted, and there are some which-as I hope it may come in the course of time to be seen-are unfit for any human being, man or woman, to per­form, and which in the better time that we look for will cease to be considered duties at all. 
The same arguments with which we have to deal have been used against fwery extension of suffrage. Good and wise men dreaded to admit the large mass of ignorant and poor, men easily excited by passion, to the great and sacred work of ruling the state. But his­tory and experience have shown us that on the whole that state is best ruled where the largest number of citizens have a share in the government. 
WHY WOMEN SHOULD VO'l'E. 
JANE ADDAMS. 
(Ladies' Home Journal: 27 :21-2. Januuary, 1910.) 
If woman would fulfill her traditional responsibility to her own children ; if she would educate and protect from danger, factory children who must find their recreation on the street; if she would bring the cultural forces to bear upon our materialistic civilization; and if she would do it all with the dignity and directness fitting one who carries on her immemorial duties, then she must bring herself to the use of the ballot-that latest implement of self-government. May we not fairly say that American women need this implement in order to preserve the home 1 
LAST PROTEST AGAINST WOMAN 'S ENFRANCHISEMENT. 
JAMES L. HUGHES 
(Arena: 10:2101-13. July, 1894.) 
Duty is the broad ground on which the question rests. Thousands of pure, home-loving women sincerely believe it to be their duty to vote, in order to help decide great social and national questions that affect the well-being of their country and their homes. They surely have as well defined a right to vote as those have to oppose woman's enfranchisement. This is an age of individual liberty. Right and duty and conscience should guide us. Even majorities should never tyrannize over minorities in such a way as to prevent the honest ex­pression of opinions in the most effectual way-by marking a ballot. 
Women demand no special laws. She asks her place as a citizen, and wishes only to stand, a free woman, side by side with her brother man to aid in working out the highest destiny of humanity. Where her influence would be evil instead of good she has no desire to go. More than this, she is willing to trust enlightened and liberal men to decide in regard to the justness and the wisdom of her claims to the right to a higher and broader sphere of duty. 
Woman is governed by law as man is; woman may own property and pay taxes as man does ; woman is interested in the home and in the state as fully as man is; woman is as much interested in her children as man is ; woman is a responsible individual, quite as much as man is. It is unjust to say that every abstract claim of right that can be established in favor of man's voting does not belong equally to woman. 
EXTRACT OF AN ADDRESS BY MISS M. CAREY THOMAS 

President of Bryn Mawr College. 

(Delivered before the Twenty-eighth Annual Convention of the 
National American Woman Suffrage Association, 
held in Baltimore, February 8, 1906.) 

