THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS BULLETIN No. 3542: November 8, 1935 CENTENNIAL DECLAMATIONS Bureau of Public School Interests Division of Extension PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AUSTIN Publications of The University of Texas Publications Committees : GENERAL: J. T. PATTERSON R. H. GRIFFITH LOUISE BAREKMAN A. SCHAFFER FREDERIC DUNCALF G. W. STUMBERG FREDERICK EBY A. P. WINSTON ADMINISTRATIVE: E. J. MATHEWS L. L. CLICK C. F. ARROWOOD C. D. SIMMONS E. C. H. BANTEL B. SMITH The University publishes bulletins four times a month, so numbered that the first two digits of the number show the year of issue and the last two the position in the yearly series. (For example, No. 3501 is the first bulletin of the year 1935.) These bulletins comprise the official publica­tions of the University, publications on humanistic and scientific subjects, and bulletins issued from time to time by various divisions of the University. The following bureaus and divisions distribute bulletins issued by them; communications concerning bulletins in these fields should be addressed to The University of Texas, Austin, Texas, care of the bureau or division issuing the bulletin: Bureau of Business Research, Bureau of Economic Geology, Bureau of Engineering Research, Bureau of Public School Interests, and Division of Extension. Communications concerning all other publications of the University should be addressed to University Publications, The University of Texas, Austin. Additional copies of this publication may be procured from the Bureau of Public School foterests, The University of Texas, Austin, Texas, at 35 cents per copy; four copies for $1 THK UNIVERSITY OP Tl!XAS PRHf ~ THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS BULLETIN No. 3542: November 8, 1935 CENTENNIAL DECLAMATIONS Bureau of Public School Interests Division of Extension PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY FOUR TIMES A MONTH AND ENTERED AS SECOND•CLASS MATTER AT THE POSTOFFICE AT AUSTIN, TEXAS, UNDER THE ACT OF AUGUST 24, 1912 The Lenefita of education and of useful knowledge, generally diffused through a community, are essential to the preservation of a free govern· ment. Sam Houston Cultivated mind is the guardian genius of Democracy, and w h i I e guided and controlled by virtue, the noblest attribute of man. It is the only dictator that freemen acknowl­edge and the only security which free­men desire. Mirabeau B. Lamar COPYRIGHT, 1935, BY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE I. COLONIZATION: FRENCH, SPANISH, ANGLO-AMERICAN Aims of Stephen F. Austin, The-Austin's Letters_ _____ 16 Heroic Character of Early Texas History-R. B. Hub­bard ---------------------------------------------------------------------------13 How a State Government in Texas Would Benefit Mexico-David G. Burnet________ ______ _ _____________________ 27 Imprisonment of Austin, The-Stephen F. Austin______ _ 19 Mal-Administration of Justice-David G. Burnet__________ 21 Separation from Coahuila-David G. Burnet__________________ 24 II. REVOLUTION AND REPUBLIC Appeal to the Mother Country-A. Houston_____ _____________ 38 Babe of the Alamo, The-Guy M. Bryan__________________ _______ 66 Battle of San Jacinto, The-A. W. Terrell_____________________ 72 Causes of the Texas Revolution-William H. Wharton __ 41 Death of General James Hamilton, The-L. T. Wigfall 64 Houston's Farewell to the San Jacinto Soldiers-Sam Houston ____________________-------------------------------------------------49 Inaugural Address at the San Felipe "Consultation"­ Branch T. Archer_______________________________________________________ 36 La Bahia-Thomas J. Rusk_______________________ _______________________ 50 Mexican Prisoners and Santa Anna-Mirabeau B. Lamar -------------------------------------------------------------------------54 "Our Purpose Is Freedom"-Stephen F. Austin____________ 47 Results of San Jacinto, The-Norman G. Kittrell_________ 74 Santa Anna-Mirabeau B. Lamar______________ ____________________ 52 Significance of San Jacinto, The-Tom Connally__________ 58 Significance of Texan Independence, The-Stephen F. Austin --------------------------------------------------------------------------67 Texas' Debt to General James Hamilton-£. T. Wigfall 61 Texas Declaration of Independence-Stephen F. Austin -----------------------------------------------------------------------70 Texas Shall Be Free-William H. Wharton____________________ 44 The Alamo-Tom Connally_________________________________ _ ________ _ ___ 57 Urging a General Consultation of the People of Texas -Stephen F. Austi"n___________________________________________________ 33 Contents PAGE III. SECESSION, WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION Cause of the South, The-J. W. Throckmorton_______ __ ____ 105 Irrepressible Conflict, The-John H. Reagan ______________ 95 Lee and Davis: a Comparison-Benjamin H. Hill__________ 100 On Texas Joining the Confederacy-Sam Houston__ _ ___ 87 On the Death of Charles Sumner-£. Q. C. Lamar________ 108 On the Secession Resolution of South Carolina-Sam Houston ____________ -----· _____ _____ --------------------------------------79 Right of Secession, The-Marcellus E. Kleberg_____________ 93 Sam Houston and Secession-J. C. Hutcheson ______ ____ ____ 90 Surrender and Reconciliation-John B. Gordon____________ 97 Texas and the South Loyal to the Union-R. B. Hub­ bard ___ ______ _________ - -----------------------------------------------------84 Texas' Duty to the Union-Sam Houston___ _ ___ _ ___ __ __ ______ 81 Tribu~e to the Civil War Veterans-J. W. Throck­morton ________ _________________----------------------------------------------102 IV. MODERN SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS Cast Down Your Buckets Where You Are-Booker T. Washington ___ ______ ________________ ____--------------------------------138 Duty of Combatting National Greed-Joseph W. Bailey ------------------------------------------------------------------------115 Evil of Party Spirit, The-Mirabeau B. Lamar_________ ____ 119 Government by Injunction-James S. Hogg _________________ 129 Human Rights vs. Property Rights-James S. Hogg____ 127 Let the Negro Have Justice-William H. Fleming_ __ _ 136 Liberty and License-Joseph W. Bailey ________________________ 113 Menace of Great Wealth, The-A. W. Terrell_ __ _____ ____ 131 Public Service of Farmers' Organizations-James S. Hogg ------------------------------- ------------------------------------------124 Sinister Power of the Lobby, The-James S. Hogg_____ 122 Texas' Distinctive Contributions to Social Welfare­George Clark -------------------------------------------------------------117 White Man's Burden, The-A. W. Terrell__ __ _________________ 133 V. EDUCATION Cultivated Mind-Edward Harris______________________ _________ 147 Education-Mirabeau B. Lamar____ __________________ ______ ___ _ 143 Education and Progress-A. G. Clopton___________ _ _______ _ _ 150 Contents PAGE Needs of Education in Texas, The-E. M. Pease____________ 152 State's Duty to the Child, The-Marcellus E. Kleberg_ 145 University and the State, The-Marcellus E. Kleberg__ 155 VI. BIOGRAPHY Albert Sidney J ohnston-R. V. Cook_______________________________ 173 Career of General Edmund Kirby Smith-T. N. WauL 195 Career of James Stephen Hogg-John M. Duncan________ 188 Career of Sam Houston, The-William J. Bryan____________ 166 Character of Judge Robert M. Williamson, The- George Clark ------------------------------------------------------------197 Character of Sani Houston, The-William J. Bryan______ 168 Character of Stephen F. Austin-Eugene C. Barker____ 163 John A. Wharton-David G. Burnet___________________________ __ 200 John H. Reagan-James S. Hogg ___________ _ _____ _ _ ____________ 180 Public Service of Governor James Stephen Hogg-J ohn M. Duncan____________________ _ _________________________________ 185 Religion of Governor James Stephen Hogg-A. W. Terrell --------------------------------------------------------------------190 Sam Houston: Statesman-William J. Bryan________________ 170 Service of Stephen F. Austin-Eugene C. Barker_________ 161 Tribute to General John B. Hood-John H. Reagan____ 177 Tribute to John H. Reagan-S. W. T. Lanham______________ 183 Tribute to Sidney Lanier-Walter B. Hill _________ ___________ 192 Tribute to Thomas J. Rusk-John H. Reagan________________ 175 VII. ORATORY Early Texans-A. W. Terrell_______________ _ ___ _ __ __________________ 223 Heroes of Peace-George Clark____________ _________________________ 211 Ireland and the Irish-Norman G. Kittrell___________ _ _ ___ 221 Jefferson Davis-Henry W. Grady_______________________________ 225 Serving the State-Pat M. Neff____________________ ____________ ___ 214 Southern Soldier, The-F. Charles Hume_ ________________ ___ 216 Southern Womanhood-£. S. Ross__ _____________ _ ______________ 209 Texas Indivisible-Norman G. Kittrell__ ______________________ 207 Texas One and Indivisible-Joseph W. Bailey________________ 205 Tribute to Albert Sidney Johnston-Norman G. Kit­trell ----------------------------------------------------------------------------231 Tribute to Alexander H. Stephens-Thomas E. Watson 227 True Patriotism-Father Kirwin___________________________ ____ 233 True Spirit for Independence Day-Yancey Lewis________ 218 Washington and Lee: a Comparison-£. Q. C. Lamar__ 229 HOUSE CONCURRENT fiESOLlJTION ~.... The Interscholastic League of Texas annually sponeore and holds declamation and essay contests in each Public School in the State of Texas; and \VHEBEAS. The Interscholastic League of Texas bas not included in the subject matter of such declamations and essays the lives and deeds of heroes of the Southern Confederacy and of the State of Texas; and JIHEBEAS. It is the sense of the Legislature of the State of Texas that such heroes should be named in the subject matter of the declamations and essays held by the Interscholastic League in the Public Schools thereof; now, therefore, be it BESOLVED by the House of Representatives of the State of Texas, the Senate concurring, That the Interscholastic League of Texas be, and it is hereby respectfully requested to include in the subject matter of the declamations and essays to be sponsored and held by it in the Public Schools of Texas the lives and deeds of all heroes of the Southern Confederacy and of the State of Texas; and be it further RESOLVED, That a copy of this Resolution be forwarded to the Interscholastic League of Texas.~~~ I hereby certify that H. c. Senate on February 5, 1935~ ·~~ Secre ary o the Senate ~ Foreword THE men and women, the actions, incidents, humor, expressions, proverbs, and lore, which a given people choose to remember, form a sure index and guide to the essential character of that people. Commemorative occa­sions may be viewed as the collective prayer of a people, the expressed yearning of the great mass towards attain­ment of what it considers higher things. Ideals of char­acter are thus kept green in the public memory and nourish­ment given to those great aspirations which through the centuries lift human life up onto a higher plane of living. Of a people as of an individual it may be said with truth that as you thinketh in your heart so are you. There lie the springs of action. Departure from ideals is inherent in the very definition of the term. When an ideal is attained it is no longer an ideal but a practice or custom, and the inner vision is lifted to another horizon. So it may be said of the history of the upward progress of a people, that it is a history of receding horizons. When people no longer look up, their doom is sealed. Without vision the people perish. Practice does not and cannot square with ideals. The angle of departure measures the will and intelligence of a people. If the angle is great, the will or intelligence, or both, are weak; if the angle is small, it is a sign that the intellect is keen and the will is firm. When the problem of selecting orations worthy of our corporate remembering was presented to us through a con­current resolution of the Texas Legislature, facsimile of which forms the frontispiece of this volume, we were dis­mayed. One hundred years of eventful history has pro­duced a tremendous volume of very notable utterances. Ten or a dozen other volumes of similar size could with patience be collected containing material perhaps just as good. Time for making the collection, however, was short and hence we were forced to go to sources readily available. We were fortunate in having at hand a man willing to help who is more familiar with available sources than any other The University of Texas Bulletin individual in the world, Dr. Eugene C. Barker. He kindly directed the research which produced some two thousand manuscript pages from which the present editor made cut­tings of suitable length for use in the League declamation contests. Exclusions were necessary to keep this volume from becoming too bulky. We are reserving many selections for future issue in similar form in case the schools find this volume suited to their needs. In adapting selections to the required length, it has been necessary in some instances to omit portions of the originals and introduce transitions. Sometimes, but not consistently, the omissions are indicated by leaders (.....) ; in all cases, however, the language is substantially as it was spoken by the authors. The cuttings are made on the basis of the League rule limiting declamations to five minutes. Teachers are advised to time their contestants, as some pupils speak more slowly than others. See that it requires no longer than five minutes to deliver the declamation. If it is found that a declamation consumes more than five minutes actual speaking time, the teacher should shorten the selection, or run risk of the being disqualified under the rule above mentioned. The Texas historical notes have been furnished by Dr. E. C. Barker, while those relating to men and events of other States of the South, have, in the main, been pre­pared by Dr. Charles W. Ramsdell, Professor of American History, The University of Texas. ROY BEDICHEK, Chief, Bureau of Public School Interests, Extension Division. I. Colonization: French, Spanish, Anglo­ American Heroic Character of Early Texas History (From an address by Governor R. B. Hubbard,1 delivered at Phila­ delphia, at the United States Centennial Exposition, on September 11, 1876. Published in Sinclair Moreland, Governors' Messages, 1874-1891, pp. 763-766.) Nearly two centuries ago Sieur La Salle, a brave and gallant knight of France, crossed the Atlantic in ships of war, and planted on the shores of the Bay of Matagorda, in the wilderness of Texas, the standard of his king and the cross. Searching for the mouth of the Mississippi, his sails were borne westward of the great river, and landing, his followers erected from their own wrecked vessels the first human habitations for white men ever known before in that strange country, bordering on the land of the ancient Aztecs and the Montezumas. This bold French navigator had, three years before, passed down the Mississippi to its mouth, and borne back to his sovereign the romantic story of the great inland water and its majestic entrance to the sea. In less than a decade of years the colony of La Salle, through mutiny, desertion and pestilence-and at last by the martyrdom of their heroic leader-passed away to live only in the tradition of the centuries to follow. The kingdom of Spain then continued in the possession, by armed occupation, of all that splendid empire east of Mexico and west of the "Father of Waters." From 1685, and more than a century thereafter Texas remained the subject of the Spanish crown, and until the revolution which severed Mexico from the mother country. Our his­tory during all these years, down to the early part of the 1Richard B. Hubbard was born in Georgia in 1882. During the Civil War he was a Brigadier General in the Confederate Army. He was Governor of Texas from December, 1876, until January, 1879. The speech of which this is a part was delivered at the Philadelphia Centennial celebrating one hundred years of independence in the United States. Governor Hubbard died at his home in Tyler, Texas, July 13, 1901. The University of Texas Bulletin Nineteenth Century, bears no fruits of civilization, no trophies of war, or the "arts of peace." The only relief to this picture, the only gleam of sunshine in its long and weary night, were the labors and sacrifies of devoted Chris­tian men and women, who erected temples to God in the solitudes of the desert, and died for the faith. The ruins of these old missions still stand on the banks of the San Antonio and near ancient Goliad-glorious monuments of the Christian heroism of men and the pious and deathless fidelity of woman to the Cross, centuries ago. The shackles of Spanish and Mexican despotism, Texas, more than forty years ago, burst asunder, and through the blood and storm of battle walked forth into the light of a new day-bearing on brow and bosom the scars of the conflict between the oppressed and the oppressor. Since that day her political history is known to the elder genera­tions of these States, if not to the nations of the earth as well. It is a wonderful and heroic history, that of a deeply wronged people struggling against the treachery of the knave and the tyranny of the despot-an unequal contest of fifty thousand2 against eight millions of people-a con­test waged by ragged soldiery in poverty and hunger-poor in purse, but rich in valor, and with a fortitude and devo­tion which, amid burning home, rapine and plunder, made them willing to die for their country rather than sue for dishonorable peace, or kiss the rod which smote them to earth-a contest which bore upon its bosom, and to the front, the great, heroic names of Houston, and Rusk, and Lamar, and Wharton, and Sherman and their comrades, who ... rode down to death and victory at San Jacinto. On that historic field-remembering Goliad and the Alamo-our independence was won, and the "Republic of Texas" was born unto the free nations of the earth. For nearly ten years she maintained a separate nation­ality, and was so recognized by the great powers. Her struggle was not on so grand a theater as was that glorious 'The total white population of Texas in 1836 hardly exceeded 30,000. seven years' revolution of our forefathers, nor was it illus­trated by nobler fields than Bunker Hill and Saratoga or Yorktown, nor by a grander fortitude than that which stood by Washington and his army amid the snows of Valley Forge, stained by the blood of their naked feet. But we do glory in the fact, my countrymen, that our independence was achieved by no "holy alliance" of em­perors or kings, and that we "trod the wine-press" and won the victory alone. In the darkest hours of the revolu­tion, France, with Lafayette, came to your aid, and her gallant soldiers followed Washington at Monmouth, at Trenton, and at Yorktown. Her treasures filled your scanty coffers, and her ships bore down to your relief through the tempests of the ocean. No foreign greeting came to the struggling army of "Thirty-six," and no voice of kindly recognition came to us till after our conflict was ended and the victory was won ! Mr. President, you have asked, and my State has com­ missioned me to speak of our history, our present, and our hopes for the future. I would not be true to that history, did I not remind you of the fact that Texas free and inde­ pendent, not from fear or force, but because of her an­ cestral love and blood, sought a place in the American Union. She was descended from the same English-speaking and liberty-loving people, and her struggle was for the same great principles of free government. As the apple of Newton, in physics, fell to the earth, so the young republic gravitated to the bosom of the father­ land. You purchased with gold, from tottering dynasties, Florida and Louisiana, out of which have been carved other commonwealths, now sparkling like jewels in your crown. Other nations, all along through the ages, have extended their area by bloody conquests, in the eternal war of the strong upon the weak. The great republic did not purchase Texas with either gold or blood . . .. We became a member of the Union by a solemn national treaty, signed and duly attested by the great seals of State, The University of Texas Bulletin on terms and conditions self-imposed, which can never be broken. Texas became a more than co-equal State, because she reserved as her own all her public lands, then amounting to nearly two hundred millions of acres, and the right­to be exercised at will-of dividing her territory into other States for the Union; a right-pardon the digression­which will never be exercised, my countrymen, until San Jacinto is forgotten, and the martrydom of the Alamo fades from the memory of men. The Aims of Stephen F. Austin1 (Excerpts translated from Austin's letters to Senator Rafael Llanos, Monterrey, January 14, 1834.2) I have been accused of having magnificent schemes for Texas, and I confess that I have had them. My friend, I am a Mexican citizen, and as such I shall speak with entire frankness: To suppose that the Mexican Nation in its present situation, immersed in clouds of prejudice, and backward in every respect, can advance rapidly of itself alone and reach the level of other nations without drawing learning, industry, and population from abroad is almost the same as to imagine that the Mexicans of the time of Cortes could have advanced to where they now are without knowing any other people or having had communication with any other nation in the world. The lFor a sketch of Austin, see page 47. 