In the year 1903 there were in the United States, according to the report of the Commissioner of Education, 5,749 women studying in women's colleges and 24,863 women stuying in co-educational col­leges. If the annual rate of increase has continued the same, as it undoubtedly has during the past three years, there are in college at the present time 38,268 women students of true college grade. Al­though there are in the United States about 1,800,000 less women than men, women already constitute considerably over one-third of the entire student body, and are steadily gaining un men. This means that in another generation or two one-half of all the people who have been to college in the United States will be women, and just as surely as the seasons of the year succeed one another, or the law of gravitation works, just so surely will this great body of edu­cated women wish to use their trained intelligence in making the towns, cities, and the states of their native country better places for themselves and their children to live in; just so surely will the men, with whom they have worked side by side in college classes, claim and receive their aid in political as well as in home life. The logic of events does not lie. It is unthinkable that women who have learned to act for themselves in college and have become awakened there to civic duties, should not care for the ballot to enforce their wishes. The same is true of women in every woman's club, and of every individual woman who tries to obtain laws to save little chil­dren from working cruel hours in cotton mills, or to open summer gardens for homeless little waifs on the streets of a great city. 'i'hese women, too, are being irresistibly driven to desire equal suffrage for the sake of the wrongs they try to right. The women's clubs of Chicago united only the other day to send delegates to ask the legis­lature to give women municipal suffrage in the new Chicago charter. 
In the early seventies my mother was profoundly stirred by the terrible fate of poor girls in Baltimore, arrested perhaps on false charges, confined over night in police stations, and subjected to the brutalities of policemen and men prisoners. She begged in vain through many months for women matrons. One day when she was being driven fruitlessly from one politician to another she had to stop at a polling booth to let her ignorant negro coachman, who 
could neither read nor write, vote for these very men whom she had implored in vain. She bas often told me that from that moment of bitter humiliation in which she, a woman, who could not vote, held the reins for the ignorant man who could, she never again doubted that women must vote in order to protect the interests of other women. Sooner or later every sensitive woman finds herself face to face with conditions like these which degrade her woman­hood. For it is in truth as degrading, though perhaps less gro­tesque, for an ignorant white coachman to decide by his vote how his mistress shall be taxed, or how much, or how little, she and her children shall be protected from disease and crime. 
In all matters of social welfare we must argue not so much from abstract right and justice as· from observed facts. It seems very clear that on the whole universal manhood suffrage, unsatisfactory as it is, works the least injustice to the enfranchised multitudes of men, and that the trend of modern civilization is setting itself irresistibly in this direction. Experience also proves that women as well as men need the ballot to protect them in their special interests and in their power to gain a livelihood. Our new reform school board of Phila­delphia contains not one woman among its twenty-five members to represent the interests of women. No women teachers receive the same salaries as men teachers for the same work, and no women, however successful, are appointed to the best paid and most influ­ential school positions. Yet more than one-half of the children in the schools of Philadelphia are women; and it is the mothers, and not the fathers, who care most profoundly for the education of the children of Philadelphia. What is true of Philadelphia is true in the main of the public schools in every town and city of forty-one states of the United States. But it is not true in the four equal suffrage states of the United States, or in any part of the great equal suffrage Australian commonwealth. 
confidently believe that equal suffrage is coming far more swiftly than most of us suspect. Educated, public-spirited women will soon refuse to be subjected to such humiliating conditions. Ed­ucated, public-spirited men will recoil in their turn before the sheer unreason of the position that the opinions and wishes of their wives and mothers are to be consulted upon every other question except the laws and government under which they and their husbands and children must live and die. 
WOMAN THE SAVIOR OF THE STATE 
SELMA LAGERLOF 
Abstract of an Address delivered before the Sixth Congress of the 
International Woman Suffrage Alliance in Stockholm. 
(World's Work for February, 1912.) 
Up to the present time in the world's history the work of woman has been that of making the home. Man's work during that time has been the creation of the state. While the home is woman's creation primarily, she alone has not created it. Fortunately for her and for all of us she has ever had the man with her. Had the woman toiled alone she would not have solved the problem. The home would not be in existence either as a dream or a reality. 
But in the creating of the state man has stood alone. Nothing ha!! impelled him to take woman with him into the hall of justice, into the civil service department, into the house of commerce. He ha!! forged his way alone. But has he succeeded? Witness the hatred between the classes ; witness the stifled cries from beneath, all the threats and revolutions. Witness the complaints of the unemployed; witness emigration. Does all this signify that he has succeeded or that he ever can succeed alone 1 It is here that the great Woman Tn­vasion into man's field of labor and into the territory of the state be­gins. Where is the state in which there are no unprotected children? Where 'is the state that punishes offenders only with the idea of cor­rection and development 1 Where is the state that utilizes every talent in which the unfortunate receives as much thooghtful consideration us do the most favored 1 Where is the state wherein none of its mem­bers may go to waste in idleness, drunkenness, and in shameless living T 
We women are not perfect beings. You men are not more perfect than we are. How are we to attain that which is great and good unless we uphold each other 1 We think that the time has now arrived when the highest development and perfection of the state demands the active participation of both man and woman. We do not think that the work can be accomplished at once, but we do believe that it would be folly to reject our help. We believe that the winds of God are bearing U!I onward; that our little masterwork, the home, was our creation with the help of man. The great masterwork, the state, shall be perfected by man when in all seriousness he takes woman as his helper. 
A SYMPOSIUM-WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE 
(Extracts from The Chautauquan, April, 1891. Vol. XIII.) 
BY LUCY STOWE: 
A movement for woman suffrage is part of the world-wide move­ment for equal human rights. This began by asking for woman better work, better wages, higher education, kinder laws, and a voice in de­ciding what the laws should be. During the forty years and more since these claims began to be made, almost everything asked for has been secured, except the right to vote. 
The plea for the last remaining advance step-the right to vote-­rests upon the clearest grounds of equity and good sense. It is fair and right that those who obey the laws should have a voice in making them. It is fair and right that those who pay taxes should have & voice as to the amount of tax and the way in which it should be spent. The objections brought against it are only the same old ones which have been urged against each successive step in the woman's move­ment this far-that women would be unsexed, that it would break up the family, that the majority of women do not want it, etc. Those of us who have heard these arguments brought forward in turn against the opening of more occupations to women, against the higher educa­tion, against the admission of women to the professions, and agaim1t each successive change in the property laws for the last forty years, can not be expected to pay much respect to them now. 
BY FRANCIS E. WILLARD: Our danger in the republic is not from a general but a class ballot. If all were oblidged to vote-as they will be some day, let us hope-­good would overbalance evil, but when slums vote and schools do not, a danger signal is flung out which wise men can but heed. Women are a conservative force, and in the nature of the case must always be. It is for their interest that General Grant's motto, "Let us have peace,'' be incorporated into the public policy. Arbitration instead of war between nations, and instead of strikes and lockouts between cor­porations, would be the outcome of their inherited tendencies, obser­vation, and experience. Women are for home protection every time; and the chief cornerstone of the state is the hearthstone. They are, in the nature of the case, opposed to the saloon, the gambling den, the haunt of infamy. When women were safe only because entrenched in castles, and men rode forth to the deadly hand to hand encounters that war then involved, it is no wonder that the idea of a ballot in their small white hands occurred to nobody. But in a peaceful and 
industrial nation that idea has come because women can help, by hav­ing a vote, as much as she is helped. Her self-registered opinion upon questions conclusive of the common good, will strengthen, ennoble, and dignify public opinion as expressed with authority at the ballot box. It was so on the text-book question in Boston; it is so in Kansas where municipal suffrage has been the largest factor in the enforcement of prohibition law. It is but a remnant of the old-time battle thunder; the fast fleeing echo of those olden days of force now hasting to be gone, that unconsciously to themselves, reappears in the voices of men good and gifted, who declaim on the negative side of this argument for the emancipation of women. 
WHERE THE WOMEN VOTE. 
PAUL KENNADAY. 
It does not appear that the polling and electioneering in the times when men only voted were any different in tone from the orderly sober family affair they are now. Women go to the polls alone, or with their husbands, fathers, or brothers, and vote without annoyance or intimidation according as their consciences dictate or their whims decide, quite as do their menfolk. 
But, on the whole, the opinion of New Zealand men and women themselves is that women since they have had the franchise have had a clear and direct influence on very few political measures aside from the single one of temperance reform. 
The fears that women would be dominated by priestly influences have proved entirely groundless in New Zealand. There is absolutely no evidence that such is the fact. In New South Wales and Queens­land a certain division along sectional lines was noticed, but nothing which was evidence of interference by the church. Roman Catholics in certain districts of Sydney, for instance, will return no candidates but Roman Catholics, and state aid for parochial schools is a part of their platform, but they are none the less independent voters and free of undue influence from their spiritual advisers. 
In 1893, the first year when women voted at a general election, 78 per cent of the adult female population registered as electors, and of these over 85 per cent voted. By 1905 the proportion of registered electors had gradually increased to 212,876 women, or to nearly 94 per cent of the adult women of the Dominion. Of these 175,046, or 82 per cent, voted. The figures for the men are almost identical­96¥2 per cent registered, and of these 84 per cent voted. 
The University of Texas Bulletin 
AN EQUAL SUFFRAGE STATE IN EARNEST 
(An Editorial in World's Work for February, 1912.) The men of California gave woman the suffrage and now find that they have enfranchised nearly a hundred thousand more voters than they can themselves muster. The subject has its jocular aspect. Sup­pose, for example, some issue should arise whereon there would be a division of opinion by sex! Both the jocular and serious aspects are emphasized by the political zeal of the women. Every woman's club in California has turned to the study of American history and of the problems of the day. Even the women who opposed suffrage, or were indifferent to it, take their new status with a sober sense of its responsibilities. They are dili­gently studying the proper use of the ballot. It may be that the men did better than they guessed. 
FAIR PLAY FOR WOMEN 
GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS 
The woman's rights movement is the simple claim for the same opportunity and liberty that a man has in civilized society shall be extended to the woman who stands at his side-equal or unequal in special powers, but an equal member of society. She must prove her power as he proves his. When Rosa Bonheur paints a vigorous and admirable picture of Normandy horses, she proves that she has a hundred-fold more right to do it than scores of butchers and bun­glers in color who wear coats and trousers, and whose right, there­fore, nobody questions. When the Misses Blackwell or Miss Zachyzewska or Miss Hunt or Miss Preston or Miss Avery, accom­plishing themselves in medicine, with a firm hand and a clear brain, carry the balm of life to suffering men, women and children, it is as much their right to do it-as much their sphere-as it is that of any long-haired, sallow, dissipated boy in spectacles who hisses them as they go upon their holy mission. 
And so when Joan of Arc follows God and leads the army; when the Maid of Saragosa loads and fires the cannon; when Mrs. Stowe makes her pen the heaven-appealing tongue of an outraged race; when Grace Darling and Ida Lewis, pulling their boats through the pitiless waves, save fellow creatures from drowning; when Mrs. Patten, the captain's wife, at sea-her husband lying helplessly ill in his cabin­puts everybody aside and herself steers the ship to port, do you ask me whether these are not exceptional women? I am a man and you are a woman, but Florence Nightengale, demanding supplies for sick soldiers in the Crimea, and when they were delayed by red-tape, order­ing a file of soldiers to break down the doors and bring them-which they do, for the brave love bravery-seems to me quite as womanly as the loveliest girl in the land, dancing at the gayest ball in a dress of which the embroidery is the pinched lines of starvation in another girl's face, and whose pearls are the tears of despair in her eyes. Jenny Lind enchanting the heart of a nation; Anna Dickinson pleading for the equal liberty of her sex; Lucretia Mott publicly bearing testimony against the sin of slavery, are doing what God, by his great gifts of eloquence and song, appointed them to do. And whatever generous and noble duty, either in a private or a public sphere, God gives any woman the will and the power to do, that, and that only, for her, is feminine. 
But have women, then, no sphere as women? Undoubtedly they have, as men have a sphere as men. If a woman is a mother, God gives her certain affections, and cares springing from them, which we may be very sure she will not forget, and to which, just in the degree that she is a true woman, she will be fondly faithful. We need not think that it will be necessary to fence her in, nor to sup­pose that she would try to evade these duties and responsibilties if perfect liberty were given her. As Syndey Smith said of education, we need not feat' that, if girls study Greek and mathematics, mothers will desert their infants for quadratic equations. 
But the sphere of the family is not the sole sphere of either men or women. They are not only parents, they are human beings, with genius, talents, aspirations, ambition. They are also members of the state, and from the very equality of the parental function which perpetuates the state, they are equally interested in is welfare. Has the mother less concern than the father in the laws that regulate the great social temptations which everywhere yawn for their chil­dren, or in the general policy of the government which they are summoned to support? Is she less entitled to the fruits of her in­dustry than he, and if it be the best that some arrangement be made by law for the common support of the family, is there any just rea­son why she should not be consulted in making the law as well as he? The woman earns property and owns it. Society taxes her, and tries her, and sends her to the jail or the gallows. Can it be improper that she be tried by her peers, or inexpedient that she have a voice in making the law that taxes her? 
It is said that she influences the man now. Very well; do you ob­ject to that? And if not, is there any reason why she should not do 
The University of Texas Bulletin 
directly what she does indirectly? If it is proper that her opinion should influence a man's vote, is there any good reason why it should not be independently expressed? Or is it said that she is represented by men? Excuse me; I belong to a country which said with James Otis in the forum and with George Washington in the field that there is no such thing as vi~tual representation. The guarantee of equal opportunity in modern society is the ballot. It may be a clumsy contrivance, but is is the best we have yet found. In our system a man without a vote is but half a man. When we gave the freed­men their civil rights, we gave them a gun; when we added political equaltiy, we loaded it and made it effective. So long as women are forbidden political equality, the laws and feelings of society will be unjust to them. 
The very moment women paiSsed out of the degradation of the Greek household and the contempt of the Roman law, they began their long and slow ascent, through prejudice, sophisti:y and pas­sion to their perfect equality of choice and opportunity as human be­ings; and the assertion that when a majority (•f women ask for equal political rights they will be granted, is a confession that there is no conclusive reason against their sharing them. And if that be so, how can their admission rightfully depend upon the majority? Why should the woman who does not care to vote prevent the voting of her neighbor who does? Why should a hundred girls who are con­tent to be dolls and do what Mrs. Grundy expeets prejudice the choice of a single one who wishes to be a woman and do what her conscience requires? You tell me tha.t the grf:at mass of women are uninterested, indifferent, and, upon the whole, hostile to the mave­ment. You say what, of course, you can not know, but even if it were so, what then? There are some of the noblest and best of women both in this coup.try and in England who are not indifferent. They are the women by have thought for themselves upon the sub­ject. The others, the great multitude, are mainly those who have not thought at all, who have .acquiesced in the old order, and who have accepted the prejudices of men. Shall their unthinking ac­quiescence or the intelligent wish of their thoughtful sisters decide the question f 
WOMAN AND THE HOME 
A. CASWELL ELLIS They tell us that the first duty of woman is as mother and the high­
est sphere of woman is the home. True, and that it is which places upon woman the obligation to enter into the life of her community and 
nation and help to make them a fit home for her child and her family. Before her child begins to take food her mother's duty commands her to see that there is an efficient dairy and food inspection in her city, state and nation, that her child be not poisoned by impure food; before dread disease shall have slipped into her home and struck down her child, her mother's duty commands her to do her share in awakening the public to the need of better sanitary laws and of their rigid en­forcement; before her child goes into the streets, as he must soon go, her mother's duty commands her to see to it that these streets are safe, to see to it that her child be not corrupted there by degrading shows, immoral pictures, or dens for human dissipation and debauchery; when her child goes into the school, then the school becomes a part of her home, and her mother's duty commands her to see that conditions are provided in that school that will strengthen and develop in a sane way the mind and body of her little one ;when the laws are being made under which her child must live, and by means of which the opportunities to develop the God-given possibilities of his nature are to be provided, or the door of opportunity is to be shut in his face, then her home becomes the nation and her mother's duty commands that she enter the struggle against the combined forces of the professional politician and com­mercial corruptionist, to Eee that the laws under which her innocent child must live shall not allow his tender body to be ground up in the mills of greedy commerce nor his pure soul blighted by the with­ering breath of political and social corruption. 
Sooner or later it must be recognized that the duties of a true mother to her child and her home are not confined to the kitchen and back yard, nor can she evade her responsibility as a citizen by turning it over to her husband, any more than the husband can successfully turn over the family morals and religion to his wife. 
The fact that so many people seem to think that a woman can go to school, go to the theater, trade and work in the stores, attend banquets and public discussions, go to church, serve on important boards, read the papars and persuade her husband to vote right without harming herself, but that the minute she puts a ticket in a ballot box she will unsex herself, is simply an evidence of the power of a savage tradition and an indication of the lack of a sense of humor on the part of other­wise thoughtful men and women. 
SELECTED ARGUMENTS OPPOSED TO WOMAN SUFFRAGE 

WOMAN SUFFRAGE 
Ex-JusTICE BROWN 
Late of the Supreme Court of the United States Whoever seeks to eff.ect a radical change in legislation of long stand­ing assumes the burden of showing that the existing law is iniquitous or unjust, and that the proposed change is reasonably calculated to remedy its defects. The very fact that certain fundamental princi­ples have prevailed under all forms of government, from a time whence no historical tradition runs to the contrary, is strong evidence of their wisdom, and suggests a continuance of the policy expressed in the homely maxim of letting well enough alone. Experimental legislation is always unsafe, and frequently produces an effect directly contrary to that intended; or, if successful in suppressing the evils sought to be remedied, raises up others, totally unsuspected before, to take their place. Such statutes are, unfortunately, too common in this country, where the legislatures are besought to remedy every fan­cied evil, from the right to vote to the length of ladies' hat pins, or of sheets upon hotel beds. From time immemorial the power to govern has been devolved upon the male population. In the few instances in which, under a local law of succession, the crawn has been worn by a woman, the governing power has usually rested with her male advisers, and the physical power always with her army and navy. While this power of govern­ing has often, in obedience to long-established customs, been exercised oppressively, and has occasionally reduced women to a position little above that of slaves, I am not aware of any such complaint against legislation in this country; and, after all, the question of woman suf­frage must be determined by the state of things existing in the country to which it is proposed to apply it. The laws of nearly, if not all, of the states of this Union are even more favorable to women than to men. They have full control of their own property, and may sell, convey or bequeath it to whomsoever they please; while in the conveyance of his own real estate, the hus­band must usually obtain the consent of his wife. Women are en­titled to their own earnings, and may dispose of them as they please, while the husband is bound to make use of his for the support of his wife and family. He is liable for the ante-nuptial debts of his wife, while no such obligation rests upon her for her husband's debts. 
Women are freely admitted to all trades, employments and professions to which they are physically adapted. They are rapidly obtaining a monopoly of stenography, typewriting, telegraphy, telephony, and are competing successfully with men as saleswomen in the principal mer­cantile establishments, and as operatives in factories. The best schools and colleges are open to such of them as desire a higher education. The only tangible complaint made against our laws at present seems to consist in the fact that women are taxed without being rep·resented in the Legislature. Tbis grievance, however, is more fancied than real,-a popular political war-cry, but to be applied with some regard for the actual facts. It is doubtless a safe proposition to assert that property owners should not be taxed without being represented. But this should be taken in connection with another principle,­that no system of taxation or of suffrage was ever devised that did not create individual instances of injustice. For example, in the matter of age, some line must be drawn between the voting and non­voting population. In America this has been uniformly fixed at the age of twenty-one, and yet we all of us know of young men of twenty or less who are far better qualified to vote, by intelligence and the possession of property, than the great mass of those of twenty­one and upwards. But the line must be drawn, and arbitrarily drawn, somewhere, and the fact that certain boys may own millions in their own right has never been supposed to entitle them to vote, or that the denial of this right involved a violation of the principles of taxation without representation. A foreigner may possess a large for­tune, and have been educated at a foreign university, but he can never vote until he has· qualified by residence in this country for a certain time. The same remark may be made of the line drawn in the southern States between the white and colored population,-though no one would have the hardihood to deny that many colored men are superior in intelligence to some of their white brethren. 
Now, the number of women possessing taxabl6 property of their own is very small, probably not exceeding one in twenty of the total num­ber. The residue who have inherited taxable property from their hus­bands or relatives, are so few in number as to be a negligible quantity, in dividing the voting from the non-voting population. The fact tha.t injustice may be done to one by denying her a vote is a poor excuse for forcing the right to vote upon the nineteen others, if they <lo not wish it. Legislation is or oughtto be based upon the good of the whole, and not upon the desires of particular individuals. It is presumed to speak for the great ma~s of the people, and not for the exceptions. 
What, then, are the chief objections to woman suffrage? In this connection I wish to admit the perfect equality of the sexes in the gen­eral scheme of creation. I claim no superiority for man; I admit none for women. But, while conceding the equality of the two sexes, there are undeniable differences which it would be folly to ignore. There are certain particulars in which the superiority of one sex over the other is plainly manifested. To man must be accorded pre-eminence: 
1. 
In physical strength. This is undeniable, and requires that the heavy labor of the world must be done by him. 

2. 
The preservation of public order and safety. 

3. 
The inauguration and management of great undertakings. 

4. 
The dispassionate view of important questions, which we call the judicial temperament. 


Does not the superiority of the male sex in these particulars contain a suggestion that they also should determine as to when great enter­prises should be undertaken, and how they should be carried out Y If the labor and expense incidental to the building and operation of rail­ways and manufacturing establishments, or tht construction of build­ings and the improvements of streets and roads be furnished by men, is it not reasonable to say that .men should also determine when and how these projects should be made effective? If the policing of cities and the preservation of the peace is to be secured by men, should they not also judge of the necessity for particular measures? If wars are contemplated, should not the necessity for such wars be pasesd upon by men who are to provide the material, to constitute the armies and to fight its battles ? Would it not be absurd, if the men of the country were opposed to a particular war, that the country should be driven into it by the votes of women? 
On the other hand, there are doubtless other spheres of activity in which the superiority of women is as marked as that of men in the particulars already named. They are : 
1. 
The management of the household and the direction of family life. 

2. 
The rearing and education of young children. 

3. 
The nursing of the sick, from which of late men have been com­pletely displaced by women. 

4. 
Their superior vitality and patient endurance of suffering. 

5. 
Their superior natural refinement and delicacy. 

6. 
Their intuitive perceptions, which are more accurate than those of men. 


This enumeration also contains a suggestion that, in all such legis­lation as relates to the education of children, the establishment of pub­lic schools, the selection of teachers and of studies, women should have at least an equal voice with men. The right of women to vote upon school questions has been conferred, and I think wisely so, in nearly 
Woman Suffrage-Negative 
twenty different States; but the small extent to which that right has been exercised by the women does not augur well for its success. In a paper in advococy of woman suffrage by the late and greatly la­mented Mr. Justice Brewer, he states that while there are about 700,­000 women authorized to vote in Massachusetts on school questions, the number actually voting fell from 18,000 in 1906 to 13,000 in 1907. In 189 towns, where 3,600 women were registered, not a single woman voted. In Cleveland, Ohio, the number of registered voters dimin­ished from 6,681 in 1904 to 3,179 in 1907. If this be regarded as a fair experiment, it must be conceded a failure. 
Indeed, one of the chief obstacles to the introduction of female suffrage is the apparent indifference of the women themselves. If there were a general sentiment among them that their rights were not bein~ properly respected, and that their votes were really needed to protect them, I feel confident that the natural chivalry of men would rally to their support, and, irrespective of every other con­sideration, would cheerfully concede them the ballot. I do not, however, find among them any general demand for it. Earnest advocates, eloquent platform speakers there are undoubtedly, but in private conversation, particularly with women of the upper classes, most are actually opposed, or at best indifferent, to a change. Although the rights of women in England are not protected as they are in this country, I do not regard the riotous mobs which besiege Parliament, assault members, destroy property and court martyrdom as representative women of Great Britian. It would certainly be little to the credit of Parliament to permit itself to be hectored into the grant of suffrage by such means. A re,ort to similar violence would be simply impossible in any American capital. 
Fashion is so much more potent a fact in the lives of women than 
in those of men that there could be no general participation of women 
of the upper classes in exercising the right of suffrage, unless it 
were made fashionable to do so. Once make it as fashionable to go 
to the polls as to a matinee or a musicale, and every woman would 
vote, if only for the purpose of being seen. But let it be once under­
stood that voting was unwomanly and fit only for the stronger sex 
and what we may term masculine femininity, the suffrage would fall 
at once into the hands of the lower class and a few enthusiasts of 
the better sort. Considerations of fashion are rarely applied to 
questions of duty, but rather to those of fancy or pleasure. Indeed, 
considerations of duty outside of the church or domestic circles are 
of feebler efficacy than is generally supposed. Having found ample 
scope for the exercise of their peculiar functions in the family circle, 
women are generally content to leave the more serious questions of 
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bread-winning and of government to the male sex. Every argument upon the subject :finally comes back to the question whether nature has not answered it as effectively as certain economical questions are answered by the law of supply and demand. While women are con­stantly winning their way to work formerly considered the exclusive prerogative of men, and have not been permitted but encouraged to do so, there is after all a reserve of work which must be done by men, and in which it would be absurd for women to participate as it would be for men to undertake the management of a family or the care of young children. A man who busies himself with such matters is looked upon with derision, while the woman who aspires to the platform or pulpit, and desires at least to be seen in every public assemblage, is regarded as asserting merely an inherent right. With certain limitations this is just and proper, but in the end considerations of sex are sure to assert themselves as the dominating influence. Hence, the conservative American matron and her daughters, brought up to care for the family and children, according to historical ideas which have held sway since the earliest days of the distaff and the loom, are content that in matters of State men shall bear the burden. Nor do the peculiar prerogatives of women involve any question of in­feriority. Of two boys, one of whom is fond of mathematics and the other of the classics, there is no question of superiority of one over the other, but simply of difference. The mathematician might be expected to make the better astronomer, engineer or contractor; the other, the better scholar or professional man,-but both may be equally eminent in their own callings. So the particulars in which each sex is superior to the other are equally essential to the perpetuation of the race, and to the maintenance of the family, which is the basis of the whole social system. 
I consider that there is a positive danger involved in any extension of the suffrage to large classes who have not heretofore enjoyed it. True, tliis is a government of the people, but not necessarly of all persons constituting the people. The word ''people'' is used simply to distinguish it from a despotism or oligarchy; but the power of actually governing has always rested with an exceedingly small num­ber of men, the great body of the people being merely represented by them. It is a grave question who are entitled to be thus represented. Surely not children or persons of defective intelligence. Formerly it was only extended to property owners of greater or less amount; then to those able to read and write,-finally to everybody, or what is called manhood suffrage. 
The results have not been altogether encouraging. While universal suffrage has been fairly successful in the country and in the small 
Woman Suffrage-Negative 
towns, in large cities the consequences ha.ve been such as to justify fully the apprehension of its opponents. Indeed, it has been so near an absolute failure that the most important political question now confronting us is how to get rid of it without sacrificing the principle of self government. In the District of Columbia Congress exercises directly the ''exclusive legislation'' vested in it by the Constitution, with the result that Washington is the best governed large city in the country. Other cities have sought relief from conditions which have become intolerable by commissions appointed or elected, with apparently satisfactory results. The object in every case is to rid the city of the incubus of a popular and largely an alien vote. The in­auguration of this system is really due to Texas. When Galveston was overwhelmed by the sea and nearly swept out of existence, it was felt that its upbuilding must not be entrusted to the ordinary munici­pal politician, but it was put into the hands of a commission of its best citizens, who would do their work solely in the interests of the public. The example of Galveston has been followed by a number of cities in the West, to the great improvement of their municipal govern­
ments. 
That experimental extensions of the suffrage are often unwise is also shown by the fate of the fifteenth amendment of the Constitution, forbidding discriminations on account of color or race. While in the North, where the colored vote is small, no great harm has resulted, the amendment has been generally disregarded in the South, and a serious attempt to enforce it by the military arm, if persisted in, would probably have resulted in another civil war. This is meant not to express an opinion of the fifteenth amendment, but to show the danger of radical legislation, except to remedy a certain and radical evil. 
It is now proposed to extend the right not simply to those who have been unjustly excluded from it, but practically to double the voting population by including a class which has never exercised the franchise, and of whose qualifications we have no practical knowledge. I look upon the experiment as not without peril. While in the ordinary process of peaceful government no danger may be apprehended, I should fear that in critical moments the generous impulses of women might lead them far astray from the path of safety. Women are far more intense in their convictions than men, and, once an opinion is formed, are prone to overlook the obstacles in the way, the difficulties in bringing about the desired results, or even to give credit to the conscientious convicions of others. As the average man who is defeated in a lawsuit is apt to attribute the out­come either to the bribery of judge or jury, rather than to the 
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in'herent weakness of his case, a woman who is opposed in a favorite scheme er ambition is loth to admit conscientious motives in those who oppose her. Indeed, it is a common infirmity of both men and women to have the strongest opinions concerning matters of which we really know the least, and which are the least susceptible of proof. A painful instance of this kind occurred in connection with the anti­canteen law, enacted by Congress a few years ago. 'l'hose who were in Washington at the time could not fail to appreciate the fact that the passage of the bill was procured by the efforts of crowds of per­fectly respectable, upright and conscientious women, who thronged the halls of the Capitol during the debate, practically overawed the members and compelled many of them to vote against their convic­tions rather than be charged with opposition to the cause of temper­ance. The conquences are said to be deplorable. Saloons of the lowest class sprang up around the reservations, and if we are to believe the almost universal testimony of army officers, drunkenness increased, arrests increased, desertions increased, though the principle that the United States should no longer be privy to the sale of liquor was fully established. 
It would be interesting to inquire what have been the practical results of woman suffrage in the states where the experiment has been fairly tried. But, unfortunately, there is an almost total ab­sence of data from which an intelligent opinion can be formed. It would conduce much to our enlightenment if some Legislature inter­ested in the subject (and what Legislature is notn should appoint a committee of leading citizens to visit the states in which the experiment has been tried, and by correspondence with foreign countries to investigate the whole subject, to ascertain what proper­tion of the female population entitled to vote has actually availed itself of the privilege, and to what class it belonged; what reforms in the moral character of the people the women have brought about, or have rendered efficient aid in bringing about; whether they have improved the character of the slums; suppressed gambling; eradicated houses of ill fame; put a stop to graft and corruption in municipal life; provided employment for the poor and educational facilities for their children,-in short, given a new and healthful impulse to civic life. If the report of this committee showed a marked improvement in these particulars, attributable to the influence of women, I, for one, would enroll myself under their banner. On the contrary, if it were shown, in a trial which must have lasted from twenty to forty years, to have been ineffective, or a mere excuse for obtaining a share 
of the spoils or a political prominence, I should say that a good cause for a change had not been proven. 
Woman Suffrage-Negative 
rs WOMAN'S SUFFRAGE AN ENLIGHTENED AND JUSTIFIA­
BLE POLICY FOR THE STATE? 
HENRY A. STIMSON 
(Bibliotheca Sacra. 67 :335-46. April, 1910.) 
The argument against woman's suffrage may be summoned up in two phrases: it will not do what is claimed for it; and it will occasion unanticipated evil. 
WHAT WoMAN's SUFFRAGE WILL NoT Do. 
1. It will not remove economic ills. Many are urging it because of the assumed value in bettering the condition of women workers, partic­ularly girls who are on a strike or are abused by the police, and teachers and others who do not receive the same pay as men holding similar positions. No one has, as yet, proposed a program by which, when the ballot is given to women, they can proceed effectively to secure this result. The pay of any worker in any industry is primarily determined by what the industry can afford, and by the available sup­ply of labor. The chief fact in the employment of women is that, with most women, work outside the home is only an ad interim employment. It is taken up by women in anticipation of the day when they will marry and abandon it for the life that opens for them in their own home ; it is held by other women because the exigiencies of their life leave them without a home, or with a home where there is not adequate support. In the latter case they are handicapped in so many directions that their work is necessarily done under serious restrictions. 
No one has, as yet, ventured to point out exactly how giving the women the ballot will affect wages. What will affect wages is indus­trial conditions which give a community exceptional advantage in the open market, cheap raw material, cheap mechanical power, attractive conditions of light and air and cleanliness, abundance of labor of an intelligent class. These and similar things are essential to successful production; and wherever these maintain, wages will be found to be in harmony with them, that is, they will be higher than under other conditions; and they can be maintained because the economic situation of the mills makes it possible to pay them. All that the state can do is to secure as far as possible proper conditions of labor, and to pre­vent that injury to the community which occurs from child labor and the employment of women in what are to them destructive vocations to which either their necessities or the attractions of large wages might draw them, as, for example, mining. 
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2. 
It will not secure better personal treatment for women. Despite the emphasis with which some women speakers repudiate the thought of privilege, the fact is that society rests on the possession of privilege as one of its corner-stones. The characteristic of civilized society is that every member, rich or poor, by virtue of his being a part of the social structure, however humble, shares the privileges which pertain to the community as a whole. Those privileges are in part the gift of . God, in climate, and material surroundings, and in still larger part the inheritance of the past, in which much blood has been shed and great sacrifice has been made to secure liberties which otherwise would not exist and which many other communities do not possess. These are privileges to which we may be born, or which we may share by adop­tion. We speak of them as the gifts of God, or of nature, or of in­heritance. In any case they are privileges, and in no true sense rights. They become rights only so far as they are maintained by a sacrifice on the part of the sharers of them akin to what by which they w:ere won. In civilized society the range of such privileges is vastly in­creased. It extends to personal protection, to all that is involved in good manners, and especially in the courtesy that is shown to women and the tenderness of the public toward children. As a matter of fact, courtesy as between men, but pre-eminently as toward women on the part of men, is the mark of such society. That courtesy is found in highly civilized communities only, and takes on its best forms only when those communities are largely governed by the standards of a very high morality and a very spiritual religion. They are quickly lost wherever a community drops its standard of morality, or becomes indifferent to the sanctions of its religion; so that the treatment of women in the streets and in the social intercourse of a community is one of the surest and most quickly accepted standards of both its morals and its culture. This courtesy does not depend upon any particular form of administration of the state. 