2The circumstances under which this letter was written need to be explained. Austin had e:one to Mexico in the summer of 1833 as the agent of the Convention held in April of that year to present petitions for various reforms, including a petition for the organization of a state government in Texas. Losina-hopes of favorable action by the Government and fearing the development of revolution in Texas, Austin wrote to the Town Council of San Antonio advising it to take the lead in organizing a provisional state government. For writine-this letter, Austin was arrested in January, 1834, while on his way back to Texas. From Monterrey, he wrote many letters urging his friends in Texas to remain peaceful. To Llanos. whom he had known for ten or twelve years, he wrote this letter telling of his aims and explaining the grievances of the colonists. It is one of his finest letters. United States of the North were much more advanced at the time of their independence than were the Mexicans in 1821, and yet they needed learning, arts, and population from abroad. Upon the same policy are based my schemes for Texas, and for all the eastern frontier of Mexico. It is depopu­lated; I wish to people it. The population that is there is backward; I wish it to be advanced and improved by the introduction of industrious agricultural settlers, liberal republicans. I want the savage Indians subdued; the frontier protected; the lands cultivated; roads and canals opened; river navigation developed and the rivers covered with boats and barges carrying the produce of the interior to the coast for export in exchange for foreign products, thereby saving the precious metals which are now our only medium of exchange; I wish to take from my native land and from every other country the best that they contain and plant it in my adopted land-that is to say, their best inhabitants, their industry, and their enlightenment, so that the eastern frontier which is now without population and in its greater part almost without government, might present an example worthy of imitation. These are the magnificent, and as it now appears, visionary, plans which I have held for Texas, and for all this frontier; and if there is a Mexican who does not wish to see them realized, I must say that he does not love his country; neither wants to see her emerge from the darkness of the Fifteenth Century nor shake off the chains of superstition and ignorance which she is still dragging along. Very little do they know me who believe that I have sacri­ficed the best years of my life in the wilderness of Texas to gain a fortune! I have not gained it, and I could have lived in comfort in a settled country. I entered Texas in 1821 an enthusiastic philanthropist and now at the age of forty I find myself on the very of misanthropy, tired of men and their affairs, and convinced that I wished to finish in a few The University of Texas Bulletin years the work of a century. I have seen the United States of the North make every effort to attract population, knowledge, and capital from abroad for its development. . . . Before Mexico can develop in that manner she must pay the price by a moral revolution. . . . Such a revolution she will have in a century but not in the lifetime of one man. You have been my friend since 1821, and I owe you a frank expression of my thoughts. In this letter I have told all my desires and dreams for Texas. I was not born in a wilderness, and have not the patience of the Bexarefios (ba-har-ran'-yos) s and other inhabitants of this frontier who are daily enduring the same dangers and annoyances that their fathers and grandfathers and perhaps their great-grandfathers suffered, without advancing a single step or even thinking of advancing. Death is preferable to such stagnant existence, such stupid life. . . . In the colonization of Texas I have wanted to make a personal provision for myself and for my family, and if he who sows is entitled also to reap the harvest, I deserve it; but at the same time I have wanted to confer upon my adopted country a general benefit by peopling and redeem­ing from its savage state an important part of its territory. I have labored in good faith, exposing myself to all sorts of burdens and responsibilities for the good of my country; but at the same time I have duties to the settlers who have emigrated to the wilderness through my influence; and they: owe a duty to themselves and to their families-the duty and the right of self-preservation. And if there were no other way to fulfill it but to separate from Mexico and join the United States of the North, or maintain independence, it is very clear that it would then be their most sacred duty to attempt it. . . . 3Baxareiios, inhabitants of Bexar, San Antonio. The Imprisonment of Austin1 (Excerpt from an address of Stephen F. Austin to the people of Louisville, Ky., March 7, 1836. Published in a pamphlet by J. Clarke & Company, Lexington, Ky., in 1836. The University of Texas Library.) When the federal system and Constitution of Mexico were adopted in 1824, and the former provinces became states, Texas, by her representative in the constituent congress, exercised the right which was claimed and exer­cised by all other provinces, of retaining within her own control, the rights and powers which appertained to her as one of the unities or distinct societies which confederated together to form the Federal Republic of Mexico. But not possessing at that time sufficient population to become a state by herself, she was, with her own consent, united provisionally with Coahuila, a neighboring province, or society, to form the State of Coahuila and Texas, "until Texas possessed the necessary elements to form a separate state of herself." I quote the words of the constitutional or organic act passed by the constituent Congress of Mexico on the seventh of May, 1824, which establishes the State of Coahuila and Texas. . . . . In 1833 the people of Texas, after a full examination of their population and resources, and of the law and Consti­tution, decided, in a general convention elected for that purpose, that the period had arrived contemplated by the law and compact of the seventh of May, 1824, and that the country possessed the necessary elements to form a state separate from Coahuila. A respectful and humble petition was accordingly drawn up by this convention, addressed to the general Congress of Mexico, praying for the admission of Texas into the Mexican Confederation as a State. I had the honor of being appointed by the convention the commissioner or agent of Texas to take this petition to the City of Mexico, lFor a sketch of Austin, see page 4'i . 20 The University of Texas Bulletin and present it to the Government. I discharged this duty to the best of my feeble abilities, and, as I believed, in a respectful manner. Many months passed and nothing was done with the petition, except to refer it to a committee of Congress, where it slept and was likely to sleep. I finally urged the just and constitutional claims of Texas to become a state in the most pressing manner, as I believed it to be my duty to do; representing also the necessity and good policy of this measure, owing to the almost total want of local government of any kind, the absolute want of a judiciary, the evident impossibility of being governed any longer by Coahuila (for three-fourths of the legislature were from there) and the consequent anarchy and discon­tent that existed in Texas. It was my misfortune to off end the high authorities of the Nation-my frank and honest expression of the truth was construed into threats. At this time (September and October, 1833) a revolution was raging in many parts of the Nation, and especially in the vicinity of the City of Mexico. I despaired of obtaining anything and wrote to Texas, recommending to the people there to organize as a state de facto without waiting any longer. This letter may have been imprudent, as respects the injury it might do me personally, but how far it was criminal or treasonable, considering the revolutionary state of the whole Nation, and the peculiar claims and necessities of Texas, impartial men must decide. It merely expressed an opinion. This letter found its way from San Antonio de Bexar (where it was directed) to the Government. I was arrested at Saltillo, two hundred leagues from Mexico, on my way back home, and taken back to that city and im­prisoned for one year, three months of the time in solitary confinement, without books or writing material, in a dark dungeon of the former inquisition prison. At the close of the year I was released from confinement, but detained six months in the city on heavy bail. It was nine months after my arrest before I was officially informed of the charges against me, or furnished with a copy of them. The consti­tutional requisites were not 6bserved, my constitutional rights as a citizen were violated, and the people of Texas were outraged by this treatment of their commissioner, and their respectful, humble, and just petition was dis­regarded. These acts of the Mexican Government, taken in connec­tion with many others and with the general revolutionary situation of the interior of the Republic, and the absolute want of local government in Texas, would have justified the people of Texas in organizing themselves as a state of the Mexican Confederation, and if attacked for so doing, in separating from Mexico. They would have been justified in doing this, because such acts were unjust, ruinous and oppressive, and because self-preservation required a local government in Texas suited to the situation and necessities of the country, and the character of its inhabitants. Our forefathers in '76 flew to arms for much less. They resisted a principle, "the theory of oppression," but in our case it was the reality-it was a denial of justice and of our guaranteed rights-it was oppression itself. Mal-Administration of Justice1 (Adapted from the address of David G. Burnet to the Mexican Government asking, in behalf of the Convention of 1833, for establishment of a State Government in Texas.) The peace and happiness of Texas demand a local govern­ment. Constituting a remote frontier of the Republic, and bordering on a powerful nation, a portion of whose popula­tion, in juxtaposition to hers, is notoriously profligate and lawless, she requires, in a peculiar and emphatic sense, the vigorous application of such laws as are necessary, not only to the preservation of good order, the protection of prop­erty, and the redress of personal wrongs, but such also as are essential to the prevention of illicit commerce, to the security of the public revenues, and to the avoidance of lFor a sketch of Burnet and the circumstances of this speech, see page U. The University of Texas Bulletin serious collision with the authorities of the neighboring republic. That such a judicial administration is imprac­ ticable under the present arrangement, is too forcibly illustrated by the past to admit of any national hope for the future. It is an acknowledged principle in the science of juris­prudence, that the prompt and certain infliction of mild and humane punishment is more efficacious for the preven­tion of crime than a tardy and precarious administration of the most sanguinary penal code. Texas is virtually denied the benefit of this benevolent rule by the locality and character of her present government. Crimes of the greatest asrocity may go unpunished, and hardened crim­inals triumph in their iniquity, because of the difficulties and delays which encumber her judicial system, and neces­sarily intervene [between] a trial and conviction, and the sentence and the execution of the law. Our "supreme tribunal of justice" holds its sessions upward of seven hundred miles distant from our central population; and that distance is greatly enlarged, and sometimes made impassable, by the casualities incident to a "mail" conducted by a single horseman through a wilderness, often infested by vagrant and murderous Indians. Before sentence can be pronounced by the local courts on persons charged with the most atrocious crimes, a copy of the process must be transmitted to an assessor, resident at Leona Vicaro (Saltillo), who is too far removed from the scene of guilt to appreciate the importance of a speedy decision, and is too much estranged from our civil and domestic concerns to feel the miseries that result from a total want of legal protection in person and property. But our difficulties do not terminate here. After the assessor shall have found leisure to render his opinion, and final judgment is pronounced, it again becomes necessary to resort to the capital to submit the tardy sentence to the supreme tribunal for "approbation, revocation, or modifi­cation," before the judgment of the law can be executed. Here we have again to encounter the vexations and delays incident to all governments where those who exercise its most interesting functions are removed by distance from the people on whom they operate, and for whose benefit the social compact is created. These repeated delays, resulting from the remoteness of our courts of judicature, are pernicious in many respects. They involve heavy expenses, which, in civil suits, are excessively onerous to litigants, and give to the rich and influential such manifold advantages over the poor as operate to an absolute exclusion of the latter from the remedial and protective benefits of the law. They off er seductive opportunities and incitements to bribery and corruption, and endanger the sacred purity of the judiciary, which, of all the branches of the Government, is most intimately associated with the domestic and social happi­ness of man, and should therefore be, not only sound and pure, but unsuspected of the venal infection. They present insuperable difficulties to the exercise of the corrective right of recusation, and virtually nullify the constitutional power of impeachment. In criminal actions they are no less injurious. They are equivalent to a license to iniquity, and exert a dangerous influence on the moral feelings at large. Before the tedious process of the law can be complied with, and the criminal-whose hands are perhaps imbrued in a brother's blood-be made to feel its rertibutive justice, the remembrance of his crime is partially effaced from the public mind; and the righteous arbitrament of the law, which, if promptly executed, would have received universal approbation, and been a salutary warning to evil-doers, is impugned as vindictive and cruel. The popular feeling is changed from a just indignation of crime into an amiable but mistaken sympathy for the criminal; and an easy and natural transition is converted into disgust and disaffection toward the Government and its laws.... These are some of the evils that result from the annexa­tion of Texas to Coahuila, and the exercise of legislative and judicial powers by the citizens of Coahuila over the citizens of Texas. . . . Those evils are not likely to be diminished, but they may be exceedingly aggravated by the fact that that political connection was formed without the The University of Texas Bulletin cordial approbation of the people of Texas, and is daily becoming more odious to them. Although it may have received their reluctant acquiescence, in its inception, before its evil consequences were developed or foreseen, the arbitrary continuance of it now, after the experience of nine years has demonstrated its ruinous tendencies, would invest it with some of the most offensive features of usurpation. Your memorialists entertain an assured con­fidence that the enlightened Congress of Mexico will never give their high sanction to anything that wears the sem­blance of usurpation, or of arbitrary coercion. Separation from Coahuila (Adapted from the address of David G. Burnet1 to the Mexican Government praying for separation of Texas from Coahuila, to which it had been joined in 1824. Burnet wrote as the agent of the Convention of 1833.) The obvious design of the union between Coahuila and Texas was, on one part at least, the more effectually to secure the peace, safety, and happiness, of Texas. That design has not been accomplished, and facts piled upon facts afford a melancholy evidence that it is utterly imprac­ticable. Texas never has derived and never can derive from the connection benefits in any wise commensurate with the evils she has sustained, and which are daily increasing in number and in magnitude. 1David G. Burnet was born in Newark, New Jersey, April 4, 1788. His early years were passed amid thrilling adventures fighting Spain in Venezuela, living with the Comanche Indians on the Texas plains. In 1826, he obtained from the Governor of Coahuila and Texas a contract to found a colony in East Texas. In 1833 the colonists held a convention at San Felipe de Austin to petition the federal gov­ernment for certain reforms of which they felt the need. Among the demands was one for the separation of Coahuila and Texas and the establishment of State Government in Texas. Burnet wrote the argument in support of the petition for State Government. This selection is adapted from Burnet's argument. During the Texas revolution, Burnet was elected President ad interim, that is temporary President of Texas. He held the office until October 22, 1836, when he was succeeded by President Houston. He was Vice-President during Lamar's presidency, 1838-1841. In 1866 he was elected to the United States Senate, but the Senate declined to seat him. He died December 5, 1870. In point of locality, the two provinces approach each other only by a strip of sterile and useless territory, which must long remain a comparative wilderness, and present many serious embarrassments to that facility of inter­course which should always exist between the seat of government and its remote population. In respect to commerce and its various intricate relations, there is no community of interests between them. The one is altogether interior; is consequently abstracted from all participation in maritime concerns; and is naturally indif­ferent, if not adverse, to any system of polity that is calcu­lated to promote the diversified and momentous interests of commerce. The other is blest with many natural advan­tages for extensive commercial operations, which, if properly cultivated, would render many valuable accessions to the national marine, and a large increase to the national revenues. The importance of an efficient national marine is evinced, not only by the history of other and older gov­ernments, but by the rich halo of glory which encircles the brief annals of the Mexican navy. -In point of climate and of natural productions, the two territories are equally dissimilar. Coahuila is a pastoral and a mining country; Texas is characteristically an agri­cultural district. The occupations incident to these various intrinsic properties are equally various and distinct; and a course of legislation that may be adapted to the encour­agement of the habitual industry of the one district, might present only embarrassment and perplexity, and prove fatally deleterious to the prosperity of the other. It is not needful, therefore-neither do we desire-to attribute any sinister or invidious design to the legislative enactments or to the domestic economical policy of Coahuila (whose ascendency in the joint councils of the State gives her an uncontrolled and exclusive power of legislation), in order to ascertain the origin of the evils that affect Texas, and which, if permitted to exist, must protract her feeble and dependent pupilage to a period coeval with such existence.... The University of Texas Bulletin Bexar, the ancient capital of Texas, presents a faithful