3. 
It will not help the community politically. It is urged that introducing women by the ballot into public life will purify politics. At present the effort to purify politics is resisted chiefly by two factors: one the one hand, a mass of ignorant voters ; and on the other hand corrupt, but highly skilled, political managers. Giving women the ballot would at once add greatly to the number of ignorant voters, and the mass with which every reform movement has to deal would become by so much the more obstructive, making the situation by 80 much more difficult than it is now; while, on the other hand, the machine politician is so adept at his trade, because it has so long been practiced by him and his kind, because he is so much less scrupulous than women, and because he can give himself wholly to it as a busi­


Woman Suffrage-Negative 
ness, that good women and intelligent women would find themselves no match for him in the battle of public life, and would be compelled, in spite of themselves, either to adopt his ways and become like him, increasing corruption, or to surrender to his efforts, and consciously or unconsciously become his tool. The educational process for women, to fit them for the ballot, would necessarilly be preceded by a long period of political disorganization and corruption which would only repeat the Carpetbag period of the South, and reproduce evils not un­like those which were precipitated upon the country by giving the suffrage to the Freedmen, even though at the time that seemed an absolute necessity following upon the Civil War. 
4. Furthermore, it will not help women individually. It is claimed that the suffrage is necessary chiefly for the good that it will do to women. This is so purely an untried experiment that there is room for every grave doubts about it. Undoubtedly, it is well for man or woman to be intelligent in matters of public life, but that that in­telligence will be secured to any great degree by the possession of the ballot does not appear; or, at least, it would seem that every oppor­tunity of gaining information, and of intelligent interest in public affairs, is open to women today if she cares to avail herself of them, and the growing intelligence of the community will make this knowl­edge both attractive and available for her, whether she has the ballot or not. 
It is not necessary to deliver women from the "tyranny of men" or the oppression of daily toil. Civilization is rapidly doing that. In barbarism women does all the arduous labor. As society advances man has assumed that, and the woman has been left free for the care of the home, until today even milking and the making of butter on the farm are no longer woman's work. The vast majority of the women in civilized lands can today live a womanly life. Personal culture and personal comfort and gracious service are within their reach as never before. 
But it is also to be said that the possession of the ballot will be very sure to create unanticipated evils. 
WHAT WoMAN's SUFFRAGE WILL Do. 
1. 
It will bring new temptations to weak women, and crowd upon them with great force, in ways which women little anticipate. 

2. 
It will greatly increase the ignorant and usable poletariat. It is not a question whether women are more or less intelligent than men, or whether their character is stronger or weaker. The possession of the ballot would at once add a mass of voters to the voting list who are little informed as to the questions that are before them, are little 


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accustomed to deal with external pressure, and are correspondingly open to undue influence. This today is the great burden upon the civic life of every democratic community, and democracy is today on trial in no other direction more seriously than in this, its inability promptly and adequately to educate its less intelligent voters and to hold them to any adequate sense of their electoral responsibilities. In­creasing the number of such voters would be a disaster. 
3. 
It will introduce new elements of evil into corrupt politics, be­cause women are women and not men. Their entrance into corrupt political life so far as they would enter it, and many would, because women are not all saints, would be the introduction of an unspeakable element of public demoralization, to offset which it would be necessary to show that the benefit of having good women enter politics would far counterbalance this evil, which unfortunately is not demonstrable. 

4. 
It will cost women the loss of much of the personal influence which they now possess. So far as women have influenced legislation and public officers, and their influence has been constant and effective in may directions, it has been due to the character and the intelligence of the women who advocated good causes. Does any one think that the late Mrs. Josephine Shaw Lowell, of blessed memory, would have had more influence in the State of New York than she did if she had had the ballot? 

5. 
It will add a new excitement to lives already greatly overexcited, especially in the cities. One of the chief problems of our American life today is to protect even the men from pressure of overstrain. We are seeing many of the strongest fall apd die in the prime of middle life because the burden of life is too heavy for them. The suffrage will add one more to these destructive influences. 

6. 
It will divert the attention of the women from the agencies for good which are now within their reach. 

7. 
And, finally, it introduces a terrible risk into the life ()f the state because, once given, it is unalterable. The experiment must be tried, if at all, in its entirety. The women recognize the little value of the attempts that have been made of giving them a limited suffrage. In Massachusetts, where thirty years ago women were permitted to vote in educational matters, it is a complete failure. In one hundred eighty cities and towns of Massachusetts last year not a single woman voted. In France, more recently, women have been permitted to vote for the judges of the commercial courts, though more women are en­gaged in business in France than in any other country, and French wo.men are proverbially expert as business women, hardly a woman has voted. And in the cases where small groups did appear to vote they were found to be clerks in banks whose officers sent them out for 


the purpose. Therefore, it must be tried, if today we would satisfy its advocates, without limitation. It must be given to women very much as the ballot was given to the liberated slaves of the South. We certainly do not want to find ourselves under the necessity of trying to take it back, because of the evils which it may be found to produce, by methods like those which the southern states have felt compelled to protect themselves,-methods obviously more disastrous to the morals of the state than the evils which they were set to remedy. 
It must, therefore, be recognized that while woman's suffrage may be called an experiment, if it be once granted, it ceases that instant to become experimental; but becomes, for better or worse, an unalter­able fact in political life, with probable consequences far too serious to make the thought of the experiment even tolerable, not to say prudent. 
Thus, for every reason, both positive and negative, the claims of woman's suffrage are unsound, and ought to be resisted. 
WRONGS AND PERILS OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE 
J. M. BUCKLEY. 
(Century. 48 :613-23. Aug. 1894.) The practical objections to woman suffrage can be most clearly stated as follows: 
1. 
Universal suffrage exists in the United States with the excep­tion of certain classes. It is an unreasonable expectation that this policy will be changed. If women are to be admitted to the suffrage, all of sound mind, of legal age, not disfranchised by the effect of crime or other specific causes applying equally to men, will be entitled to vote. This will add the more than three millions of negro women, all women without respect to intelligence, character, or race, except the Chinese and the Indians. In the whole country it will nearly double the vote, and in some states much more than double it. Similar considerations apply to jury duty, which is a concomitant of the ballot. That the nation has gone so far in a dangerous path does nat make it necessary to proceed farther. 

2. 
The physiological and pathological reasons for the abstention of women from political work and excitement are not diminished but increased by the complexity of modern civilization. Exceptional cases of voluntary endurance of physical and mental strain, exhibited by the triumph of certain women in the contests of scholastic life, or in bearing unusual burdens in business, should not divert attention from the usual facts of personal or domestic life, or from the fact that a 


large proportion of the best women in youth, middle life, and age will be unable to respond to demands upon them at set times, in storm or calm, for the different forms of service involved in voting and hold­ing office, or in securing the qualifications for one or the other. 
Here and there a physician may evoke smiles and compliments from advocates of the suffrage for women by declaring that he knows of no anatomical or physiological impediment to the assumption by women of political life. But the medical faculty as a whole have no sympathy with his sycophancy, and the common sense of the race, and the observation and experience of most women, concur with them rather than with those who would render legal and necessary the participation of the whole sex in the agitations and exposures of cam­paigns and elections. 
3. Women suffrage can not achieve what its advocates expect. They think that it will reform public morals, close the saloons and other places of evil resort, and realize absolute prudence, honesty, and economy in management. 
Laws that do not carry the votes of a majority of the men of a community can not be executed. Law-abiding citizens require no force to induce obedience; but those disposed to break the law can be compelled to keep it only by force. There is a natural instinct in man which leads him to submit to persuasion by women, and to resist force applied by them. It can not be eradicated by philosophy, refinement, or religion, and in every generation reappears with undiminished vigor. If women were admitted to political life, the tendency would be for both parties to pass all kinds of laws to please women, which would be dead letters unless they carried the judgment of the majority of the male citizens. In the absence of this, to enforce them would involve a change in the character of the government in the direction of despotism. 
4. 
Religious feuds would affect political life much more than under present circumstances. It is of immense importance to the wel­fare of this country that the separation of church and state be com­plete. The feelings of women upon the subject of religion are so in­tense that the· franchise, in a large majority of instances, would be exercised under the power of religious prejudices. John Bright, in one of his most important speeches on this subject, exclaimed, ''Of one thing there is no doubt: the influence of priest, parson, and minister will be greatly increased if this measure is passed.'' 

5. 
Chivalry, with its refining influemce over men, m1tst pass away when women become politicians. It is not a favorable portent that of late it has become customary for the advocates of women suffrage to disparage that chivalrous feeling which causes normal men, wherever 


modern civilization exists, to treat women with deference, and to be ready to extend them needful aid. At present one of the chief refin­ing elements of society is the respect felt for women as such of men. Even those who voluntarily form evil associations still esteems the ideal woman. The passing or decline of this sentiment is equally unfavorable to both; for it will accustom men to resist the influence of women. 
That it will be undiminished when the fierce conflicts of party politics are involved is an unwarranted hope. All special courtesy to women grows out of the recognition of a kind of influence peculiar to them, and a dependence on their part which must be swept away when they contend on the same plane with men in the political arena. There are many indications that it lessons in proportion as women come forward to compete with men in public life and in business. In the latter case it is one incidental result of a necessity; but it will be the natur1!.l consequence of a condition when women appear in politics. 
In England, when women first appeared upon the hustings, they were received with the old chivalry, but in recent elections, the con­test being fierce, all respect has disappeared. Noted women were treated most disrespectfully in the very heart of London, and people of all parties agree that England has never seen so much participation of women, or such rude treatment of them, as in the last election. In Wales, M:rs. Cornwallis West tried to quell a disturbance among the electors who refused to hear Colonel West speak. She obtained a momentary hearing, but the disorder revived, and she exclaimed with much heat, ''I am an Irish woman, but it was not until I came to Wales that I found men capable of refusing to hear a woman who was pleading a cause. '' She was silenced by yells and hisses, and was :finally compelled to retire from the platform. 
6. The introduction of women into political life will increase ib bitterneiss. 'l'hat politics creates violent feuds is too evident to be questioned. At present they are modified by the undisturbed relatio11s between the wives, mothers, daughters, and sisters of the combatants. When the struggle has been decided at the polls, these social relations serve to bring about a calm and the resumption of personal harmony. 
In this country these liabilities have been illustrated where women have come into anything analogous to political life. The feud that existed for years between two wings of the Woman Suffrage Associa­tion in the United States is ancient but still instructive history. 
The Woman's Christian Temperance Union, organized for the pro­motion of an end in which all were agreed, managed by leaders to whom all were accustomed to defer, would not be expected to have any serious difficulty. But when a feud arose which ostensibly began becanse of a divergence of opinion with respect to the relation which the Union should sustain to political parties, it speedily became intense, and a distinguished woman, the leader of the minority, more than intimates concerning the national president, that, in all her great work she has been seeking a background for her personal exploits, and a theatre for the exercise of her wonderful powers and accomplishments. 
To this, by order of the executive committee, a reply was prepared by a sub-committee of four women of national recognition, which, after making various charges, culminates in a passage unsurpassed in sting of innuendo: ''Whatever values she has won as chairman of the Woman's Republican National League, as one of the famous 'spell­binders, ' and wife of a Republican official, she has lost the faith of her old comrades in her sincerity, the chaplet of their admiring love, and the crown of leadership in the grandest body of women known in the world.'' 
The closest approximation to political life on a national scale ever made in this country was the National Board of Lady Managers of the World's Fair. There were women of high character and social influence, most of them accustomed to various forms of public life, selected because of their standing in the states whence they came. A large proportion of them at all times spoke and acted in such a manner as to command universal respect, and their work as a whole secured the approbation of the country. 
But the board had honot'S to confer, awards to make, and patronage 
to distribute. Discord arose between the secretary and the president, 
the former being a lawyer and a noted advocate of woman suffrage. 
This controversy lasted for months, threatening to embroil the cou11­
try. Jealousy of the president's failure to introduce some of her 
colleagues to the Duchess de Veragua caused a stormy scene. Later, 
another charged a woman in higher office with instructing the presi­
dents of the various meetings to exclude her from participation in the 
speaking. Owing to various bitter quarrels among the members, the 
factional opposition, the president intimated her intention to resign. 
Itmust be remembered that the president was a woman of tact and of 
rare ability as a presiding officer. On one day, after a long alterca­
tion accompanied by many personal contradictions, the board stopped 
business, and the members left the hall in confusion without adjourn­
ing. A sectional war broke out, when a lady exclaimed with reference 
to the nomination of jurors, "New Work has eight representatives and 
North Dakota none. I want to know the reason why. There is some­
thing crooked going on here, and I am going to find it out.'' 
Subsequently several women commissioners appealed to the National 
Wom.an Suffrage-Negative 
Commission against alleged injustice. And later, in open debate, one delegate charged another with being ''an arrogant, malicious, inju­rious, and vindictive woman,'' which caused intense general excite­ment accompanied by ejaculations and tears. For several days the disturbance was renewed; but peace was finally made, and the account of the controversy was expunged from the records. Such was the effect of these scenes that some of the members of the board reversed their opinion on the desirableness of woman's entering political life. 
Further illustrations appeared during the recent canvass in the State of New York for petitions to strike out the word male from the Constitution, when a counter-movement was begun by women. The protestants were characterized by educated ladies in public assemblies as "traitors to their sex," "copper-heads," "betrayers of the cause of women,'' and such was the intensity of the feelings that these terms and phrases evoked general applause. The women who presumed to resist the innovation were characterized by one of their sisters, in a contribution to an important periodical, as ' ' parasites who have mentally retrograded. '' 
7. 
It will place a new and terrible strain upon the family relation. 

8. 
To invest her with the responsibility of voting will diminish the real power of woman in speech. 

9. 
It may re·asonably be expected to deteriorate the moral tone of most of the women who become political leaders, and affect unfav·or­ably all who take an active part in politics; and it will introduce dangerous forms of corruption. 


Should the suffrage be extended to women the grant can never be recalled. Experiments in legislating upon economic questions, even if unwise, need not be permantly harmful, for they may be repealed; but in dealing with the suffrage, or with moral questions, new laws, if bad, are exceedingly dangerous. They will develop a class lowered in tone, or deriving personal, pecuniary, or political advantages from the new environment, who will vehemently declare that the effect of the innovation is beneficial, and resist all efforts to return to the former state. 
Should the duty of governing in the state be imposed upcm women, all members of society will suffer; children, by diminished care from their mothers; husbands, from the increase of the contentions, and the decline of the attractions of home; young men and maidens, from the dimunition or the destruction of the idealism which invests the family with such charms as to make the hope of a home of one's own, where in the contrasts of the sexes life may be ever a delight, an im­pulse to economy and virtue-but the greatest sufferer will be woman. Often those who recollect her genuine freedom of speech, "the might 
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of her gentleness,'' the almost resistless potency of her look and touch and voice, will long for the former proud dependence of woman on manliness, reciprocated by man's reverence for womanliness; while ''the new generation, to whom such sweet recollections will be un­known, will blindly rave against their fate or despondently sink under it, as women have never done (from similar causes) under the old regime.'' Meanwhile the office-holding, intriguing, campaigning, lobbying, mannish woman will celebrate the day of emancipation,­which, alas, will be the day of degradation,-when, grasping at sovereignty, she lost her empire. 
The true woman needs no governing authority conferred upon her by law. In the present situation the highest evidence of respect that man can exhibit toward woman, and the noblest service he can per­form for her, are to vote nay to the proposition that would take from her the diadem of pearls, the talisman of faith, hope, and love, by which all other requests are won from men, and substitute far it the iron crown of authority. 
SCIENTIFIC ASPECTS OF THE WOMAN SUFFRAGE 
QUESTION 

MRs. MARY K. SEDGWICK 
( Gunton 's Magazine. 20 :333-44. Apr. 1910.) Our trouble lies in calling women a distinct class, and in regarding the question from the point of view of the individual rather than the whole state or nation. The men and women of a given stratum of society form one class together; for men and women living together, whether in tenements or in palaces, are not antagonistic nor even indif­ferent to each other's welfare. It is only in comparing the exceptional woman with the average man, or the educated and public-spirited woman with the ignorant laborer that we get an apparent basis for equal suffrage. The whole agitation is founded upon a misapprehen­sion of the social unit, which is not the individual but the family, of which each part contributes its share to the general good. Those who argue that woman would purify politics think of women of the higher tpye, more concientiaus than men of less education and lower moral standards. But the vote of this kind of woman does not replace that of the idle, worthless man. If she votes, so does he, and the women of his family. Where is the gain of doubling the vote with­out improving the quality1 
WORKING-WOMEN AND ANTI-SUFFRAGE 
PRISCILLA LEONARD 
(Haper's Bazar. 43 :1169-70. Nov. 1909.) Why is the working-girl illy paid, forced to work under unhealth­ful conditions, and exploited generally? There are three main reason'S. Every one of them is economic and absolutely unremediable by a vote or twenty votes. 
(1) 
'l'here is an oversupply of working-girls in all the poorly paid trades. 

(2) 
The working-girl works largely for pin-money, not for a living wage. 

(3) 
Her working period is usually temporary. 