but a gloomy picture of her general want of protection and encouragement. Situated in a fertile, picturesque, and healthful region, and established a century and a half ago2 (within which period populous and magnificent cities have sprung into existence), she exhibits only the decrepitude of age-sad testimonials of the absence of that political guardianship which a wise government should always bestow upon the feebleness of its exposed frontier settle­ments. A hundred and seventeen years have elapsed since Goliad and Nacogdoches assumed the distinctive name of towns, and they are still entitled only to the diminutive appellation of villages. . . . Bexar is still exposed to the depredations of her ancient enemies, the insolent, vindictive, and faithless Comanches. Her citizens are still massacred, their cattle destroyed or driven away, and their very habitations threatened, by a tribe of erratic and undisciplined Indians, whose audacity has derived confidence from success, and whose long­continued aggressions have invested them with a fictitious and excessive terror. Her schools are neglected, her churches desolate, the sounds of human industry are almost hushed, and the voice of gladness and festivity is converted into wailing and lamentation, by the disheartening and multiplied evils which surround her defenseless population. Goliad is still kept in constant trepidation; is paralyzed in all her efforts for improvement; and is harassed on all her borders by the predatory incursions of the Wacoes, and other insignificant bands of savages, whom a well-organized local government would soon subdue and exterminate. These are facts, not of history merely, on which the imagination must dwell with an unwilling melancholy, but they are events of the present day, which the present gen­eration feel in all their dreadful reality. And these facts, revolting as they are, are as a fraction only in the stu­pendous aggregate of our calamities. . . . •Burnet was in error in dating the foundation of Bexar. The proper date wat 1718. The date for Goliad is, likewise, erroneous. Centennial Declamations Texas at large feels and deplores an utter destitution of the common benefits which have usually accrued from the worst system of internal government that the patience of mankind ever tolerated. She is virtually without a govern­ment; and if she is not precipitated into all the unspeakable horrors of anarchy, it is only because there is a redeeming spirit among the people, which still infuses some moral energy into the miserable fragments of authority that exist among us. How a State Government in Texas Would Benefit Mexico1 (Adapted from the address of David G. Burnet begging, in behalf of the Convention of 1833, for the establishment of State Government in Texas.) The idea may possibly occur, in the deliberations of the honorable Congress, that a territorial organization would cure our political maladies, and effectuate the great pur­poses which induce this application; and plausible reasons may be advanced in favor of it. But the wisdom of Con­gress will readily detect the fallacy of these reasons, and the mischief consequent to such vain sophistry. In this remote section of the republic, a territorial government must, of necessity, be divested of one essential and radical principle in all popular institutions-the immediate respon­sibility of public agents to the people whom they serve.... And we would further present with great deference, that the institution of a territorial government would confer upon us neither the form nor the substance of our high guaranty. It would, indeed, diversify our miseries, by opening new avenues to peculation and abuse of power; but it would neither remove our difficulties nor place us in the enjoyment of our equal and vested rights. The only •For David G. Burnet and the circumstances surrounding this address, see page 24. The University of Texas Bulletin adequate remedy that your memorialists can devise, and which they ardently hope the collective wisdom of the nation will approve, is to be found in the establishment of a local state government. . . . We believe that a local legislature, composed of citizens who feel and participate in all the calamities which en­compass us, would be enabled to enact such conservative, remedial, and punitive laws, and so to organize and put into operation the municipal and inferior authorities of the country, as would inspire universal confidence; would en­courage the immigration of virtuous foreigners-prevent the ingress of fugitives from the justice of other coun­tries-check the alarming accumulations of ferocious Indians, whom the domestic policy of the United States of the North is rapidly translating to our borders; would give impulse and vigor to the industry of the people­secure a cheerful subordination and a faithful adhesion to the state and general governments; and would render Texas what she ought to be--a strong arm of the Republic, a terror to foreign invaders, and an example of peace and prosperity-of advancement in the arts and sciences, and of devotion to the Union-to her sister states. We believe that an executive chosen from among our­selves would feel a more intense interest in our political welfare, would watch with more vigilance over our social concerns, and would contribute more effectually to the pur­poses of his appointment. We believe that a local judiciary, drawn from the bosom of our own peculiar society, would be enabled to administer the laws with more energy and promptitude.... We believe that, if Texas were admitted to the Union as a separate state, she would soon "figure" as a brilliant star in the Mexican constellation, and would shed a new splendor around the illustrious City of Montezuma. We believe she would contribute largely to the national wealth and ar­grandizement-would furnish new staples for commerce, and new materials for manufactures. The cotton of Texas would give employment to the artisans of Mexico; and the Centennial Declamations precious metals, which are now flowing into the coffers of England, would be retained at home, to reward the indus­try and remunerate the ingenuity of native citizens. The Honorable Congress need not be informed that a large portion of the population of Texas is of foreign origin. They have been invited here by the munificent liberality and plighted faith of the Mexican Government; and they stand pledged by every mortal and religious principle, and by every sentiment of honor, to requite that liberality, and to reciprocate the faithful performance of the guaranty to "protect their liberties, property, and civil rights," by a cheerful dedication of their moral and physical energies to the advancement of their adopted country. . . . For these and other considerations, your memorialists would solemnly invoke the magnanimous spirit of the Mexi­can nation, concentrated in the wisdom and patriotism of the Federal Congress. And they would respectfully and ardently pray that the Honorable Congress would extend their remedial power to this obscure section of the Repub­lic; would cast around it "the sovereign mantle of the nation," and adopt it into a free and plenary participation of that "constitutional regime" of equal sisterhood which alone can rescue it from the miseries of an ill-organized, inefficient internal government, and can reclaim this fair and public region from the worthlessness of an untenanted waste, or the more fearful horrors of barbarian inundation. II. Revolution and Republic Urging a General Consultation of the People of Texas1 (Excerpt from an address delivered by Stephen F. Austin at a dinner in his honor in Brazoria, September 8, 1835, upon his return from imprisonment in Mexico. Austin Papers, III, 116-119; Foote, II, 60-65.) I left Texas in April, 1833, as the public agent of the people, for the purpose of applying for the admission of this country into the Mexican Federation as a state, separate from Coahuila. This application was based upon the con­stitutional and vested rights of Texas, and was sustained by me in the City of Mexico to the utmost of my abilities. No honorable means were spared to effect the objects of my mission, and to oppose the forming of Texas into a terri­tory which was attempted. I rigidly adhered to the instruc­tions and wishes of my constituents, so far as they were communicated to me. My efforts to serve Texas involved me in the labyrinth of Mexican politics. I was arrested and have suffered a long persecution and imprisonment. I con­sider it to be my duty to give an account of these events to my constituents, and will therefore at this time merely observe that I have never, in any manner, agreed to any­thing, or admitted anything, that would compromise the Constitution or vested rights of Texas. These rights belong to the people, and can only be surrendered by them. An important question now presents itself to the people of this country: The Mexican Federal Constitution of 1824 is about to be destroyed, the system of government changed, and a central or consolidated one established. Will this 'For a sketch of Austin, see pagce 47. Austin had left Texas in April, 1833, to present to the Mexican Government the petition of the Convention of 1833 for separation from Coahuila and the establishment of a state !':Overnment in Texas. His mission ended in imprisonment and detention until July, 1835. He returned to Texas on August 31. Another convention, called a Consultation, had already been formed. The question, when Austin arrived, was whether or not to go on with the election of delegates. In this speech Austin supported the proposal and dele¥ates were duly elected. The revolution had begun before the Consultation met. The University of Texas Bulletin act annihilate all the rights of Texas and subject this country to the uncontrolled and unlimited dictation of the new government? This is a question of the most vital importance. I have no doubt that the Federal Constitution will be destroyed, and a central government established, and that the people will soon be called upon to say whether they agree to this change or not. This matter requires the most calm dis­cussion, the most mature deliberation, and the most perfect union. How is this to be had? I see but one way, and that is by a general consultation of the people by means of delegates elected for that purpose with full powers to give such an answer, in the name of Texas, to this question as they may deem best, and to adopt such measures as the tranquility and salvation of the country may require. It is my duty to state that General Santa Anna verbally and expressly authorized me to say to the people of Texas that he was their friend, that he wished for their prosperity, and would do all he could to promote it, and that, in the new Constitution, he would use his influence to give the people of Texas a special organization suited to their edu­cation, habits and situation. Several of the most intelligent and influential men in Mexico, and especially the Ministers of Relations and War, expressed themselves in the same manner. These declarations afford another and more urgent necessity for a general consultation of all Texas in order to inform the general government, and especially General Santa Anna, what kind of organization will suit the education, habits and situation of the people. Itis also proper for me to state that in all my conversation with the President and Ministers and men of influence, I advised that no troops should be sent to Texas, nor cruisers along the coast. I gave it as my decided opinion that the inevitable consequence of sending an armed force to this country would be war. I stated that there was a sound and correct moral principle in the people of Texas that was abundantly sufficient to restrain or put down all turbulent or seditious movements, but that this moral principle could Centennial Declamations not, and would not unite with any armed force sent against this country. On the contrary, it would resist and repel it, and ought to do so. This point presents another strong reason why the people of Texas should meet in general con­sultation. This country is now in anarchy, threatened with hostilities. Armed vessels are capturing everything they can catch on the coast, and acts of piracy are said to be committed under cover of the Mexican flag. Can this state of things exist without precipitating the country into war? I think it cannot, and therefore believe that it is our bounden and solemn duty as Mexicans, and as Texans, to represent the evils that are likely to result from this mistaken and most impolitic policy in the military movements. My friends, I can truly say that no one has been, or is now, more anxious than myself to keep trouble away from this country. No one has been, or now is, more faithful to his duty as a Mexican citizen, and no one has personally sacrificed or suffered more in the discharge of this duty. I have uniformly been opposed to having anything to do with the family political quarrels of the Mexicans. Texas needs peace and a local government. Its inhabitants are farmers, and they need a quiet and calm life. But how can I, or anyone, remain indifferent when our rights, our all, appear to be in jeopardy, and when it is our duty, as well as our obligation as good Mexican citizens, to express our opinions on the present state of things and to represent our situation to the Government? It is impossible. The crisis is such as to bring it home to the judgment of every man that something must be done, and that without delay. The question will, perhaps, be asked, what are we to do? I have already indicated my opinion. Let all personalities or divisions or excitements or passion or violence be banished from among us. Let a general consultation of the people of Texas be convened as speedily as possible, to be com­posed of the best and most calm and intelligent and firm men in the country, and let them decide what representa­tions ought to be made to the general government, and what ought to be done in the future. The University of Texas Bulletin With these explanatory remarks, I will give as a toast: The constitutional rights and the security and peace of Texas-they ought to be maintained; and jeopardized as they now are, they demand a general consultation of the people. Inaugural Address at the San Felipe ((Consultation'' (Excerpt from inaugural speech of Branch T. Archer,1 President of the San Felipe "Consultation," November 3, 1835. Gammel, Laws of T exas, I, 6-8.) I return you my thanks for the honor you have conferred on me. The duties which devolve on the members of this body are arduous and highly important; in fact, the desti­nies of Texas are placed in your hands; and I hope that you are now assembled, in every way prepared to discharge those duties in a manner creditable to yourselves and beneficial to your country. I call upon each and all of you to divest yourselves of all party feelings, to discard every selfish motive, and look alone to the true interest of your country. In the words of the Hebrew prophet, I would say, "Put off your shoes, for the ground upon which you stand is holy." The rights and liberties of thousands of freemen are in your hands, and millions yet unborn may be affected by your decisions. The first measure that will be brought before the house will be a declaration in which we will set forth to the world the causes which have impelled us to take up arms, and the objects for which we fight. 1Dr. Branch Tanner Archer, born in Vin?inia in 1790, came to Texas in 1831. The Consultation, of which he was made President, was called to determine the attitude that Texas should adopt toward Santa Anna's reorganization of the Mexican Government. Before the Consultation met, Texas was at war. Archer served with Austin and William H . Wharton as Commissioner to the United States to solicit aid for Texas. He died September 22, 1856. Centennial Declamations Secondly. I will suggest for your consideration the propriety of establishing a provisional government, the election of a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor and a Council; and I would recommend that these officers be clothed with both legislative and executive powers. This measure conceive absolutely necessary to prevent Texas from falling into the labyrinth of anarchy. Thirdly. The organization of the military requires your immediate attention. You have an army in the field whose achievements have already shed luster upon our arms. They have not the provisions and comforts necessary to continue their services in the field. Give them support or their victories, though they are achieved not without danger and glory, will, nevertheless, be unproductive of good. There are several warlike and powerful tribes of Indians that claim certain portions of our lands. Locations have been made within the limits they claim, which has created great dissatisfaction among them. Some of the chiefs of those tribes are expected here within a few days; and I deem it expedient to make some equitable arrangement of the matter that will prove satisfactory to them. Permit me to call your attention to another subject. Some of our brethren of the United States of the North, hearing of our difficulties, have generously come to our aid. Many more ere long will be with us; services such as they will render should never be forgotten. It will be proper for this convention to secure to them the rights and priv­ileges of citizens, to secure to them their land "in head rights," and place them on the same footing with our most favored citizens. Again, the path to promotion must be open. They must know that deeds of chivalry and heroism will meet their rewards, and that you will throw no ob­struction in their pathway to fame. Some fraudulent sales on grants of land, by the late Government of Coahuila and Texas, will require your atten­tion. The establishment of mails, and an express depart­ment, is deemed necessary to promote the interests of the The University of Texas Bulletin country; besides other minor matters that have escaped my obseration in this cursory review. Finally, gentlemen and friends, let me call your attention from these details to the high position which you now occupy. Let me remind you that the eyes of the world are upon you; that battling as we are against the despotism of a military chieftain, all true republicans, all friends to the liberties of man are anxious spectators of the conflict, or deeply interested in the cause. Let us give evidence that we are the true dscendants of that land of heroes, who sustained an eight years' war against tyranny and oppres­sion and gave liberty to a new world. Let our achievements be such that our mother country, when she reads the bright page that records them, shall proudly and joyfully exclaim: These are my sons! their heroic deeds mark them as such! Again, gentlemen, let me admonish you that the "ground on which you stand is Holy," -that your decisions will affect the rights and liberties of thousands of freemen; the destinies of millions yet unborn; and perhaps, the cause of liberty itself. I do not view the cause in which we are engaged as that of freemen fighting alone against military despotism; I do not view it as Texas battling alone for her rights and her liberties! I view it in a nobler, more exalted light! I view it as the great work of laying the cornerstone of liberty in the great Mexican Republic.1 Appeal to the Mother Country (An appeal addressed to "the Citizens of the United States of the North." "Done in the Council Hall, October 26, 1835, A. Houston, Secretary; R. R. Royall, President."2) Our citizens were invited to settle Texas by a government of a federal republican character, having for its model that lTexas had not yet decided to declare independence. Four days after Archer's speech was delivered, the Consultation adopted a resolution declaring that Texas was in arms in defense of the Federal Constitution of 1824. "On October 11, 1836, representatives of several districts in Texas orga nized the so·called Permanent Council, a sort of provisional civil government, to act for Texas Centennial Declamations of the Government of the United States of the North. Under that invitation, and that promise of protection to our lives, persons and property, thousands emigrated here, and have subdued a vast and extended wilderness to the pur­poses of agriculture, and in place of the solitary region inhabited hitherto only by the savage and the beast, now present a country prosperous in the highest degree, with a population varying between sixty and one hundred thou­sand inhabitants,2 and having on its whole face inscribed one universal assurance of