In a trade in which there is not an oversupply of women applicants and in which their work is equal to that of men, they command the same wages. Take novel-writing, for example. Mrs. Humphry Ward's prices are the top of the trade. Take Melba and Patti-they can not complain of low wages. Rosa Bonheur and Cecelia Beaux suffer no injustice in competing with men. Hetty Green can get as much out of the money market as any broker. Even in the teaching profession, the agitation of the woman teachers of New York State to have their wages equalized with those of men by act of the legis­lature would seem absurd to the Californians, for the California women teachers receive the same wages as the men without any laws on the subject whatever, because there are never more than enough of them to s;upply the demand. (In Colorado, by the way, an equal-suf­frage state, the women teachers, at last accounts, do not receive as much as the men teachers-showing that economics do not depend on politics there any more than in other places.) But an overcrowded trade is always illy paid-that is economic law. And the working­girls who suffer most, and whom all women want to help, are invariably in the overcrowded trades. 
The result of oversupply is that the employer can fix his own prices. If three girls are all trying for the same job (and more than likely there are thirty than three after it) wages can be lowered and yet lowered and there will still be girls enough left to fill the factory or the store or the laundry. With men this situation has been realized long ago-and the powerlessness of a vote to affect it-and men have, therefore, organized their labor. When men's wages go too low or their hours are too long they strike and gain their point-if they gain at all-by cutting off the supply of labor. That is an economic move­and therefore affects things. But politics do not control economics­if they did every laboring man who is a voter would be getting two dollars a day at least and no days laid off. 
WHY I DO NOT BELIEVE IN WOMAN SUFFRAGE 
MRS. HUMPHREY wARD 
(Ladies' Home Journal. 25 :15. Nov. 1908.) There is, and always will be, a natural division between the spheres of men and women; an axiom we may deny as we will, and which has a way in the end of ''proving' ' itself ''upon our pulses.'' Is there any reasonableness in denying that men have built up the modern political state, and that men must maintain it1 The modern state, as we know, depends ultimately on force. This is constantly disputed by the idealists of the world; but if it were not the case mankind would not be spending these vast sums, all over the earth, on armies and navies; The Hague Conference would not have refused to admit any discussion as to the limitation of armaments ; and your President, the chief,-as you yourselves insist-of the most pacific nation in the world, would not have sent a recent message to Congress, asking for four new battleships of the most advanced and formidable type. Women may say what they please, but the whole present state of the cfvilized world shows that force, physical force, armed with the most deadly inventions known to the brain of man, is what each modern state in the long run and in the last resort depends on for its national existence. We may lament that it is so; we may look forward to a time when the world will be really ruled by arbitration ; but that day is a long way off. And, meanwhile, women have no right to claim full political power in a state where they can never themselves take the full responsibility of their actions because they can never be called upon finally to enforce them. There is a greatness in self-restraint, as there is a greatness in self­assertion. Let us insist with all our will on our public right to educate children, to have a say in reforming the dwellings of the poor, in the moral and physical purification of our towns, in the brightening of our country life, in the national care of the sick and insane, and upon equal opportunities with men in the realms of science and art. But let us, in the name of common sense, leave to men the franchise which determines war and peace, diplomacy and finance, and those vast industrial affairs which are exclusively masculine-the franchise which elects the president and Congress, and puts a British prime minister in power. 
WHY WOMEN DO NOT WANT THE BALLOT 
WILLIAM CROSWELL DOANE 
(North American Review. 161 :257-67. Sept., 1895.) 
1. 
Suffrage is not a right of anybody. It is a privilege granted by the constitution to such persons as the framers of the constitution and the founders of the government deem best. 

2. 
The old political proverb, ''No taxation without representa­tion," is utterly inapplicable to this question. It grew out of the tyrannical action of a government ''across the sea,'' in which no one of all the people on whom the tax was levied had the faintest voice in the framing of the laws or in the choice of the government. We may be said to have in this country a great deal of representation without taxation, because, in thousands of instances, voters, and in­deed the very men who impose the tax, own no property at all. But women who are taxed are represented by their relatives, by their potent influence, and by men's sense of justice, amounting even to chivalry, which the woman suffragists are doing all they can to destroy, but which has secured to them far more protection, far more independent control of their property, than men have reserved to themselves. The complement and object of taxation is not the right to vote, but the protection of property. And women's property is better protected than men's. 

3. 
Equality does not mean indentity of duties, rights, privileges, occupations.. The sex differences are proof enough of this. The paths in which men and women are set to walk are parallel, but not the same. And the equilibrium of society can not be maintained, nor the equipoise of the body, unless this is recognized. And St. Paul put it forcibly long ago: ''If the whole body were hearing, where were the smelling?'' Over-stocked professions, men and women crowding each other in and out of occupations, neglected duties, responsibilities divided until they are destroyed, must be the result if this unnatural idea be enforced. 

4. 
The theory of increased wages for women, to be secured by giving votes to women-workers, is equally preposterous. Wages, like work, are regulated by the unfailing law of supply and demand. Work can not be created, and wages tan not be forced up. If there are too many workers there will be less employment and lower pay. 


IMPEDIMENTS TO WOMAN SUFFRAGE 
MRS. GILBERT E. JONES 
(North American Review. 190 :158-69. Aug. 1909.) There is little doubt that we are indulging in a twentieth century "feminist" movement. It has been tried in the past and history repeats itself. Women have made themselves felt in the destiny of nations before now, and it will be interesting and instructive to see if the women's political efforts of today will be effectual and whether the results will be permanent. The plea of the suffragists is for the equality of the sexes. They assume, as a rule, that women have been browbeaten and down­trodden; that they are now awakening; and if we are willing to admit the equality of the sexes, that they should stand on equal footing in the pursuit of industry and in the control of the government which they must obey. The anti-suffragists grant the equality of the sexes. Men are no better than the women, and science assures us that they are no more intelligent. But the "Anti" insists that the difference be­tween the sexes shall not be ignored. Consequently all suffrage argu­ments may be reduced to the proposition of "equality"; all anti­suffrage argument to that of "differentiation." The "woman-suffrage" agitation has been in active operation since 1848. In these sixty years many more complex issues have been be­fore the public and have been more generally and keenly felt. Slavery has been abolished, the Spanish war has been fought, and the silver problem has been settled, but we still have the woman-suffrage ques­tion with us, after sixty years of dispute, from Massachusetts to Cali­fornia. Of late the efforts of the suffragists have been more pro­nounced, but their failures have increased proportionately. In the last twelve years the legislatures of the various states have turned down suffrage proposals on an average of once in every twenty-seven days. Why is it that the American public can not be aroused? Such a simple issue, such simple arguments should have caught the popular imagination long ago. Public opinion has been at white heat many times in this interval. Take the Civil War, for instance: the nation was determined to give the negro political equality; it was willing to go through a long and bloody war, and to give the lives of 500,000 men to have it done. The suffragists have been telling us, ever since the days of Lincoln, that we are denying our mothers, sisters, wives, and daughters a privilege to which they have as much right as the negro. Why is it that they have not set the country aflame, from one end to the other, with this argument Y If they are right, the men of 
this country are not only unfair, but tyrannical, and public opinion, on which our government depends, has been countenancing manifest in­justice. But even if they are wrong, if women have not the same right to political equality that all men have, why have they not succeeded? One would suppose the claims of the suffragist enough to rouse the most indifferent, so what have really been the impediments? 
The thorough reform in the laws regarding women is unquestionably one impediment; the great respect which the American man has for the American woman is another. In no other country and in no other time has women been held in such high estimation as she is in the United States of America today. She has never before had such com­plete educational and industrial opportunities offered her. In social, civic, philanthropic centres she is a leading power. More women have their individual bank accounts here than in any other part of the world. Woman is granted freedom of religious expression, freedom of speech and pen, freedom from a too conservative home life and parental dependence. Complete emancipation is hers, if she chooses to find it-from a ''preacher in the pulpit'' to a ''full-fledged black­smith"-from "motherhood" to female "bachelorhood." The Ameri­can woman of today, the average woman, is further in advance of the average woman of other countries than is any other class of our population, and all this without the ballot. So where is the practical injustice in not granting women the vote? 
No one can deny the equality of the sexes, but there is still a chasm betwe~n them, in spite of the fact that the heights on either side are equally majestic. This chasm has never been adequately explored, but it will not for that reason do to tell us that it does not exist. It is by instinct rather than by reason that the great American public has remained passive on this subject. The American man feels strongly that he is, and must always be, the protector of his ''women folk.'' He does not ask why; he knows that it is true. He also feels dimly that the demand of women for the ballot "to protect them­selves'' is inconsistent with his protectorate. He is willing to give women everything they ask. But if he is going to protect women he will not give them the "ruling power." He can not, therefore, be aroused to enthusiasm on the subject. T'he women feel this as strongly as the men, and that is why they can not be aroused. That this attitude is unreasoning must be to a great extent admitted; that it is prejudiced must be strongly denied. It is an unstudied acknowledgment of the distinction between the sexes. If it is to be removed, then there will go with it much of the best that there is in men and women. When men come to feel that they are no longer the protectors of their wives, daughters, mothers and sisters, and when the women look to t'he ballot for their protection rather than to their husbands, sons and fathers, then woman suffrage will be a necessity and public opinion will be clamoring for it. But till this is true the subject will be one to which the American people will remain in.different. 
WOMAN SUFFRAGE PRO AND CON 
CHARLES WORCHESTER CLARK 
(Atlantic Monthly. 65 :310-20. March, 1890.) What would be the effect of woman 's participation in politics on her character and life? Would she find herself burdened by an addi­tional duty, or uplifted by the inspiration of broader interests f Women have their share of the world's work as it 1s, and on the principle of division of labor the duties of government should be left where they now are, with men. But, on the other hand, women ought not to be discouraged from entering any field of thought, least of all, as the English petitioners say, ''the concerns of their country.'' Is participation in political action, then, essential to interest in politi­cal subjects? In certain cases, doubtless, it creates such an interest; it must be observed, however, that many of our most intelligent men, though to their shame, neglect their public duties entirely. The educating power of the ballot is much exaggerated in popular estima­tion. Some women might be aroused by its possession, but only a few. Moreover, even for these few there is danger that the right of suffrage would develop false ideals. The work of the home is already too much put off upon school and church. The idea seems to be prevalent in some quarters that commonplace women will do well enough for mothers, but that superior women should teach. One of the latter class has lately said that a college graduate "had no business to go and get married." It was "obtaining her education on false pre­tenses.'' Her higher duty lay in the schoolroom. In the same way, the past year has furnished abundant illustration, in its prohibition campaigns, of the notion that the ballot, woman's ballot if she had it, could do the work for morality which the home, the church, and the school combined have failed to do. If women actually had the ballot, those of them who cherish this mistake would indulge in it still further, and until disappointment taught them wisdom, would neglect their real opportunities for their imaginary ones. They would lower themselves in the delusion that they were elevating politics. In this respect, then, to just what extent it is idle to conjecture, woman suffrage might at present, in this country, have an injurious effect on her ideals and life. I do not wish to magify this danger, nor to under­
rate the benefit which the franchise would confer on women who have both opportunity and disposition to make the most of it. Its influence in enlarging their range of thought, and in giving them one more com­mon interest with men, would be one certain good result of their enfranchisement; but it would be realized by comparatively few. 'l'o the majority, suffrage would be only a burdensome duty, sometimes ill performed, more often neglected. 
There seem to be two theories of women among those who hope for her future. With no others have we anything to do. According to one view, she is a creature in an inferior position; oppressed, kept in subjection, held down by the might of man; a creature without op­portunities, or chance to show what she is, or what she can do. The laws are against her; customs are but seemingly in her favor; polite­ness is a gilded form of contempt. If this theory be true, then by all means, let emancipation be eagerly pursued, and brought about as soon as possible. Let liberty have her full course. Hands off! We must all conspire to lift women up; to put them on the same level with us; to abolish every vestige of ownership or subjugation. Every right­minded man desires no less than this. The other theory regards woman as an independent creature; with a genius of her own, having a record in the past, a work in the present, a career in the time to come, providentially placed and equipped, and simply misapprehended. If this account be received, then all she needs is appreciation, a healty welcome, an honest sympathy. Encourage her shyness. Ap­plaud her achievements. Let all doors that lead into cellars be kept shut. Let her not be set to tasks that she can not perform. Let her not be invited to imitate men, or to enter into competition with them. Let her services to society be gratefully acknowledged and more like them be asked for. She is the complement of man, and of course man can not get along without her. If he is the hand, she is the heart; not his superior, but his equal in another sphere. It is needless to say that this latter theory is the one accepted here. 
WHY THE SUFFRAGE SHOULD NOT BE GRANTED TO 
WOMEN 