its future greatness and prosperity. Under this form of government and this invitation, thousands have brought their property to this country, and invested thousands upon thousands of dollars in land. They have expatriated themselves from their native country, torn themselves from connexions dear, given up the conveniences and luxuries of life, and encountered for years back toils and dangers and privations of every sort. They have given security to the Mexican frontiers from Indian depredations, and made the mountains the boundary of the savage. And now, when we had accomplished all this, when we had just fairly established ourselves in peace and plenty, just brought around us our families and friends, the form of government under which we had been born and educated, and the one only to which we would have sworn allegiance, is destroyed by the usurper, Santa Anna, and a military central government established in its stead. To this new form of government the people of Texas have refused to submit. They ground their opposition upon the facts that they have sworn to support the republican federative government of Mexico, and that their duty re­quires them to stand out in opposition. until the meeting of the Consultation, which actually assembled on November 3. The fighting had beirun at Gonzales, on October 2, and Austin was now leading a little volunteer army to attack the strong Mexican force at San Antonio. This address was published in various papers in the United States. It is reprinted here, in part, from the Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association, VII, 271-273. "The white population probably did not exceed 30,000. The University of Texas Bulletin Texas was one of the units that composed the government by the national constituent Congress of 1824. She was acknowledged a sovereign and independent member of the confederacy. As a sovereign member she voluntarily united in the confederacy that forms the government, and upon the breaking up of that government she has unques­tionably the right to secede or to reject the new one that may be proposed. The one now proposed is in opposition to her wishes, interests, and the education of the people. It protects only the interests of the military and the clergy, securing priv­ileges to the one and intolerance of religion to the other. Such being its character, and our rights undoubted, the people of Texas, with one united voice, have rejected the new form of government, and have resolved to abide by their oaths to sustain the Constitution. . . . At this time our army is besieging General Cos in San Antonio, but he is hourly expecting a reinforcement, and the people of Texas want aid of their own fellow-citizens, friends, and relations, of the United States of the North. What number of mercenary soldiers will invade our country we know not, but this much we do know, that the whole force of the Nation that can possibly be spared will be sent to Texas, and we believe we have to fight superior numbers. But one sentiment animates every bosom, and everyone is determined on "victory or death." Citizens of the United States of the North, we are but one people. Our fathers, side by side, fought the battles of the Revolution. We, side by side, fought the battles of the War of 1812 and 1815. We were born under the same government-taught the same political creed, and we have wandered where danger and tyranny threaten us. You are united to us by all the sacred ties that can bind one people to another. You are, many of you, our fathers and brother-among you dwell our sisters and mothers-we are aliens to you only in country; our principles both moral and political are the same-our interest is one, and we require and ask your aid, and we earnestly appeal to your Centenn'ial Declamations patriotism and generosity. We invite you to our country­we have land in abundance, and it shall be liberally be­stowed on you. We have the finest country on the face of the globe. We invite you to enjoy it with us, and we pledge to you, as we are authorized to do, the lands of Texas and the honor and faith of the people, that every volunteer in our cause shall not only justly but generously be rewarded. The cause of Texas is plainly marked out. She will drive every Mexican soldier beyond her limits, or the people of Texas will leave before San Antonio the bones of their bodies. We will secure on a firm and solid basis our con­stitutional rights and privileges, or we will leave Texas a howling wilderness. We know that right is on our side, and we are now marching to the field of battle, reiterating our fathers' motto, "to live free or die." And to the people of the United States of the North we send this assurance, that though numbers may overwhelm us, no other feeling than that of the genuine American glowed in our bosoms, and though danger and destruction await us, no friend of theirs proved recreant to his country. Causes of the Texas Revolution1 (Portion of an address by William H. Wharton in New York City, April 26, 1836. Lamar Papers, I, 366-368.) MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN: Our inhuman op­pressors not content with enslaving the body, also endeavor to enslave the conscience.2 They require us to subscribe implicitly to all the dogmas of a particular religion without reference to our feelings or our creed. Can we submit to this? Will not prayers for our success in a cause so right­eous ascend to Heaven from every temple of God throughout 'For Wharton and the circumstances of this speech, see page 44. "The Catholic Church was the established church of Mexico, and the colonization law provided that colonists must become Catholics. It did not, however, require them to come to Texas, so that this charire against Mexico is not strictly fair. The University of Texas Bulletin this land? Did not our fathers of the American Revolution contend as well for religious as for civil liberty? Did they not fight, and bleed, and conquer to establish the sacred principle that all men have a right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences? And shall we, to whom this glorious inheritance has been left, basely surrender the blood-bought privilege at the nod and command of an earthly tyrant? Perish! perish forever the hateful thought. My feelings will not permit me, gentlemen, to dwell upon the brutal atrocities and cold-blooded massacres of the Mexican army. It is too evident to require argument, that in the refusal of quarter and in hoisting the red flag, the inhuman despot, Santa Anna, has denationalized himself. That he now stands before the world as a pirate-the com­mon enemy of mankind. That he has offered an insult to every civilized nation, and has made it their imperious duty to check his blood-stained career. But those martyred patriots have not fallen in vain. Although their blood has been swallowed up by the sands of that field of death, and their ashes have been scattered by the whirlwinds of Heaven, yet the light of their funeral pyre will gather together the sons of liberty who will teach their murderers that the Anglo-American race in a cause so sacred, can never die unhonored and unrevenged. Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I have done. I trust I have shown to you that the people of Texas have, for fourteen years, lived under a government directed by incessant revo­lutions, necessarily involving a violation of all law and order, and a total insecurity of person and property. That no shadow of protection has ever been extended to them ; but that on the contrary, a vexatious, oppressive, and un­constitutional system of legislation, has been pursued towards them, calculated and intended to blast all of their hopes, and to dishearten all of their enterprise. Super­added to this, I have shown to you that every guarantee of their rights has been violently, unconstitutionally, and totally destroyed. That their Governor has been imprisoned, their legislature dissolved, and an army of mercenaries sent to rivet upon them chains of a military despotism. Impelled by these multiplied oppressions, the people of Texas have declared their independence. Who will say that they were not justified in rising and bursting their fetters? None! none, but the slaves of a tyrant, or his hireling def enders, some of whom I blush to say even dare to contaminate, by their accursed presence, this land of Washington-this, the strongest, the proudest, if not the only citadel of human hope, and human freedom. Gentlemen, I will bring this matter more immediately home to yourselves. Suppose that the President of these United States should dissolve the present Congress, at the point of the bayonet, and should order an election for new members, to take place at an unconstitutional period. Sup­pose that this new Congress, the minions of the President, should vest him with despotic powers, should depose and imprison the Governor of the State of New York, should dissolve your legislature by violence, should disarm your citizens, and send on an army of mercenaries, to enforce your submission to this destruction of your liberties. Gentlemen, this is the precise attitude at present occupied by Texas.... But, gentlemen, I will detain you no longer. I know that you will recognize the people of Texas as strugglers for the sacred principles of the American Revolution, and that you will animate them to let "victory or death," alone terminate their resistance. I know that you will say to them, that although their resistance may lead through seas of blood, yet the same God who conducted a Washington, and his gallant compatriots, through every difficulty, still rules and reigns in all His glory. That He is still the enemy of the oppressor, and the avenger of the oppressed. That He still gives courage to the hearts, and strength to the arms raised to defend man's natural rights. Finally, gentlemen, I know that you will say to the people of Texas, once your fellow­citizens, forget not the deeds of your father! March boldly on in your glorious career, "conquering and to conquer." The University of Texas Bulletin But if after all that your chivalry and perseverance can accomplish, we find that you are overpowered by superior numbers, sooner than your dearest rights shall be profaned and prostituted-sooner than your heroic citizens shall be inhumanly massacred, and their wives and daughters polluted by a brutal soldiery, in this the land of your nativity, "ten thousand swords will leap from their scabbards." Texas Shall Be Free (A portion of an address by Wm. H. Wharton,1 New York City, April 26, 1836. Lamar Papers, I, 365-6.) Of what has transpired since the commencement of this contest you, gentlemen, have been apprized through the public journals. Of one fact, however, you may be assured, Mexico can never conquer Texas! We may be exterminated, but we never can be conquered. But I have gone too far in this admission. We cannot be exterminated! The ulti­mate triumph of our cause is as certain, as [that] the sun will continue to illuminate the universe. Like the sun itself, it may be temporarily obscured by passing clouds, but it will again burst forth with its all-dazzling and undy­ing effulgence. The justice and benevolence of God, will forbid that the delightful region of Texas should again become a howling wilderness, trod only by savages, or that it should be permanently benighted by the ignorance and superstition, the anarchy and rapine of Mexican misrule. 1William H. Wharton was born in Tennessee, in 1806. He came to Texas in 1829, and shortly afterwards became a leader of the eroup of colonists who desired separation of Texas from Coahuila, if not separation from Mexico. He had little patience with Stephen F. Austin's policy of patient forbearance. He was Chairman of the Convention of 1833 which petitioned for a separate state government for Texas. In December, 1835, he was appointed, with Austin and Branch T. Archer, to go to the United States and enlist support and assistance for Texas. This extract is a portion of the speech that he delivered as a member of this commission. After the revolution, Wharton was Minister of Texas to the United States. He shot himself accidentally and died in 1839. The Anglo-American race are destined to be forever the proprietors of this land of promise and fulfillment. Their laws will govern it, their learning will enlighten it, their enterprise will improve it. Their flocks will range its boundless pastures, for them its fertile lands will yield their luxuriant harvests; its rivers will bear the products of their industry and enterprise, and their latest posterity will here enjoy legacies of "price unspeakable," in the possession of homes fortified by the genius of liberty, and sanctified by the spirit of beneficent and tolerant religion. This is inevitable, for the wilderness of Texas has been redeemed by Anglo-American blood and enterprise. The colonists have carried with them the language, the habits, and the lofty love of liberty, that have always characterized and distinguished their ancestors. They have identified them indissolubly with the country. Yes! they have founded them on a basis, which, without being a prophet, I venture to assert will be codurable with the liberties of this land of Washington. I repeat it again and again. Mexico can never conquer Texas. Her armies may be for a time successful, but they will only be masters of the ground they occupy. We are not congregated in great cities as in France or England, where the conquest of London or Paris is the conquest of the whole country. Our situation resembles more the in­domitable Scythians of old in their forest fastnesses. Our inhabitants can easily retire before a pursuing enemy. But if they temporarily retire, it will only be to return with redoubled numbers, and recuperated energy. Yes! return they will, month after month, year after year, until their object is accomplished. The tears of every orphan, the shriek of every widow, and the blood of every martyred patriot, will only more certainly and suddenly seal the doom of their barbarian invaders. If thousands offer up their lives, there will still be lives to offer. All will gloriously persevere until relieved of the misery of a slavish existence, or until their tyrannic oppressors are made to feel and know, from blood-bought experience, that The University of Texas Bulletin Freedom's battle once begun, Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son, Tho' baffled oft--is surely won. But, gentlemen, Texas requires immediate pecuniary aid in order to feed and clothe her gallant soldiers, and thereby accomplish at once, what must necessarily be her ultimate destiny. Without this pecuniary aid a temporary triumph of despotism over liberty will take place. Without it, the darkness of midnight will glitter with the blaze of her dwellings, her soil will drink the blood of her bravest citi­zens, and the air be rent with the wailings of the widow and the fatherless. Will they, can they, who generously responded to and relieved the sufferings of Greece and Poland turn a deaf ear to their imploring brethren of Texas? Shall suppliant Greece and Poland be heard and aided, and the blood of Texas "sink into the ground"? Shades of our ancestors forbid it! Forbid it Heaven! Gentlemen, again and again I appeal to you for succor. I feel it a glorious occupation to plead in so noble a cause. I invoke you by every principle of honor, by every feeling of humanity, by every obligation of blood, by your devotion to liberty, and your detestation of oppression, to step nobly forward, entitle yourselves to the prayers and blessings of the distressed, and embalm your names in a nation's grati­tude. Do honor to the memories of your departed an­cestors-do honor to this consecrated land of your birth­do honor to the Anglo-American race-do honor to the enlightened age in which we live-do honor to the sacred cause in which we are embarked, and more especially do honor to this great commercial metropolis, New York, and enable her future historian to say, with truth and exulta­tion, that although the sails of her commerce whiten every sea, and the hum of a million animates her streets, yet that her generous ardor and munificence in the cause of liberty and bleeding Texas, constitute for her a renown, far more imperishable and dear to the soul. "Our Purpose Is Freedom" (Excerpt from an address by Stephen F. Austint to the people of Louisville, Ky., March 7, 1836. Published by J. Clarke & Company, Lexington, Ky., in 1836. The University of Texas Library.) Itis with the most unfeigned and heartfelt gratitude that I appear before this enlightened audience ... to make a plain statement of facts explanatory of the contest in which Texas is engaged with the Mexican Government. The public has been informed, through the medium of the newspapers, that war exists between the people of Texas and the present Government of Mexico. There are, however, many circumstances connected with this contest, its origin, its principles and objects which, perhaps, are not so generally known, and are indispensable to a full and proper elucidation of this subject. When a people consider themselves compelled by cir­cumstances or by oppression to appeal to arms and resort to their natural rights, they necessarily submit their cause to the great tribunal of public opinion. The people of Texas, confident of the justice of their cause, fearlessly and eheerfully appeal to this tribunal. In doing this the first step is to show, as I trust I shall be able to do by succinct statements of facts, that our cause is just, and is the cause of light and liberty, the same holy cause for which our fore­fathers fought and bled, the same that has an advocate in the bosom of every freeman, no matter in what country, or by what people it may be contended for. A few years back Texas was a wilderness, the home of the uncivilized and wandering Comanche and other tribes of Indians, who waged a constant and ruinous warfare against the Spanish settlements. These settlements at that time were limited to the small towns of Bexar (commonly 1Austin was born in Vira:inia on November 3, 1793. He founded the first Angl<>­ American co1ony in Texas and was. for ten years, practically ruler of Texas. During the first six months of 1836 he was in the United States, with William H. Wharton and Branch T. Archer, explaining the causes of the Texas revolution and soliciting assistance for Texas. Austin died on December 27, 1836. In 1933 the Legislature passed an Act declarinl? November 3 "Father of Texas Day" in honor of Austin. The University of Texas Bulletin called San Antonio) and Goliad, situated on the western limits. The incursions of the Indians also extended beyond the Rio Bravo del Norte, and desolated that part of the country. In order to restrain these savages and bring them into subjection, the Government opened Texas for settlement. Foreign emigrants were invited and called to that country. American enterprise accepted the invitation and promptly responded to the call. The first colony of Americans or foreigners ever settled in Texas was by myself. It was commenced in 1821, under a permission to my father, Moses Austin, from the Spanish Government previous to the independence of Mexico, and has succeeded by sur­mounting those difficulties and dangers incident to all new and wilderness countries infested with hostile Indians. These difficulties were many and at times appalling, and can only be appreciated by the hardy pioneers of this western country who have passed through similar scenes. The question here naturally occurs, what inducements, what prospects, what hopes could have stimulated us, the pioneers and settlers of Texas, to remove from the midst of civilized society, to expatriate ourselves from this land of liberty, from this, our native country, endeared to us as it was, and still is, and ever will be, by the ties of nativity, the reminiscences of childhood and youth and local attach­ments, of friendship and kindred? Can it for a moment be supposed that we severed all these ties-the ties of nature and education, and went to Texas to grapple with the wilderness and with savage foes, merely from a spirit of wild and visionary adventure, without guarantees of protection for our persons and property and political rights? No, it cannot be believed. No American, no Englishman, no one of any nation who has a knowledge of the people of the United States, or of the prominent characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon race to which we belong ... can or will believe that we moved to Texas without such guar­antees, as free-born and enterprising men naturally expect and require. The fact