RosE TERRY Coo:rrn 
(Extracts from The Chautauquan, April, 1891. Vol. XIII.) Women are physically unfitted to vote. Their nervous organiza­tion is subject to :fluctuations, which as every physiologist knows, affect their reason and judgment. Women are mentally unfitted to vote. While I have the greatest 
respect for women as women, and consider them in many respects supe­rior and in some others equal to men, I can not deny that their mental constitution is entirely different, and entirely incapable of grappling with many questions that are everyday matters to the understanding of men. They have keener apprehension of absolute ethics than men, no doubt; but in the political issues of the day, ethics are out of place, expediency is the desirable thing. Women argue concerning things as they shonld be, men consider things as they are. No amount of train­ing could ever remold a true womanly nature to accept evil as a necessary factor, a thing to be appealed and persuaded in managing any form of government. 
The great danger that threatens every republic is the ignorance of the masses, who, in fact, conduct that form of government. It is the influx of foreign ignorance en masse that threatens our own country hourly. A republic is a splendid theory but it demands theoretic men to sustain it; ignore it as we may, there are millions of men in the world for whom despotism is a necessity, and it is this class who im­migrate to us every day, who are undermimng our institutions and shaking the very pillars whereon the house standeth, like their vengeful prototype. If women suffrage is to be allowed we double not only the numerical force of this threatening majority, but its moral-or immoral-influence. 
Let our women, ali our women, learn to cook even poor material into savory food, let them make clean and cheerful homes, bring up their children to consider drunkenness a sin instead of a misfortune, and make the men about them feel that a drunkard is an object 'lf disgust and abhorrence, and they will more surely bring about the reform they covet than by trying to make laws that in the nature of things must be useless and therefore harmful. 
Again, it is said that the influence of our women at the ballot-box will be an influence of refinement; that their presence will control the rudeness and profanity of the stronger sex; here comes in again the refuting argument of the average woman. We see very day, in the journals of the day, that among that class of women who will form the majority of our voters if female suffrage is allowed, the profanity, the brutality even, of their own class of men is not checked or re­strained. Indeed they are themselves the victims of a cruelty and evil atmosphere which they can not escape, much less control. Why should they be more successful in the crowds that swarm about the ballot­box T 
It is also offered that women have finer and nobler instincts than men. That is true, but how will it help their voting T Those who are married will surely vote as their husbands tell them, unless their orders are contrary to those of their priests. The unmarried will be equally influenced by fathers, sons, brothers, or lovers. The old French judge said, whenever a male criminal was brought before him, "Who is the woman?" It might be asked with equal fitness of every feminine action, "Who is the man?" for as was said by another Frenchman of a certain authoress, "Every woman who writes has one eye on a man, except the Princess Hahn-Hahn, who has only one eye.'' In effect the vating of women would be merely to duplicate the votes of men, a result not to be desired. 
And, finally, the voting of women would be the usurpation of the rights of men. The sexes are reciprocal, not identical, a truth the eager shriekers for woman's rights persistently ignore. It is not the rights of women as women they demand, but the right crf women to be men, which neither nature nor education can achieve; for God in the beginning made them a separate creation: ''male and female created He them," and constructed the woman to be "an kelpmeet for" the man; not a duplicate of himself, but a counterpart; to help, to console, to purify. If she has failed of her true work, will it help her or the man to take up his share of the labor of life and leave her own to perish1 Never! However sin and folly may try to elude or ignore it, God's ordinance is not destroyed by their small sneers. His word will not return unto Him void; the foundation standeth sure, it is the Lord's. 
ARGUMENTS AGAINST WOMAN SUFFRAGE 
JOSEPHINE HENDERSON 
(Extract from The Chautauquan.) The conservatism of a large class of well-read and intelligent women is worthy of consideration. Enfranchisement should not precede the wish for it. She hesitates to add one more burden when she sees hcrw life has already :filled full her hands, her head, and her heart. On the other hand, suppose this class and all others should ask the privilege of voting ·and get it-would no perplexities arise Y Until there is a reconstruction of the elements that go to make up woman, she will be a partisan-persons, ncrt principles, will interest her su­premely ; special ''causes'' will appeal to her; again, supreme indiffer­ence will control her; she will always be an uncertain quantity in poli­tics. One result of universal suffrage will be simply to increase the num­ber of voters; the vote of the respective fathers, husbands, and brothers will be increased by their respective households. Numbers would be materially changed, not results. 
It is well-nigh impossible to conduct an election without in,iustice, fraud, or crime, so large are the numbers to be handled; woman's suf­frage would increase enormously the difficulty, and who is bold enough to say that women would be free from unwise, not to say ignorant or unscrupulous voting 1 
It is assumed because women can not vote that they are not a power in politics. It is a false assumption. Many a man can trace his rise in position to the favor of some woman. To be the power behind the throne is often as valuable as to be on the throne itself. Can you imagine that the woman who now has every intellectual field open to her, waiting for her to come in and occupy, and she will not, that such a one will be a power in the state, simply by casting a ballot ~ All admit that possibly more laws affecting the moral welfare would be passed by woman's vote; we are not suffering from a lack of laws, but because they are not better obeyed. ''The world is too much gov­erned.'' 
If you fill one place you must empty another. Ask the man who has attained an office if he did not lose something to get it. The law of compensation is being overlooked as regards this subject. Woman has only so much strength, nerve, and brain ; just so much of these as she gives to public affairs, just so much she takes from her own life and the lives of those dependent upon her. Why give up a positive good for an uncertain one? 
REAL CASE OF THE REMONSTRANTS AGAINS'l' WOMAN SUFFRAGE 
0. B. FROTHINGHAM 
(Arena. 2:175-81. June, 1900.) The fact that woman exerts power instead of force is a reason for keeping her in her present condition, which is one of command. Wen­dell Phillips used to say that she had too much power, and ought to be held to more responsibility; but how voting wot1.ld secure this I can not imagine, especially in these days of a secret ballot. Governments ought to rest upon power; they do, in fact, in the final resort, rest upon force, and this is embodied in the male sex. Termagants may borrow what comfort they can from the King of Dahomey 's body­guard of females, but the King of Dahomey does not rank high among monarchs; neither do those who compose his body-guard rank high among women. Their feminine attributes are of the smallest. The necessities of the "service" have not proven favorable to their woman­hood. It is true that on ordinary occasions a large number of men are 
released from military duty. The crisis seldom occurs when those un­der the legal line or above it are called. Still, they may be, they are liable. At one period of our Civil War we were grateful for the re­serve of women who could not be summoned to the front, and who were at liberty to wait on the wounded in :hospitals, to solace the dying, to manage sanitary fairs, and attend to the various works of mercy, while stronger arms wielded weapons. It is a grand position, that of stand­ing outside of strife and using moral power alone, keeping alive pa­triotism, inspiring valor, holding up the highest aims, animating sons, husbands, fathers, and breathing an atmosphere of pity and heroism, aloof from the perils of camp life. This is a noble sort of disfranchise­ment, something wholly different from the disfranchisement of the pauper, the criminal, the insane. These are discharged; women are exempt. These are set aside as persons not human ; women are ab­solved as constituting a higher class. There is a very real distinc­tion betwen being placed among the beasts and being placed among the ' 'ministering angels. ' ' 
Another argument in favor of the retention of women of their pres­ent place is the preponderance in them of feeling, a preponderance that becomes the more striking as they become more perfect in the traits which distinguish the sex. This peculiarity acts as a disqualifi­cation in the sphere of pra.tical politics, which rests mainly on sagacity, but is invaluable as an influence on society. The consciousness of pos­sessing political responsibility may, in some cases, ennoble; though that will depend on circumstances. The possession of the ballot may some­times be of actual value. The strongest argument in favor of female suffrage I ever heard turned on this latter point. A poor woman was brought before a police justice, charged with some offense. The judge imposed the heaviest sentence that was allowed by law. A bystander observed to his companion, ''That woman ought to have been let off more easily." "Yes,'' replied the other, "she would have been if she could have helped herself. But, you see, she has no vote, and ours is an elective judiciary.'' Let us hope that all judges are not like that one, and that there are women who are not dragged before police courts. Whatever we may think of theoretical politics, the prac­tice of politics is not ennobling. The educating power of the suffrage is sometimes overestimated. It does educate in chicanery, cunning, the arts of party management, the market price of manhood, skill in offer­ing rewards for service. But does it educate in intelligence, a broad view of statesmanship, the love of justice, patriotism, humanity, re­spect for citizenship? Virtuous women can not be a.ware of the dan­gers they will have to encounter if they enter the political arena. So­ciety is not alive to the corruption that will follow the introduction of a 
new kind of bribery into national and state affairs. We need all the purity, modesty, reticence we can get, and it comes to us best, in the least adulterated form, from a class set apart and having simply a moral influence on the questions before the people. The importance of a mass of influence conditioned by moral restrictions alone can hardly be estimated too highly, and, at present, women hold this advantage. They will exert it more and more as they expand in the true graces that belong to their sex. Just now they come nearer to being a priv­ileged body than any other under the sun, as near as our American institutions permit. Much more truly privileged than any European order, because purely ethical in character, not formally instituted, but ordained by divine decree. Even now deference is paid them, but this deference is but a shadow of what will be when they fully justify their calling. The old feudal politeness is but a symbol of the respect that will be rendered by the best minds to the arbiters of a sacred destiny. It may be conceded that the actual woman is no more virtuous than the man, but her genius is certainly more ethereal; her temptation to earthliness is less; she is delivered from the necessity of wading through mud to a throne. 
SOME :b'ACTS AROUT SUFFRAGE AND ANTI-SUFFRAGB 
MRS. G. E. JONES 
(Forum. May, 1910.) 
Masculine hostility or indifference to Woman Suffrage may be an error, b11t it may also be an instinct. There must be a ground for hesitation in granting votes to women, if there still exists a large class of women who feel no drawing to the cause, together with a larger class who are really opposed to it, besides a larger majority of men who know that woman suffrage will prove unwise, inexpe­
dient and generally speaking, futile. 
If woman suffrage is to be granted, let it come because the wis­dom, strength and knowledge of women are all needed and manifest; because she has grown beyond the requirements of the home and care of children, society, manners and customs. 
What is wanted in politics is real work, thorough work, honest and more efficient work, not mere sham. Are women ready for bet­ter work than men are now doing? Hardly, and women will find it no task to do sufficiently well to outstrip the best class of political workers. The man is in constant ccntact with men, and face to face with events. He is in the larger world; he is everywhere, and he has become familiar with the workings of the political machinery. 
Women will always take observation from some protected quarter. They will generally obtain such fragments of legislation and activ­ities as appear on the surface. But of the vital, fighting, political struggle which constantly goes on, and not generally in public view, the woman will necessarily learn what she knows only by hear­say or from some male informer. Women are not concerned equally with men in the character of government, and they very rarely have an equal knowlege of political events, even when their fathers, hus­bands and brothers are statesmen or politicians. 
Woman suffragists proclaim that women need the ballot for their own protection-and that men make laws for women which are un­just and oppressive, and that women must have the law-making power in their own hands in order to secure fair play. American women do not need a law-making power-for, on the whole, the laws are even far more favorable to women (in many states) than they would have been if women, with their smaller understanding of vital conditions, had made the laws for themselves. 
Taxation without representation. is tyranny, but we must be very careful to define what we mean by the phrase. If we adopt the suf­frage attitude, ''I pay taxes, therefore I should vote,'' the natural conclusion is that everybody who pays taxes should vote, and we have a tyrannical form of government. This argument is used in an un­qualified way. We have a "tyranny" here, we are told, because some women pay taxes, yet do not vote. If this be true without any qualifications, it must be true not only of women, but of everybody. Accordingly this government is tyrannical if corporations pay taxes but do not vote ; if aliens pay taxes but do not vote; if minors pay taxes but do not vote ; if anybody pays taxes but does not vote. The only correct conclusion is, not that women should vote because some of them pay taxes, but that every taxpayer should be given the priv­ilege of the ballot. Under our system of indirect taxation it is al­most impossible to say that anybody is not a taxpayer-therefore, it would seem that every man, woman and child, naturalized or alien, and every corporation, should vote. The absurdity of this is evi­dent. Even if woman suffrage were granted, 50 per cent of the population would still be without the ballot, and every one of these could stand up and say, as the suffragists are saying now, " 'Taxa­tion without representation is tyranny.' I am taxed, but unrepre­sented, therefore I am being tyrannized over." It is clear that the phrase is distorted. 
Citizens can be and have been disfranchised, but can still remain citizens and have all of a citizen's privileges. Chief Justice Waite of the United States Supreme Court decided that citizenship carried with it no voting power or right, and the same decision has been handed down by many courts in disposing of other test cases. A citizen of the District of Columbia has all the privileges of citizen­ship, but he can not vote, since that is a state right, and the District of Columbia is not a state. 
Citizenship merely does not entitle a man to vote. Government grants that privilege and enrolls on its lists of voters those who must be made liable for the State's safety and stability. Government does not let a man vote just to express his viewpoints by dropping a bit of paper in the ballot box. It demands the service and alle­giance of a voter to the point of giving his life, as 500,000 men did during the civil war. 
Men and women could not enjoy our present civilization if gov­ernment had not that backing. In time of peace citizens must have a guarantee for life and property; it is just this force of the male voter that can be called upon when needed. This is a part of our strong constitutional, democratic government. 
Men and women are both citizens and enjoy exactly the same priv­ileges of governmental administration, such as gas, light, police; schools, sound money, protection of life and property, sewers, paved streets, transportation, hospitals, courts, judges, law and order, and what-not. 
Miss Summer, in her book, "Equal Suffrage," clearly shows that women and children are no better paid in the four states where women vote than in the states where they do not vote. In suffrage states, taking public employment as a whole, women receive consid­erably lower remuneration than men. As teachers, women receive lower salaries on the average than men, as is shown in Table 19 of Miss Summer's book. The conclusion is inevitable that, on the whole, men teachers are better paid in Colorado than women teach­ers. "Equal pay for equal work" does not exist in woman suf­frage states any more than it does elsewhere. These suffrage states are not very encouraging as object lessons. 
Colorado was admitted into the Union in 1876, and great efforts were made by the suffragists to secure the '' Centennial'' state. This resulted in the submis~ion of the question to the people, who re­jected it by a majority of 7 ,443 in a total vote of 20,665. From the :first of the agitation of the free coinage of silver, Colorado has been enthusiastically in favor of that measure. In 1892 her devotion to it caused all parties to unite on that issue, and gave the vote of the state to General Weaver, Populist candidate for President, and to David H: Waite, Populist candidate for Governor. The question of woman suffrage was resubmitted to the people at this election, and the constitutional amendment concerning it was carried by a major­ity of only 5,000 in a total vote of 200,000. Neither that movement nor its results present triumphant democracy. 
Colorado is most frequently cited as the banner suffrage state; yet there the granting of the ballot has not yet purified politics. The effect upon party politics has been very slight. Politics are as cor­rupt in Colorado as in any state jn the Union. Judge fondsey bas just written an article in ''Everybody's Magazine,'' entitled ''The Beast and the Jungle," which certainly does not indicate either peace or purity in politics. 
Probably the .Juvenile Court of Colorado has been most often pointed to as a triumph of a woman's ballet. Yet, in nineteen 01tt of the twenty-n-rn states which have Ju1•en·ile Com·ts today women do not vote. Moreover, in the four in which they do, two are without such courts. Nor was Colorado the first to establish such a court, but instead, Massachusetts, where three years before the women of the State had rejected equal suffrage. In other words, it would appear that the juvenile court can be and is achieved without the fernale ballot. In Colorado, divorces are more easily obtained than in our own Atate, and after a very short period of time. 
Suffragists say women should make their own laws-but, after forty years of woman suffrage in Utah and Wyoming, we find that like all other states, men make the laws and women derive many benefits from them. \Vomon do nat do jury duty, and are not judged by peers of their own sex, nor is there any demand for such a state of affairs. 
Utah was the first territory in this country in which woman suf­frage gained a foothold. Woman suffrage was coincident with the establishment of the Mormon church, and it came as a legitimate part of the union of church and state, of communism, of polygamy. 'l'he dangers that especially threaten a constitutional or republican form of government are anarcky, communism, and religious bigotry; and two of these found their fullest expression in this country in tht Mormon creed and practice. Fidelity to Mormonism was disloyalty to the United States governmeRt. The Mormon church is the greatest political power in any of the suffrage states. By the very nature of its teachings, and as indicated by Brigham Young himself, the basis of the Morman church is woman. Thus the introduction of woman suf­frage within its borders was not only undemocratic-it was anti-demo­cratic. Utah has granted its women full suffrage for nearly forty years, and they have lived openly and defiantly in a state of com­plete polygamy, until a command for reform came from outside o:I'. the polygamous state. 
Anna Shaw says that a woman without a vote has no self-respect. 
Wom.an 's self-respect did not change this evil, and it is said that 
polygamy will continue in Utah, just because women exercise a political 
power. So much for self-respecting suffragists and Utah. 
Woman suffrage was secured in Wyoming by means that bring dis­honor upon democracy. Wyoming was organized as a territory in 1868. :Many of its native settlers were from Utah. The History of Woman Suffrage records the fact that the measure was secured in the first territorial legislature through the political trickery of an illit­erate and discredited man, who was in the chair. Mr. Bryce, in The American Commonwealth, alludes in a note to the same fact. Women voted in 1870. In 1871 a bill was passed repealing the suffrage act, but was vetoed by the governor on the ground that, having been ad­mitted, it must be given a fair trial. An attempt to pass the repeal over his veto was lost by a single vote. Certainly the entrance of woman suffrage into Wyoming was not a triitmph of democratic pro­g·ress and principle. 
In 1894 the populist party of Idaho put a plank in its platform favoring the submission of a woman-suffrage amendment to the people. In 1896 the free silver populist movement swept the state. A majority of the votes cast on the suffrage question were cast in its favor, but not a majority of all the votes cast at the election. The supreme courts have generally held that, in so important a matter, a complete majority vote was required, but the supreme court of Idaho did not so hold, and woman suffrage is now established in that state. This, also, is hardly a success of sound democracy. 
Women suffragists should be severely criticised for the vague way in which they promise the wage-earning women increase of wage, when the ballot is within her power. How this can be accomplished has not yet been demonstrated by the suffragists, and their promises are neither convincing nor instructive. The economic ''equality of the sexes'' can not be proven, and the ''antis'' challenge their opponents to show the ballot can be used to bring about the remedy in question for the wage earning woman. 
It is by instinct rather than by reason that the great American pub­lic has remained passive on this subject-our American man feels strongly that he is, and always must be, the protector of his "women folk.'' He does not ask why-he knows it is true. He also feels dimly that the demand of women for the ballot ''to protect themselves'' is inconsistent with the true American spirit. 
When men come to feel that they are no longer the protectors of their wives, daughters, mothers, and sisters, and when the women look to the ballot for their protection, rather than to their husbands, sons, and fathers, then woman suffrage will be a necessity and public opinion will be clamoring for it. 
Department of Extension 
CORRESPONDENCE DIVISION. 
The University of Texas now offers for home study correspondence courses as follows: 
CORRESPONDENCE COURSES OF COLLEGE GRADE. 
3 in Botany 4 in Greek 
7 in Civil Engineering 10 in History 
3 in Drawing 10 in Latin 
4 in Economics 11 in Law 
10 in Education 11 in Mathematics 
16 in Electrical Engineering 5 in Mining Engineering 
6 in English 6 in Philosophy 
6 in French 9 in Public Speaking 
3 in Geology 9 in Spanish 