is, we had such guarantees. Our object is freedom--civil and religious freedom­emancipation from that Government, and that people, who, after fifteen years' experiment, since they have been sepa­rated from Spain, have shown that they are incapable of self-government, and that all hopes of anything like stability or rational liberty in their political institutions, at least for many years, are vain and fallacious. This object we expect to obtain by a total separation from Mexico, as an independent community, a new republic, or by becoming a State of the United States. Texas would have been satis­fied to have been a State of the Mexican Confederation, and she made every constitutional effort in her power to become one. But that is no longer practicable, for that confederation no longer exists. Houston's Farewell to the San Jacinto Soldiers1 [May 5, 1836] COMRADES:­ Circumstances connected with the battle of the twenty­first render our separation, for the present, unavoidable. I need not express to you the many painful sensations which that necessity inflicts upon me. I am solaced, however, by the hope that we shall soon be reunited in the great cause of Liberty. Brigadier General Rusk is appointed to com­mand the army for the present. I confide in his valor, his patriotism, and his wisdom. His conduct in the battle of San Jacinto was sufficient to insure your confidence and regard. The enemy, though retreating, are still within the limits of Texas; their situation being known to you, you cannot be taken by surprise. Discipline and subordination will lHouston was wounded during the battle of San Jacinto aod found it necessary to go to New Orleflns for surgical and medical treatment. On his retirement, General Rusk became Commander of the Texan army. The University of Texas Bulletin render you invincible. Your valor and heroism have proved you unrivalled. Let not contempt for the enemy throw you off your guard. Vigilance is the first duty of a soldier, and glory the proudest reward of his toils. You have patiently endured privations, hardships, and difficulties unappalled; you have encountered odds of two to one against you, and borne yourselves, in the onset and conflict of battle, in a manner unknown in the annals of modern warfare. While an enemy to your independence remains in Texas the work is incomplete; but when liberty is firmly established by your patience and your valor, it will be fame enough to say, "I was a member of the army at San Jacinto." In taking leave of my brave comrades in arms, I cannot suppress the expression of the pride which I so justly feel in having had the honor to command them in person, nor will I withhold the tribute of my warmest admiration and gratitude for the promptness with which my orders were executed and union maintained throughout the army. At party, my heart embraces you with gratitude and affection. La Bahia (Published in the Galveston News, August 17, 1873.) After the Battle of San Jacinto, General Thomas J. Rusk1 was dispatched to direct the retreat of the Mexican army from the State of Texas. On the march he came upon the remains of Fannin's command which had been massacred 1Thomas Jefferson Rusk was born in South Carolina, December 5, 1803, and died at Nacogdoches, Texas, July 29, 1857. He came to Texas in 1835 and practiced law at Nacogdoches. He was a member of the convention that declared Texan independence and was President of the Convention of 1845 which accepted annexation to the United States and framed the first State Constitution of Texas. He took command of the Texan army after the battle of San Jacinto and remained in command until October, 1836. He was Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Texas, 1838~1842. From 1846 to his death in 1857, he was a member of the United States Senate from Texas. at La Bahia.2 He gathered their remains and had them in­terred. He followed this with an address to his soldiers, June 4, 1836 : Fellow Soldiers: In the order of Providence we are this day called upon to pay the last sad office of respect to the remains of the noble and heroic band, who, battling for our sacred rights, have fallen beneath the ruthless hand of a tyrant. Their chivalrous conduct entitles them to the heart­felt gratitude of the people of Texas. Without any further interest in the country3 than that which all noble hearts feel at the bare mention of Liberty they rallied to our standard. Relinquishing the ease, peace and comfort of their homes, leaving behind them all they held dear, their mothers, sisters, daughters and wives, they subjected themselves to fatigue and privation, and nobly threw themselves between the people of Texas and the legions of Santa Anna. There, unaided by reinforcements and far from help or hope, they battled bravely with the minions of a tyrant, ten to one. Surrounded on the open prairie by these fearful odds, cut off from provisions and even water, they were induced, under the sacred promise of receiving the treatment usual to prison­ers of war, to surrender.4 They were marched back, and for a week treated with the utmost inhumanity and barbarity. They were marched out of yonder fort under the pretense of getting provisions, and it was not until the firing of the musketry and the shrieks of the dying that they were made to realize their approaching fate. Some endeavored to make their escape, but they were pursued by the ruthless cavalry and most of them cut down with their swords. A small num­ber of them now stand by the grave-a bare remnant of that noble band. Our tribute of respect is due to them; it is due to the mothers, sisters and wives who weep their untimely end, and we should mingle our tears with theirs. In that mass of remains and fragments of bones, many a mother might see her son, many a sister her brother, and many a wife her own beloved and affectionate husband. But we have a consolation yet to offer them; the murderers sank to death on the prairies of San Jacinto, under the "The MeXican name for Goliad-pronounced, La-Ba-e-a. •Fannin's men were recent volunteers from the United States-many of them from Geore'ia-who came to Texas to assist it in its war with Mexico. 'The original capitulation signed by Fannin and some of his officers was found in the archives of the Mexican War Department in 1910. It is somewhat ambiguous, hut apparently Fannin surrendered without conditions. The execution of the men was contrary to all principles of humanity but did not violate a written pledge. The University of Texas Bulletin appalling words, "Remember La Bahia." Many tender and affectionate women will remember with tearful eye, "La Bahia." But we have another consolation to offer. It is, that while liberty has a habitation and a home, their chiv­alrous deeds will be handed down upon the bright pages of history. We can offer still another consolation. Santa Anna, the mock hero, the black-hearted murderer, is within our grasp. Yea, and there he must remain, tortured with the keen pain of a corroding conscience. He must oft remember La Bahia, and while the names of those whom he murdered shall soar to the hi3'hest pinnacle of fame, he shall sink down into the lowest depths of infamy and disgrace. Santa Anna1 (An address by Mirabeau B. Lamar,2 taken from Lamar Papers, I, 376, 378, 379.) Who is Santa Anna but the Nero of the present day? Is he not the foe to all virtue? Has he not stabbed at public liberty? Has he not rioted in human gore; ravaged realms; violated treaties; and stands he not now before us as an invader of our country, and the cold-blooded butcherer of our friends and brethren? Why hesitate then to consign him to that punishment which his deeds demand? By negotiating with him for his life and liberty, do we not in effect publish to the world, that our abhorance of crime is subordinate to our attachment to interest; and that we are willing to stifle the course of justice and forego a just resentment, for certain political advantages, which it were 'Santa Anna was captured, after the battle of San Jacinto. On the battlefield, General Houston made with him a treaty which was subsequently ratified by President David G. Burnet. Santa Anna agreed to order his main army to retreat from Texas and promised to use his influence with the Mexican Government to induce it to recognize the independence of Texas. In order to enable him to exert this influence, the Texan Government was to liberate him and return him to Mexico. Early in June, 1836, he was placed on a Texan vessel, preparatory to sailing to Vera Cruz, when an uprisina of a part of the Texan army compelled President Burnet to order his recall. Lamar is here expressing-his opinion, as Secretary of War in Burnet's cabinet, that Santa Anna ouzht to be executed. Other members of the cabinet did not agree with him. "For a sketch of Lamar, see page 143. just as easy to win by our arms, and which, I fear, after all negotiation, we shall still have to purchase and main­tain by our valor. Poor worth that political dignity which is bought at the price of honor! I am certain that there is not a gallant son of chivalry, whose faithful saber played like a meteor on the plains of San Jacinto, but who will feel that his trusty blade drank the blood of the foe in vain, when he hears that the prime object of vengeance has been per­mitted to purchase his life and depart the land in liberty and peace. It will be useless to talk to him about national independence, and national domain, so long as the bones of his murdered brethren lie bleaching on the prairies unrevenged. Treble the blessings proposed to be gained by this negotiation will be considered as poor and valueless, when weighed against that proud and high resentment which the soldier feels for wrongs received. In the day of battle the animating cry was "Alamo." And why? Because it was known that the slaughterer of the Alamo was then in the field. It was him they sought. It was not against the poor and degraded instruments of his tyranny3 that we warred. They fell, it is true, before our avenging strokes like grass before the reaper's sickle, but it was only because they stood in the way of our march to the audacious Moloch.4 Through a forest of lances, and a storm of cannister, we rushed upon the bold offender; and the rejoicing spirits of the Georgia Battalion5 hailed their hour of vengeance come; when lo! a frigid figure by the name of policy rises between the victim and the avenging blow, and shields the murderer with a piece of parchment6 and a little sealing wax. . . . Do you hesitate? I entreat you to consider the character of those whose death we are called upon to avenge. They were no mercenary soldiery-no hired menials. They were the ornaments to the land they left-the flowers of honor BThe com·mon Mexican soJdiers. 'That is. Santa. Anna. "The Georgia Battalion, Fannin's men who were executed at Goliad by Santa Anna's orders. "The treaty providing for the reloose of Santa Anna. The University of Texas Bulletin and the pride of chivalry. The history of war cannot furnish a nobler band of patriotic heroes than those who rallied around the standard of Fannin. I knew many, very many of them personally, and can testify to their generous spirit. A braver people never hung the saber on the thigh. In that dark and portentous period of our affairs, when the tempest of desolation was thickening over the land, they nobly threw themselves between the oppressor and the oppressed, and made their bosoms the shields of our liberty, our homes, and our firesides. At the very first signal of alarm, their banners were thrown to the breeze, and their bayonets brightened in the sunbeam. Those banners are torn and the bayonets broken, and where is the gallant Battalion? Go ask the tyrant where.... If he by whose order they were basely murdered, shall escape the thunders of retribution, it may not be done by my approval. The blood of Fannin, and Fenner1 and the gallant Shacklefords shall not plead with me in vain. Whatever may be the honest views and feelings of others, I beg permission to publish to every parent who mourns the loss of a bright-eyed son in that all horrible transaction, that there is at least one in the councils of this Republic, who is mindful of the vengeance due his gallant boy, and who will not forego its payment even for a nation's weal. I cannot; will not compromise with a crimson-handed mur­derer. Let it not be told in Gath, or published in the streets of Askelon, that we took the gold of our foes in payment for the blood of our friends. . . . Mexican Prisoners and Santa Anna2 (Letter from M. B. Lamar, secretary of war, to the President and Cabinet concerning the prisoners captured at San Jacinto, May 12, 1836. Lamar Papers, I, 370-75.) Impressed with the importance of an early determination of the question as to what disposition shall be made of 1Members of Fannin's command. 2For a sketch of Lamar. see page 143. General Santa Anna, and other Mexican prisoners in the custody of the Government, I beg leave to call you to the consideration of the matter by tendering most respectfully the result of my own reflections upon the subject without burthening the cabinet with the various considerations which have conducted me to my conclusions. Whatever course may be decided upon, prompt and ener­getic execution would seem to be highly advisable. From the tenor of some of our discussions, conducted with frank­ness and freedom, I infer that my views in all probability, will be found on this important question, not in accordance with those of a majority of the body with whom I have the honor to act; but however variant our opinions, there can be but one motive of action, which is patriotism, and but one object to attain, which is the good of the country.... Coming to my task with a clear conscience, and awarding the same to those with whom I disagree, I will in the first place premise that the different conclusions at which we have arrived in former discussions in relation to our dis­tinguished prisoner, have arisen from the fact that whilst he has been considered by most of the cabinet exclusively as a prisoner of war, I have been disposed to regard him more as an apprehended murderer. The conduct of General Santa Anna will not permit me to view him in any other light. A chieftain battling for what he conceives to be the rights of his country, how­ever mistaken in his views, may be privileged to make hot and vigorous war upon the foe; but, when in violation of all the principles of civilized conflict, he avows and acts upon the revolting policy of extermination and rapine, slaying the surrendered, and plundering whom he slays, he forfeits the consideration of mankind by sinking the character of the hero into that of an abhorred murderer. The President of Mexico has pursued such a war upon the citizens of this ]3.epublic. He has caused to be published to the world a decree denouncing as pirates beyond the reach of his clemency, all who shall be found rallying around the standard of our Independence. In accordance The University of Texas Bulletin with this decree, he has turned over to the sword the bravest and best of our friends and fellow citizens after they had grounded their arms, under the most solemn pledge that their lives should be spared. He has fired our dwellings; laid waste our luxuriant fields; excited servile and insurrectionary war; violated plighted faith; and in­humanly ordered the cold blooded butchery of prisoners who had been betrayed into capitulation by heartless professions. I humbly conceive that the proclamation of such principles, and the perpetration of such crimes, place the offender out of the pale of negotiation, and demand at our hands other treatment than what is due a mere prisoner of war. Instinct condemns him as a murderer, and reason justi­fies the verdit. Nor should the ends of justice be averted because of the exalted station of the criminal; or be made to give way to the suggestions of interest or any cold con­sideration of policy. He who sacrifices human life at the shrine of ambition is a murderer, and deserves the punish­ment and infamy of one. The higher the offender, the greater reason for its infliction. I am therefore of the opinion that our prisoner, General Santa Anna, has for­feited his life by the greatest of all crimes, and is not a suitable object for the exercise of our pardoning pre­rogative.... Let the same punishment be awarded him, which we would feel bound in honor and conscience to inflict on a subaltern, charged and convicted of the like offense. This is all that justice can require. If he have committed no act which would bring condemnation on a private individual, then let him be protected; but if he have perpetrated crimes which a man in humble life would have to expiate upon the scaffold, then why shield him from the just opera­tions of a law to which another is held amenable? Surely no consideration of interest or policy can atone for such a violation of principle. View the matter in every possible light, and Santa Anna is still a murderer.... The Alamo (Excerpt from speech delivered by Senator Tom Connally,1 July 11, 1925, at dedication of Neff Park, gift of the mother of ex-Governor Pat M. Neff.) In those fateful days early in March, 1836, Texas was agitated and filled with gloomy apprehension. Travis at the Alamo and Fannin at Goliad were in need of reinforce­ments, which did not come. Neither those sitting at the convention knew what was happening in San Antonio, nor did the defenders of the Alamo know what was taking place at Washington on the Brazos. On February 23, 1836, Santa Anna arrived before the walls of the Alamo with an army of 3,000 cavalry, infantry and artillery, well equipped and supplied with munitions. Travis on the same day sent a message from the fortress that he had 150 men and was determined to defend it to the last. James Bowie and Travis were in joint command, but Bowie was stricken with pneumonia, and command devolved upon Travis. On the twenty-fourth Travis sent a dispatch begging for rein­forcements and supplies, in which was contained this heroic and sublime paragraph: The enemy have demanded a surrender at discretion, or the garrison will be put to the sword when taken. I have answered the summons with a cannot shot, and our flag still waves proudly from the wall. I shall never surrender or retreat. The gallant Bonham was sent with a message to Fannin at Goliad. Unable to procure aid, he resolved to return to the fort and die with his companions. On the morning of March 3 he dashed through the Mexican lines and entered the Alamo. Gonzales sent thirty-one volunteers to aid the defenders, and they, on the morning of March 1, cut their 'Tom Connally was born in McLennan County, Texas, August 19, 1877. He graduated at Baylor University and took the law course at The University of Texas. Be served two terms in the Texas Lez islature as representative of Falls County, was a member of Congress from 1917 to 1929. and since 1929 has been a member of the United States Senate. The University of Texas Bulletin way through the Mexican lines and entered the fort, which was to be their tomb. On March 6 Santa Anna stormed the Alamo between midnight and daylight. The defending force was insuffi­cient to man the works and the brave defenders were over­whelmed. Every soldier was massacred. The body of Travis lay near a cannon whose fire he had directed. Davy Crockett was pointed out to Santa Anna, surrounded by heaps of dead Mexicans. The sick and weakened Bowie lay upon his bed where he had been bayoneted, but not until he had with the last flickering spark of vitality killed with his pistol .more than one of the enemy. The only persons who escaped slaughter were the wife of Lieutenant Dickinson, her infant daughter, a negro servant of Travis, two Mexican women, Mrs. Alsbury and Mrs. Milton. Santa Anna, in a letter to a Texan some years later, said: The obstinacy of Travis and his soldiers was the cause of the death of the whole of them, for not one would surrender. From the pen of the despot whose tyranny they resisted and whose hands were bloody with their butchery came this acknowledgment of their desperate courage and death· less fame. Four days after the declaration of Texas inde­pendence there was sacrificed upon liberty's altar as gallant a band as ever defied a tyrant, and the smoking funeral pyre of the Alamo fanned to flame the spirit that was thenceforth to inspire the people of Texas to triumph at San Jacinto, and with their swords to establish forever the independence of Texas. The Significance of San Jacinto (Excerpt from a speech of Hon. Tom Connally,1 U.S. Senator, July 11, 1925, at the dedication of the Neff Park, gift of the mother of ex-Governor Pat M. Neff.) The annihilation of the Mexican army at San Jacinto and the capture of Santa Anna brought an acknowledgment 1 For a sketch of the speaker, see page 57. Centennial Declamations of the independence of Texas. Texas was now a nation, independent and sovereign. It maintained its place among the nations of the world until December, 1845, when it became a state of the American Union. Then followed the war between the United States and Mexico, in which the sons of Texas played a large and heroic part. As a result of the Mexican War of 1846, there was added to the terri­tory of the Union that vast territory that reached to the Pacific and along its coast to Oregon. The battle of San Jacinto gave to the Anglo-Saxon the mighty territory of the southwest; brought the gold fields and the orange groves of California within the boundaries of the Union; it secured to millions whose footsteps are not yet heard upon a mighty domain the blessings of American institutions; it turned the course of Anglo-Saxon civiliza­tion into the Southwest, and stretched it to the distant sea, at once enriched the United States with its marvelous re­sources, and made secure the national safety. There were heroic days and historic spots in the life of the Texas Republic. The period of statehood in the Union has not been without them, but limitations imposed by propriety will not permit of more than general reference. In the days of the Republic, Mexican armies and bands constantly harassed the Texans. In 1842 a Mexican army twice captured San Antonio, but speedily departed before the Texan forces could attack them. When Texas seceded from the Union and joined the Con­federacy she poured out in that struggle her treasure, and her sons, in heroic fashion, met the shock of battle and the privations of the camp. The other day I was at Sabine Pass and looked upon the monument that commemorates the valiant conduct of Dick Dowling and his little band of defenders, who triumphed over a Union force many times their number. That historic spot signalizes the same forti­tude and patriotism that animated Texans in that terrible struggle, and made its day heroic, and shed luster upon every field where they fought. The University of Texas Bulletin And there have been heroic days in times of peace as well as amidst wars' wild alarms. The fortitude and wisdom of Texans nobly redeemed Texas from the tyranny of re­construction and disfranchisement, more galling than an open contest with arms, because imposed upon an unarmed and helpless people. Within the Union, Texas and Texans have responded in generous measure to the nation's call for service. In the War with Spain, she sent her quota of troops and then re­cruited on her soil independent commands. In the World War, her sons, standing in the ranks with men from every State in the Union, touched the flag with a new glory, and brightened and ennobled the story of American arms. Tonight, as we stand here under the stars, on this spot of ground, and amidst these lofty trees, donated to the living and to those yet to come after them-let us hope that they shall add other historic spots and still more heroic days to the life of Texas. At this very hour the resources, industry and commerce of Texas are the marvel of the nation. Great as they are, the star of Texas has not approached its meridian glory. With Florida in the valley of the Rio Grande, and Iowa and Nebraska spread out over the Panhandle; with Wyoming and Montana in the ranches of the west, and Washington and Oregon in the forests of the east; with Pennsylvania lying in her beds of coal and pools of petroleum, and one-fifth of all the earth's pro­duction bursting forth in the white banners of her fields of cotton; with more than New York in her ports and ship­ping, Texas lifts up her eyes to a great tomorrow. No prophet can measure the wealth that still lies in her buried vaults. There is no crystal ball whose depths can reveal her future. No seer can from the stars read her horoscope. These are in the keeping of the men and women of today and tomorrow. All of that splendid endowment is ours because patriots suffered and sacrificed and died for Texas from the days of the colonies, through revolution and inde­pendence, to statehood in the Union. They bequeathed to Centennial Declamations us a rich inheritance in wealth, but a more sublime heritage of valor, and faith, and imperishable patriotism. Texas' Debt to General James Hamilton1 (Excerpt from an address by Hon. L. T. Wigfall,2 slightly adapted, before the Texas Legis'ature, November 25, 1857, following an­ nouncement by Governor E. M. Pease that General James Hamilton had been lost by the going down of the steam­ship "Opelousas" in the Gulf of Mexico. From "Obit­uary Addresses on the Occasion of the Death of General James Hamilton." University of Texas Archives.) The part which General James Hamilton played in the great struggle between states rights and consolidation end­ing in the Clay Compromise Bill of 18333 has been detailed elsewhere. With the peaceful conclusion of South Carolina's resistance to Federal encroachment through the principle of protection, General Hamilton's connection with Federal politics was severed. That the issue was bloodless is to be attributed to the peculiar combination in him of extreme prudence and undaunted courage. An act of rashness or sign of faltering on his part would have involved the country in war, and produced a dissolution of the Union in blood. From the nettle danger he plucked the flower safely. His work was finished and he retired to private life, blessed and beloved by the entire State. •James Hamilton was born in Charleston. South Carolina, May 8, 1786. He was a major in the War of 1812, was mayor of Charleston, a member of the South Carolina Legislature, and Governor of South Carolina ( 1830-1832). He represented South Carolina in Congress, 1821-1829. He was financial agent of Texas in Europe during the period of the Republic, vainly seeking loans for Texas in England and France. "Louis T. Wigfall was born in South Carolina, April 21, 1816, and died at Galveston, Texas, February 18, 1874. He served several terms as Representative and Senator in the Texas Legislature between 1849 and 1860. He was a member of the United States Senate when Texas seceded from the Union. After his withdrawal from the United States Senate, he represented Texas in the Confederate Congress. •The Compromise Tariff, providing for gradual reduction of the protective tariff to a revenue basis during the next ten years. It ended the nullification movement in South Carolina. 62 The University of Texas Bulletin By some he may have been regarded as a disunionist. They knew him not. Never did his heart cease to beat with love for the Union, till stilled by the icy hand of death. But it was the Union that he loved-the Union formed in '87.4 A Union between the States for certain specified purposes, set forth in the Constitution. It was to prevent the destruction of that Union by the conversion of the Federal Republic into a consolidated despotism, that he struggled.5 The principles by which he saved that Union, timid patriotism acknowledged but failed to enforce. De­signing demagogues and plunder-fed politicians alone mis­represented, denied, and denounced them. They now con­stitute the recognized creed of the democratic party. They knew him not, who supposed that in his heart there rankled any dissatisfaction or secret enmity toward the Government of his country. There was nothing in that dark quarrel to bring the blush of shame to his cheek. Proud was his recollection of the past, and bright his anticipation of the future. Under his nurturing care the Palmetto,6 which had drooped beneath the withering in­fluence of Federal Despotism, again spread its branches in the sun, green and luxuriant as in the brightest days of its glory, and the clouds of unconstitutional usurpation which had obscured the bright star of his State had been dissolved by the touch of his magic wand. He saw that star in an unclouded sky again break upon the eye with more than its former brilliancy and beauty. I cannot, as a Texan, conclude his political history, with­out alluding briefly to his connection with our struggle for independence. In South Carolina, 1836, no man stood higher in the confidence of the people than George McDuffie-the then Governor of the State. No one was more entitled to their confidence. Knowing nothing of 'By the formation of the Constitution of the United States. • As Governor, he signed the Nullification Ordinance of the South Carolina Con­vention in 1832. • The emblem of South Carolina. Centennial Declamations Mexican politics, and of the real issue involved in the struggle, . . . he spoke in his message strongly against the Texas revolution, advised strict neutrality, deprecated rec­ognition, and stated that "under whatever circumstances of adventure, speculation, honor, or infamy, the insurgents of Texas had emigrated to that country, they had forfeited all claim to fraternal regard"; that "having left a land of freedom for a land of despotism, with their eyes open, they deserved their destiny." The Committee on Federal Rela­tions, in the House of Representatives, embodied his views in their Report and Resolutions, and they passed that House almost without opposition. General Hamilton reached Columbia, the seat of govern­ment, after they had passed. He was then a member of the State Senate. He immediately, as chairman of the Committee on Federal Relations in the Senate, introduced and carried, with equal unanimity, resolutions negativing the Governor's proposals and those of the House resolutions, and before the end of the session, by his personal influence and burning eloquence, the State was committed to the cause of Texas-her independence and annexation. He was soon vested with the rights of citizenship in Texas, and was offered the command-in-chief of her armies. His private affairs prevented his accepting the command. Other­wise, I would not be indulging in hyperbole to say, Her meanest rill, her mightiest river Would roll mingling with his fame forever. It was otherwise ordered; but though his services may, in consequence, have been less brilliant, they were not less useful. Through his instrumentality chiefly her inde­pendence was recognized by the great European powers, and most important loans negotiated. I have done. A great man has fallen, and it is proper that a nation should mourn. The University of Texas Bulletin The Death of General James Hamilton1 (Excerpt from an address by Hon. L. T. Wigfall, before the Texas Legislature, November 25, 1857, following announcement by Gov­ ernor E. M. Pease that General James Hamilton had been l0i1t by the going down of the steamship "Opelousas" in the Gulf of Mexico. From "Obituary Addresses on the Occasion of the Death of General James Hamilton," University of Texas Archives.) Custom sanctions and reason dictates that on an extraor­dinary occasion like the present, a brief recital should be made of the prominent political acts and peculiar mental and moral organization of the individual whose sudden death has cast such gloom over the community, as we see around. To die is the lot of man. Of dust we are made and to dust we shall return. Why then is it proposed that for a time the wheels of Government shall stand still? A mighty man has fallen in Israel. It was the sentiment of a soldier, that what might happen at any moment was not worth a moment's consideration. This sentiment, though it may startle the imagination and challenge the admiration of infidel recklessness, jars harshly upon the ear of Christian thoughtfulness, and offers no guide or standard of moral courage. It is true, neverthe­less, that the manner or moment of death should and will be a matter of indifference to us concerning one whose every moment of life has been the subject of a careful and conscientious consideration. The illustrious subject of these resolutions was a living and dying embodiment of the latter idea. Scrupulously careful of the manner of his life, he was daringly indiff er­ent as to the moment of his death. Daringly and gener­ously indifferent-"Save yourself and child," he exclaimed, and submitted himself to the care of Him in whose hands are the winds and the waves.2 He sank like the sun, leaving 1For sketches of Hamilton and Wi!l'fall, see page 61. "In re11:ard to the loss of General Hamilton, Mr. Wood states that a rescued lady passenger told him that as she was leavinll' the cabin just before the ship sunk, Centennial Declamations an atmosphere of light behind him. The sentiment was that of a Christian and a soldier. It would have illustrated a whole age of chivalry. His body to the sea-his soul to the God who gave it, and his example to mankind. Whilst to the thoughtless admirer of this great man, it may be a matter of regret that he did not wing his way to the abodes of bliss from some hard-fought field, with the shouts of victory in his ear, sealing with his life's blood the liberties of his country, to the reflecting it cannot but be a matter of gratification that the world has not lost the example of such sublime and moral courage and self­sacrificing generosity as are shown in those simple words­"Save yourself and child." Upon the fiercely fought field, when the blood is hot, Where many a banner has been torn, And many a knight to earth been borne, passion sometimes supplies the place of courage, and blind excitement is often mistaken for lofty patriotism. At such moments, when the eyes of an admiring world are fixed upon a great military leader-one who holds in his hands the destinies of that world, and sees the historian ready to record his slightest word-we expect and are not startled at the exhibition of great deeds, generous sentiments, and reckless daring. The actor speaks to posterity, and has a world for an audience. But when the right hand doeth what the left had knoweth not of-then it is that nature is dis­played, and the man stands forth as he is. It is only then that the ring of the true metal is heard. Amid the wild waste of waters, with no witness but a helpless woman, and a more helpless child-who would tell the tale of his generosity? He is dead. His example can never die. an elderly 1rentleman came out of a stateroom with a life preserver in his hand and begged her to help him put it on, as one of his hands was crooked and useless. She replied that she had her child to look after, and could not stop. He then said, "Go, madam, for God's sake and save yourself and child." From the description the lady irave of the old man, Mr. Wood is confident that it was the General, and that the words addressed by him to the lady were his last on earth. The University of Texas Bulletin The Babe of the Alamo (Address by Guy M. Bryan1 to the Texas Legislature in behalf of a bill providing a donation to the daughter of Almeron Dickerson, who fell in the Alamo.) I intended, Mr. Speaker, to remain silent on this occasion, but silence would now be a reproach, when to speak is but a duty. No one has raised a voice in behalf of this orphan child-several have spoken against her claim. I rise, sir, an advocate of no common cause. Liberty was its founda­tion-heroism and martyrdom have consecrated it. I speak for the orphan child of the Alamo ! No orphan children of fallen patriots can send up a similar petition to this House-none other can say, I am the child of the Alamo! Well do I recollect the consternation which was spread throughout the land, when the sad tidings reached our ears that the Alamo had fallen! It was here that a gallant few, "the bravest of the brave,'' threw themselves between the enemy and the settlements, "determined never to surrender or to retreat." They redeemed their pledge to Texas with the forfeit of their lives-they fell the chosen sacrifice to Texan freedom. Texas, unapprised of the approach uf the invader, was sleeping in fancied security, when the big gun of the Alamo first told that the Attila of the South was near. Infuriated by the resistances of Travis and his noble band, he halted his whole army beneath the walls, and rolled wave after wave, and surge after surge of his mighty host against these stern battlements of freedom. In vain he strove-the flag of liberty, the Lone Star of Texas, still streamed out upon the breeze, and floated proudly from the outer wall. Maddened, he pitched his tents and reared his 1Guy Morrison Bryan was born in Missouri, January 12, 1821, the son of Stephen F Austin's sister. He came to Texas with his mother and step-father, James F . Perry, in 1881. He was a member of the State Legislature as a member of the House of Representatives, 1847-1853, and as a member of the Senate, 1853-1857. He served one term in Congress, 1857-1859. During the Civil War he served on the staff of General E. Kirby Smith; and, following the war, he was four terms in the Texas Lea-islature, during one of which he was Speaker of the House. The speech here presented was delivered in the House of Repre­sentatives in 1850. Colonel Bryan died in Austin in 1901. Centennial Declamations batteries, and, finally, stormed and took a black and ruined mass, the blood-stained walls of the Alamo. The noble, the martyred spirits of its gallant defenders had already taken their flight to another fortress, not made with hands. This detention of the enemy enabled Texas to recuperate her energies, to prepare for the struggle, in which freedom was the prize, and slavery the forfeit. It enabled her to assemble upon the Colorado that gallant band ... which eventually triumphed upon the plains of San Jacinto, and rolled back the tide of war upon the ruthless invader. But for this stand at the Alamo, Texas would have been desolated to the banks of the Sabine. Then, sir, in view of these facts, I ask of this House to vote the pittance prayed for. To whom? To the only living witness (save her mother) of this awful tragedy, "the bloodiest picture in the book of Time," and the bravest act that ever swelled the annals of any country. Grant this boon! She claims it as the christened child of the Alamo, baptized in the blood of a Travis, a Bowie, a Crockett, and a Bonham ! It would be a shame to Texas to turn her away. Give her what she asks in order that she may be educated and become a worthy child of the State and take that position in society to which she is entitled by the illustrious name of her martyred father-made illustrious because he fell in the Alamo! The Significance of Texan Independence1 (Excerpt from an address by Stephen F. Austin in Louisville, Ky., March 7, 1836. Published by J. Clarke & Company, Lexington, Ky., 1836, copy of which is in The University of Texas Library.) It is asked, what is the present situation in Texas, and what are our resources to effect our object and defend our 1For a sketch of Austin, see paa;e 47. The University of Texas Bulletin rights? What of the resources of Texas? We consider them sufficient to effect and to sustain our independence. We have one of the finest countries in the world, a soil sur­passed by none for agriculture and pasturage; a climate that may be compared to that of Italy; within the cotton or sugar region, intersected by navigable rivers and bounded by the Gulf of Mexico, on which there are several fine bays and harbors suitable for all the purposes of commerce, there is a population of about seventy thousand, which is rapidly increasing, and is generally composed of men of very reputable education and property, enterprising, bold, and energetic, devotedly attached to liberty and their country, inured to the use of arms, and at all times ready to use them and defend their homes inch by inch if necessary. The exportations of cotton are large. Sheep, cattle and hogs are very abundant and cheap. The revenue from importations and direct taxes will be considerable and it is rapidly increasing; the vacant lands are very extensive and valuable, and may be safely relied upon as a great source of revenue and as bounties for emigrants. The credit of Texas is good, as is proven by the extensive loans already negotiated. The country and army are gen­erally well supplied with arms and ammunition, and the organized force in February last exceeded two thousand, and is rapidly increasing. But, besides these resources, we have one which ought not, and certainly will not fail us. It is our cause-the cause of light and liberty, of religious toleration. To suppose that such a cause will fail when defended by Anglo-Saxon blood, by Americans, . . . would be calumny against republicanism and freedom, against a noble race, and against the philanthropic principles of the people of the United States. I