17 in German 3 in Zoology 
1 in Government 

CORRESPONDENCE COURSES PREPARATORY TO TEACHERS' 
CERTIFICATES. 
Algebra History, General Bookkeeping Literature Chemistry Physics Geometry, Plane Psychology Geometry, Solid Trigonometry History of Education 
Since the Department of Extension was organized in 1909, over 1000 have registered for one or more correspondence courses of study. 
PUBLIC DISCUSSION .AND DEB.ATE DIVISION. 
This Division is engaged in the preparation of reference lists on subjects of general interest, and in the collection of small traveling libraries to be loaned to citizens of Texas upon application. Such lists are now ready upon the following subjects, those marked with a star (*) having traveling libra­ries: 
*Prohibition and the Liquor Problem. 
*Penitentiary Reform. 
Compulsory Education and Child Labor. 
Commission Form of City Government. 
*Municipal Ownership of Public Utilities. 
The Tariff and Free Raw Materials. 
Educational Improvement and Social Reform. 
*The Initiative and Referendum. 
*Woman Suffrage. 
PUBLIC LECTURE DIVISION 
Provision has been made to allow members of the staff <>f instruction to deliver public lectures in Texas towns, when asked to do so. About a hundred lectures in fifteen different lines of work are now available. 
For complete catalogue of the Department of Extension, address Director of the Department of Extension, University, Austin.