therefore repeat that we consider our resources sufficient to effect our independence against the Mexicans. . . . The emancipation of Texas will extend the principles of self-government over a rich and neighboring country, and Centennial Declamations open a vast field there for enterprise, wealth and happi­ness. . . . It will promote and accelerate the march of the present age, for it will open the door through which a bright and constant stream of light and intelligence will flow from this great northern fountain over the benighted regions of Mexico. That Nation will be regenerated, free­dom of conscience and national liberty will take root in that distant, and, by nature, much favored land, where for ages past the upas banner of the Inquisition, of intolerance, of despotism has paralyzed, and sickened, and deadened every effort in favor of civil and religious liberty ... . Texas will become a great outwork on the west, to pro­tect the outlet to this western world, the mouths of the Mississippi, as are Alabama and Florida on the east; and thus keep away from the southwestern frontier-the weak­est and most vulnerable in the Nation-all enemies who might make Texas a door for invasion, or use it as the theater from which mistaken philanthropists and wild fanatics might attempt a system of intervention in the domestic concerns of the South, which might lead to a servile war.... To conclude, I have shown that our cause is just and righteous, that it is the great cause of mankind, and as such merits the approbation and moral support of this magnanimous and free people; that our object is inde­pendence--as a new republic-or to become a state of these United States; that our resources are sufficient to sustain the principles we are defending; that the results will be the promotion of the great cause of liberty, of philanthropy, and religion, and the protection of a great and important interest to the people of the United States. With these claims to the approbation and moral support of the free of all nations, the people of Texas have taken up arms in self defense, and they submit their cause to the judgment of an impartial world, and to the protection of a just and omnipotent God. The University of Texas Bulletin Texas' Declaration of lndependence1 (Excerpt from a speech by Stephen F. Austin at Louisville, Ky., March 7, 1836. Published by J. Clarke & Company. The University of Texas Library.) The present situation of Texas is an absolute Declaration of Independence-a total separation from Mexico. This declaration was made on the seventh of November last. It is as follows : WHEREAS, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna and other military chieftains have, by force of arms, overthrown the federal institutions of Mexico and dissolved the social compact which existed between Texas and the other mem­bers of the Mexican Confederacy, now the good people of Texas, availing themselves of their natural rights, solemnly declare, First. That they have taken up arms in defense of their rights and liberties, which were threatened by encroachments of military despots, and in defense of the republican prin­ciples of the Federal Constitution of Mexico of 1824. Second. That Texas is no longer morally or civilly bound by the compact of Union; yet stimulated by the generosity and sympathy common to a free people, they offer their support and assistance to such of the members of the Mexican Confederacy as will take up arms against military despotism. Third. That they do not acknowledge that the present authorities of the nominal Mexican Republic have the right to govern within the limits of Texas. Fourth. That they will not cease to carry on war against the said authorities whilst their troops are within the limits of Texas. Fifth. That they hold it to be their right during the dis­organization of the federal system and the reign of despotism to withdraw from the Union and to establish an independent Government or to adopt such measures as they may deem best calculated to protect their rights and liberties; but they will continue faithful to the Mexican Government, so long as that Nation is governed by the constitution and laws that were framed for the government of the political association. Sixth. That Texas is responsible for the expenses of her armies now in the field. lFor a sketch of Austin, see page 47. Centennial Declamations Seventh. That the public faith of Texas is pledged for the payment of any debts contracted by her agents. Eighth. That she will reward by donations of land all who volunteer their services in her present struggle, and receive them as citizens. These declarations we solemnly avow to the world, and call God to witness their truth and sincerity and invoke defeat and disgrace upon our heads, should we prove guilty of duplicity. It is worthy of particular attention that this declaration affords another and unanswerable proof of the forbearance of the Texans and of their firm adherence, even to the last moment, to the Constitution which they had sworn to sup­port, and to their political obligations as Mexican citizens. For, although at this very time the federal system and the Constitution of 1824 had been overturned and trampled under foot by military usurpation in all parts of the Re­public, and although our country was actually invaded by the usurpers for the purpose of subjecting us to the military rule, the people of Texas still said to the Mexican nation: "Restore the Federal Constitution and govern in conformity to the social compact which we are all bound by our oaths to sustain, and we will continue to be a member of the Mexican Confederation." This noble and generous act, for [generous] it certainly was under the circumstances, is of itself sufficient to repel and silence the false charge which the priests and despots of Mexico have made of the ingratitude of the Texans. In what does this ingratitude consist? I cannot see, unless it be our enterprise and perseverance in giving value to a country that the Mexicans considered valueless, and thus exciting their jealousy and cupidity.... Can it be ingrati­tude in the people of Texas to resist oppression and usurpa­tion by separating from Mexico? The Declaration of the seventh of November last . . . is a total separation from Mexico--an absolute Declara­tion of Independence-in the event of the destruction of the Federal compact or system, and the establishment of The University of Texas Bulletin centralism. This event has already taken place. The Fed­eral compact is dissolved and a central or consolidated government is established. I, therefore, repeat that the present position of Texas is absolute independence, a posi­tion in which we have been placed by the unconstitutional and revolutionary acts of the Mexican Government. The Battle of San Jacinto (Excerpts from a speech by Hon. A. W. Terrell,1 in the House of Representatives, Austin, March 2, 1905. Published in the House Journal, Twenty-ninth Legislature, pp. 1348-1356.) The Declaration of Independence received its first great baptism of blood on the field of San Jacinto. The sun of April 21, 1836, rose on Houston and his 750 Texans, whose courage had hardened by delay into desperation. After a forced march of two days (a day and night without rations) they met 18002 Mexican regulars under the command of Santa Anna. The smooth prairie of San Jacinto covered with spring grass and decked with wild flowers separated the armies. The sun was declining in the west when the scout, Deaf Smith, galloped swiftly to Houston and brand­ishing his axe, announced that Vince's bridge, over which alone the Mexicans could escape or be reinforced, was destroyed. Then, at a quick step, the Texas line advanced, 1Alexander W. Terrell was born in Virginia on November 3, 1829. He was educated at Missouri State University, and began practicing law in Missouri. He moved to Austin, Texas, in 1852, and served as District Judge in 1857. He saw service in the Confederate Army during the Civil War, advancing to the rank of Brigadier­General. As a result of Confederate reverses he took refuge in Mexico, where be served in the French army of occupation under General Bazaine. In 1875 he entered the State Senate of Texas, where he was responsible for the enactment of a new law regarding jurors and for the incorporation of the provision for co-education in the bill to establish The University of Texas. He was President of the Texas State Historical Association from 1908 until his death on September 8, 1912. "Houston's force was somewhat larger than 750 men and the Mexican force wu around 1.200 fighting men. impatient for their revenge, while Sherman3 and Lamar4 shouted, "Remember the Alamo." The words were echoed through clenched teeth all along the line, as the men moved, led by Houston, at shoulder arms, reserving their fire until within forty paces of the enemy, when a sheet of flame issued from the Texas rifles, and then with clubbed guns, pistols and knives they closed in on the Mexican line. As a fierce cyclone crashes through the forest, so they rushed on the invader. Sam Houston's horse is now stained red with his rider's blood, and falls near the Mexican line; Motley, who signed the Declaration of Independence, has fallen, but John Bunton, who signed it with him, rushes on and after braining with his clubbed rifle a Mexican cannoneer, captures his loaded cannon. In eighteen min­utes after those Texas heroes delivered their fire, they stood like bloody eagles in the sun-exulting and victorious. With a loss of but two killed and twenty-three wounded, they had slain 630 Mexican regulars and captured 730 prisoners. When the little army was charging, the drum and the fife, under order from Houston, played, "Will you come to the bower I have shaded for you," until, within a hundred yards the tune changed to "Yankee Doodle." Never, except when Havelock advanced to the relief of Lucknow to the music of "Annie Laurie,"5 did any other troops except those charge an enemy to the music of a love song. Never before or since was such a fight made, except when Dick Dowling and his forty-three Irish Texans de­f ended successfully here in 1863, against a Federal fleet, the Sabine Pass. Jackson fought at New Orleans behind breastworks, Santiago and Manila6 were won by trained regulars, but San Jacinto was won in the open field over trained regulars by undrilled Texas frontiersmen. No one has ever expressed surprise at their victory who knew the 3Sidney Sherman, Colonel of one of Houston's two regiments, see page 207. • Mirabeau B. Lamar, commander of the cavalry in the Battle of San Jacinto. For a sketch, see pa11:e 143. • An incident of the Sepoy mutiny in India in 1857. • Santiago, Cuba, and Manila, Philippine Islands, captured in the Spanish·American War. The University of Texas Bulletin men, for nearly everyone of them was a hunter who had walked in, knife in hand, to save his dog from the hug of the bear. That crimson chapter of our history reveals the mettle of the men who first peopled Texas, and it explains also why, long years afterward, Robert E. Lee, Stonewall Jackson and Albert Sidney Johnston, all of whom fought Mexicans and Indians with Texas Rangers, reserved, during our Civil War, their Texas troops for the last desperate charge in doubtful battles, as Napoleon did the Old Guard. As the world came forth from chaos, so liberty, championed by such men, emerged fresh and radiant from the throes of revolution. The Results of San Jacinto (Excerpt from an address by Norman G. Kittrell1 delivered at the unveiling ceremonies of the monument to David G. Burnet and General Sidney Sherman, at Galveston, March 2, 1894. Pub­ lished in the Galveston News, March 3, 1894.) The Texas revolution was an inevitable result flowing from causes that rendered longer duration of political union with Mexico not only impracticable, but impossible. There had been attracted to Texas at this early day, from the different States of the American Union, many men of cour­age, ability, education and capacity for affairs of govern­ment. They were representative Americans, and filled with that love of political and religious freedom which character­izes the American wherever found. Between such men as these and their Spanish fellow citizens, who, to a great extent, had been reared under and were wedded to mon­archical institutions, there could be no bonds of sympathy or unity of purpose or endeavor. The one believed in liberty regulated by law; the other in a government by force. The 1For sketches of Kittrell and Burnet, see pages 231 and 24, respectively. former contended for constitutional and local self-govern­ment; the latter for a centralized republic, based upon the will of a dictator and supported by the bayonet. The Spaniard believed in a union of church and State; the American, in their entire separation and an absolute free­dom of conscience in all matters of religious faith and practice. That, from the friction of such opposing views, the fires of revolution were soon generated, is not surpris­ing. That revolution began with the disaster and gloom of the Alamo and Goliad, and ended with the triumph and glory of San Jacinto. The superficial observer who rates the importance of battles by the numbers engaged and the casualties of the conflict may sneer at San Jacinto and declare it unworthy to be ranked with the noted battles of the world, but by the philosophic student of history, who applies to it the only true and reasonable test of importance, the odds of the struggle and the consequences directly and proximately flowing therefrom, it will be considered one of the most memorable military engagements of modern times, and one of the decisive battles of history. It is estimated that the entire population of Texas at that time did not exceed 80,000,2 while that of Mexico was at least 7,000,000. Texas, having had no independent politi­cal existence, had no organized army, no munitions of war and no tried and trusted leaders, while Mexico was a cen­tralized despotism, with an army thoroughly drilled and equipped and commanded by the ruler of the Mexican nation, who was able and experienced both in the council and in the field. Despite these odds that army, nearly twice as large as the Texas force, was utterly routed and its commander captured, while the number left by its dead on the field nearly equaled the entire body of its antagonists, and approximated to eighty times the loss the latter sus­tained in the engagement. "There were probably fewer than 35,0000 civilized inhabitants-men, women, and children. The University of Texas Bulletin From that battle resulted immediately the independence of Texas and its establishment as a Republic, that received promptly due and formal recognition at the hands of the leading governments of the world. Nine years later fol­lowed annexation to the United States, directly resulting from which was the war with Mexico and the acquisition by the United States of the great territory of the west and the extension of the national jurisdiction to the Pacific Ocean. In view of these facts, it may be safely asserted that from few battles of modern times have results so far-reaching and important flowed since Cornwallis surrendered on the plains of Yorktown. The victory at San Jacinto placed under the control of the enlightened and progressive American a territory con­taining at that time an area of more than 350,000 square miles, blessed with nearly every variety of soil and climate, and possessing every physical element and characteristic necessary to the maintenance in comfort and prosperity of an enterprising and progressive population. The star of the young Republic that rose above that historic field cast a light along the pathway of civilization that will gleam and glance and radiate adown the centuries. With brightness undimmed by transfer into the starry symbol of the Union, it shines yet a beacon light to guide the restless thousands of humanity who are pouring into Texas with their wealth and treasure and industry and intelligence and virtue and good citizenship, as shone the star in the East to guide the wandering Magi, with their gifts of gold and frankincense and myrrh, to Bethlehem's manger, where sleft the infant Lord. Even now- I hear the tread of pioneers, Of nations yet to be; The first low wash of waves where soon Shall roll a human sea. Ill. Secession, War and Reconstruction On the Secession Resolution of South Carolina1 (Excerpt from a message of Governor Sam Houston to the Texas Legislature when he transmitted the South Carolina Resolution, January 21, 1861. Houston Papers. The University of Texas Collection; Executive Records, 1859-1861, Book No. 69, pp. 74-79, Texas State Library.) To guide us in our present difficulties, it is a safe rule to borrow experience from the sages and patriots of the past. Beginning with the Father of Our Country, and great apostle of human liberty, George Washington, I am happy to find my opinions on this subject have the sanction of all those illustrious names which we and future generations will cherish so long as liberty is a thing possessed or hoped for. In his farewell address, he says: The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your independence--the support of your tranquility at home and your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken your minds in the con­viction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your National Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it, accustoming yourself to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety, dis­countenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate one portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. lFor a sketch of Houston, see page 166. The Secession Convention of South Caro­lina passed the Ordinances of Secession, December 20, 1860. 1'he University of Texas Bulletin It must be recollected that these sage admonitions were given to a people, and to the sacred cause of liberty, to which a long life of arduous toil and unselfish devotion had been given. Temporary excitement, fanaticism, ambition and the passions which actuate demagogues, afforded no promptings to his fatherly teachings. They were those of a mind which felt that it was leaving a rich heritage of freedom to posterity, to whom was confided the task of prompting and preserving human freedom and happiness. Next among the patriot statesmen who devoted their lives to the achievement of our independence as a nation, is to be mentioned the venerated name of Thomas Jefferson. In relation to the subject of secession and disunion, we find the following expression of patriotic feelings. In June, 1798, at a time when conflicting elements seemed, in the ~stimation of many, to portend disunion, he wrote: In every free and deliberating society, there must, from the nature of man, be opposite parties, and violent dissensions and discords, and one of these, for the most part, must prevail over the other for a longer or a shorter time. Perhaps this party division is necessary to induce each to watch and debate to the people the proceedings of the other. But if, on the temporary superiority of the one party, the other is to resort to a scission of the Union, no Federal Government can ever exist. If, to rid ourselves of the present rule of Massachusetts and Connecticut, we break the Union, will the evil stop there? Suppose the New England States alone, cut off, will our nature be changed? Are we not men still to the south of that, and with all the passions of men? Immediately we shall see a Pennsylvania and a Virginia party in the residuary confederacy, and the public mind will be distrated with the same party spirit. What a game, too, will the one party have in their hands, by eternally threatening the other, that unless they do so and so, they will join their northern neighbors. Ifwe reduce our Union to Virginia and North Carolina, immediately the conflict will be established between the representatives of these two states, and will end by breaking into their simple limits. And again, after a lapse of nearly twenty years, when the Hartford Convention2 announced the doctrine of nullifi­cation and secession as an ultimate remedy, which we are "The Hartford Convention, held in 1814, to protest against continuance of the War of 1812. today called to endorse, he wrote to the honored Lafayette, who, from his home in France, began to look with doubt upon the success and perpetuity of the Union which his blood had been spilt to establish : The cement of this Union is in the heart blood of every American. I do not believe there is on earth a Government established on so immovable a basis. Let them in any state, even in Massachusetts itself, raise the standard of separation, and its citizens will rise en masse and do justice themselves on their own incendiaries. The particular attitude of Massachusetts, at that period, called forth these determined expressions from this great champion of American freedom. They are equally ap­plicable to our present condition. The Legislature of South Carolina may have as much mistaken the character of the masses of South Carolina as did the Hartford Convention the character of the masses of Massachusetts. The Hart­ford Convention became a by-word and a reproach. The sons of the men of Lexington and Bunker Hill stamped it with infamy. The people of South Carolina are descend­ants of those who felt all the throes incident to the Revolu­tion. Her gallant heroes are among the historic names to be revered and cherished. Their generations will not forget the cost of liberty, or the blessings of the Union which it created. Texas' Duty to the Union (Excerpt from a message of Governor Sam Houston1 to the Texas Legislature when he transmitted the South Carolina Resolution, January 21, 1861. Houston Papers, The University of Texas Collection; Executive Records, 1859-1861, Book No. 69, pp. 74-79, Texas State Library.) It is to be presumed that the raid upon Harper's Ferry2 by John Brown and his miserable associates has been one of 1For sketch of Houston, see page 166. •John Brown seized the Federal arsenal at Harper's Ferry, Virginia, October 16, 1859. He bad some ill-conceived plan to liberate slaves. He was executed at Charleston, Virginia, in December, 1859. The University of Texas Bulletin the causes which have induced these resolutions by the Leg­islature of South Carolina. In my opinion, the circumstances attending that act have furnished abundant proofs of the utility of our present system of government-in fact, that the Federal powers have given an evidence of their regard for the constitutional rights of the South, and stood ready to def end them. It has, besides, called forth the utterance of the mighty masses of the people, too long held in check by sectional appeals from selfish demagogues, and the South has the assurance of their fraternal feelings. The fanatical outrage was rebuked and the offenders punished. Is it for this that the southern states are called upon to dissolve the fraternal ties of the Union, and to abandon all the benefits they enjoy under its aegis, and to enter upon expedients in violation of the Constitution and of all the safeguards of liberty under which we have existed as a nation nearly a century? In the history of nations, no people ever en­joyed so much national character and glory or individual happiness, as do today the people of the United States. All this is owing to our free Constitution. It is alone by the union of all states, acting harmoniously together, in their spheres under the Constitution, that our present enviable position has been achieved. Without a Union these results never would have been consummated, and the States would have been subject to continual distractions and petty wars. Whenever we cease to venerate the Constitution as the only means of securing free government, no hope remains for the advocates of regulated liberty. Were the southern states to yield to the suggestions of South Carolina, and passing over the intermediate stages of trouble a southern confederacy should be established, could South Carolina offer any guarantee for its duration? If she were to secede from the present Union, could one be formed with a constitution of more obligatory force than the one that has already been formed by our fathers, in which patriots and sages of South Carolina bore a con­spicuous part? Sever the present Union-tear into frag­ments the Constitution-stay the progress of the free insti­tutions which both have sustained and what atonement is to be offered to liberty for the act? From whence is to come the element of a "more perfect Union" than the one formed by the men of the Revolution? Where is the patriotism, the equality, the republicanism, to frame a better constitution? That which South Carolina became a party to in 1788, has to this period proved equal to all the demands made upon it by the wants of a great people and the expansive energies of a progressive age. Neither in peace nor in war has it ever been found inade­quate to any emergency. It has in return extended the pro­tection which union alone can give. The States have re­ceived the benefits of this Union. Is it left to them to abandon it at their pleasure-to desert the Union which has cherished them, and without which they would have been exposed to all the misfortunes incident to their weak condition? The Union was intended to be a perpetuity. In accepting the conditions imposed prior to becoming a part of the Confederacy, the State became part of a nation. What they conceded comprises the powers of the Federal Govern­ment, but over that which they did not concede their sovereignty is as perfect as is that of the Union in its appropriate sphere. They gave all that was necessary to secure strength and permanence to the Union ! They re­tained all that was necessary to secure the welfare of the State! Texas cannot be in doubt as to this question. In entering the Union, it is not difficult to determine what was sur­rendered by an independent republic. We surrendered the very power, the want of which originated the Federal Union-the right to regulate commerce with foreign na­tions. As an evidence of it, we transferred our custom houses, as we did our forts and arsenals, along with the power to declare war. We surrendered our national flag. In becoming a State of the Union, Texas agreed "not to enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation, and not, without the consent of Congress, to keep troops or ships of The University of Texas Bulletin war, enter into any agreement or compact with any other State or foreign power." All these rights belonged to Texas as a nation. She ceased to possess them when she became a State; nor did Texas, in terms, or by implication, reserve the power, or stipulate for the exercise of the right to secede from these obligations without the consent of the other parties to the agreement acting through their common agent, the Federal Government. The Constitution of the United States does not thus provide for its own destruction. An inherent revolutionary right, to be exer­cised when the great purposes of the Union have failed, remains, but nothing else. Texas and the South Loyal to the Union (From an address by Governor R. B. Hubbard,1 delivered at Phila­ delphia, at the United States Centennial Exposition, on September 11, 1876. Published in Sinclair Moreland, Governors' Messages, 1874-1891, pp. 779-782.) Texas comes with patriotic pride today to assure our countrymen that her heart beats high and loyal to the memory of our fathers of '76, and the great principles of human liberty for which they fought and freely offered their lives. One hundred years have passed since the sign­ers of the Declaration of Independence stood in that old hall yonder, and, in defiance of King George, proclaimed the independence of the Colonies of the British Crown. Their recital of the wrongs and oppressions of the unnat­ural mother country, and their bold defiance of kingly power as they risked and "pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor" in defense of that grand declara­tion will live fresh and green in the national memory while our mountains stand or our rivers roll down to the sea. It was the first time in the world's stormy history of wars and conquests, of the rise and fall of nations, that a lFor a sketch of Hubbard, see page 18. republican system of free government, recognizing that the people are the sources of all political power, wisely regu­lated by law and a written constitution, assumed form and shape, from the chaos of the past. To our fathers belongs this eternal honor, and to the God of Revolution the ever­lasting gratitude of their posterity. It is a fortunate and happy thought, this meeting of the "old thirteen States" and their descendants, sprung from their fruitful loins, to com­memorate their virtues and their valor, on the centennial anniversary of the Republic. It reminds us, my country­men, that we are of common origin and kindred sons of immortal sires. That in that seven years' struggle, in council or field, there was no North, no South, no East, no West; side by side, South Carolina and Massachusetts, Georgia and New York, Virginia and Pennsylvania and New England marched and fought, naked and starving and penniless, amid storm and winter, and shoulder to shoulder, went down to death right gladly for our native land. Shall we ever barter or divide our birthright of the glorious memories of Bunker Hill, of Monmouth and Brandywine, and Saratoga and Trenton, and Charleston and Yorktown, or cease to revere the memory of Washing­ton, and Jefferson, and the Adamses, and Hancock, and Madison, and Lee, and the old Continental Congress, who transmitted to us this great priceless inheritance? No, sir! They belong to no section. And Texas today, thank God, kneels by the side of Maine and Massachusetts, and places with reverent and grateful hands her offering of love upon our country's altar. I proclaim to you in this grand presence today, that though we have had fratricidal strife, and kindred blood has met in the shock of battle, and one-half of the Union have drained the bitter cup to its dregs, we are nevertheless your brothers and your countrymen, and that "standard sheet" now floating above us is still our flag, and this Union one union till the end of time! We have had enough of war, enough of strife. The great mission of the republic is to cement that union at home by wisdom, justice and The University of Texas Bulletin moderation, and to beam as a beacon light from the shores of the New World through the night and the tempest to all the downtrodden nations of the earth. Its principles are spreading like tidal waves across the oceans and the continents. It has burst long ago the chains forged by the despots of South America, and given to France at last a stable republic. Its influence has brought sunshine even to the serf of Russia, and robbed of its terrible meaning that old canon of the throne, "the king can do no wrong." It is heard today recognizing the people's rights in parliaments and in the cabinets of em­perors and kings, and dynasties totter while they read, like Belshazzar of old, the doomed "handwriting on the wall." It may yet give freedom to Poland; and Ireland, the land of the green shamrock, may at last write the epitaph of the martyred Emmet above his grave. Sir, with such a mission for the republic, let us march forward, looking never behind us upon the sorrows and quarrels of the past-the mournful past of our history. You have been told that we are demons in hate, and gloat in the thought of war and blood. Men of New England-men of the great North! Will you believe me, when for two millions of people whom I represent, and the whole South as well, I denounce the utterance as an in­human slander, and a damnable and unpardonable false­hood against a brave, and God knows, a long-suffering people! Want war! Want bloodshed! Sirs, we are poor, broken in fortune, and sick at heart. Had you stood as I have stood, by the ruined hearthstones; by the wrecks of fortune which are scattered all along the shore; had you seen, as I have seen, the wolf howling at the door of many a once happy home; widowhood and orphanage starving, and weeping over never-returning sires and sons, who fell, with your honored dead, at Gettysburg and Manassas; could you hear, as I have heard, the throbbing of the great universal southern heart, throbbing for peace, and yearning for the old and faithful love between the States; could you have seen and felt and heard all these things, my country­men, you would take me by the hand and swear that the arm thus uplifted against us, and the tongue which utters the gross libel on our name, should wither at the socket and become palsied forever at the root! I repeat again, "let our spears be turned into pruning-hooks and our swords beat into plowshares," to remain everlasting memorials of returning peace and good will to the American people. With each returning spring let us scatter flowers over the resting places alike of the Federal and Confederate dead.... In their graves, made immortal by the same ancestral heroism of race and of blood, let us bury the feuds of that stormy hour of our history. In this generous and knightly spirit, Texas today sends fraternal greeting to all the States of the Union. On Texas Joining the Confederacy (Excerpt from an address by Governor Sam Houston denouncing the action of the Secession Convention, delivered March 18, 1861. Houston Papers. The University of Texas Collection.) FELLOW CITIZENS: I have refused to recognize this con­vention.1 I believe that it has derived none of the powers that it has assumed, either from the people or from the Legislature. I believe it guilty of an usurpation, which the people cannot suffer tamely and preserve their liberties. I am ready to lay down my life to maintain the rights and liberties of the people of Texas. I am ready to lay down office rather than yield to usurpation and degradation. I have declared my determination to stand by Texas in whatever position she assumes. Her people have declared in favor of a separation from the Union. I have followed her banners before, when an exile from the land of my fathers. I went back into the Union with the people of Texas. I go out from the Union with them; and though I lFor a sketch of Houston, see page 166. Houston declined to recognize the power of the Secession Convention to take Texas out of the Union, and was therefore dei:osed. 88 The University of Texas Bulletin can see but gloom before me, I shall follow the "Lone Star" with the same devotion as of yore. I may not be sustained now, but when millions of debt press upon you, when the United States bonds forming your school fund have been squandered, and the money upon which you present school system is based, is gone; when your public domain is wasted and taxes are ground out of you; some, at least, will remember that I attempted to save you from these consequences. Will the people reflect upon the circumstances attending the election of these delegates, and ask themselves whether they conferred upon them the extraordinary powers they have since assumed? Was ought said about changing the Constitution of the State, or appointing delegates to a pro­visional government, with powers to constitute themselves members of Congress? Was the power conferred to make Texas a part of the Southern Confederacy, without re­ferring the same to a vote of the people? Yet, these powers have not only been claimed, but exercised. . . . You have been transferred like sheep from the shambles. A government has been fastened upon you, which is to be supported from your pockets, and yet you have not been consulted. You are to be taxed in the shape of tariffs on the necessaries of life, which you have hitherto purchased free of duty. You are to have high postage, and all else in proportion; and to forego the freeman's privilege of electing your own President and Vice-President, a provisional congress taking the matter out of your hands. You are to support a constitution which ignores the very name of the people, and to go into a government where you are to pay tribute to King Cotton and enjoy the privilege of equaiity, until you are involved so far that independence will be impossible, and you will be ready to put the State of Texas, with her territory equal in extent to all the other cotton states, at the rear of the Confederacy on the terms of a slave. This is the program marked out for you. You were told that the Union must be dissolved, that it might be re­constructed is impracticable and impossible. . . . Centennial Declamations You have withdrawn Texas from her connections with the United States. Your act changes the character of the obligation I assumed at the time of my inauguration. As your Chief Executive, I am no longer bound to support the Constitution of the United States. If your act did not relieve that obligation, it was nothing. If this is not the result of the action of the people, the position of the officers of the State Government, and especially that portion who are members of this convention, has indeed been an anomolous one. Have they still been acting under their oath to support the Constitution of the United States? As your Executive, no matter what my views may have been, I am bound to reflect your expressed will. I have en­deavored to do so. Were I asked to swear to support your Constitution, I might waive my objections to the source from whence the oath came. I am called upon to swear to support the Constitution and the laws of the Confederate States, which I have never seen, and as your Chief Execu­tive, to render my allegiance to that government, when you have never, in any manner or form, declared your desire to become annexed to the same. Fellow citizens, in the name of your rights and liberties, which I believe have been trampled upon, I refuse to take this oath. In the name of the nationality of Texas, which has been betrayed by this convention, I refuse to take that oath. In the name of the Constitution of Texas, which has been trampled upon, I refuse to take this oath. In the name of my own conscience and my manhood, which this conven­tion would degrade by dragging before it, to pander to the malice of my enemies, when by the Constitution the priv­ilege is accorded me, which belongs to the humblest officer, to take my oath of office before any competent authority, I refuse to take this oath. I am ready to be ostracized sooner than submit to usurpa­tion. Office has no charms for me, that it must be purchased at the sacrifice of my conscience and the loss of my self­respect. The University of Texas Bulletin I love Texas too well to bring civil strife and bloodshed upon her. To avert this calamity, I shall make no endeavor to maintain my authority as Chief Executive of this State, except by the peaceful exercise of my functions. When I can no longer do this I shall calmly withdraw from the scene, leaving the Government in the hands of those who have usurped its authority.... The result of my refusal to take this oath will be to declare my office vacated. If those who ostracize me will be but as true to the interests of Texas as I have endeavored to be, my prayers will attend them.... I am stricken down now, because I will not yield those principles which I have fought and struggled to maintain. The severest pang of all is that the blow comes in the name of the State of Texas. But I deny the power of this con­vention to speak for Texas. I have received many blows for her sake, and I am willing to do it again. I protest in the name of the people of Texas against all the acts and doings of this convention, and declare them null and void! . . . Sam Houston and Secession (Excerpts from an address by the Hon. J. C. Hutcheson1 before the House of Representatives of Texas, upon the unveiling of Sam Houston's portrait, March 22, 1889, Austin, Texas, pub­lished in the Galveston News, March 24, 1889.) All this pomp and parade is not to honor General Houston, for it is not in the power of this august body to add to his illustrious name, but the purpose of this occasion is to 1Joseph Chapell Hutcheson was born in Mecklenburg County, Virginia, May 18, 1842. He graduated from Randolph-Macon College in 1861 and immediately enlisted as a private in the Confederate Army. He fought in Virginia throughout the Civil War and surrendered at Appomattox a Captain. He graduated in Jaw at the University of Virginia. He practiced law in Houston for many years and represented his district in Congress, 1893-1897. He was a member of the State Legislature in 1880, and durin2' this s..,sion was Chairman of the House Committee on Education. He was author of the House bill for the establishment of The Uni· versity of Texas. He died in 1924. Centennial Declamations restore to its place his honored face and to refresh our memories, rekindle our patriotism and gladden our hearts with a brief story of his great deeds. While it is always good and proper to pay tribute to the great and good men of a nation, yet no occasion was ever more graced with propriety than that of this State in placing the portrait of that distinguished gentleman as a graceful adornment on the walls of this great capitol. When we recall the beginnings of this State, its humble and comfortless structures, at Brazoria, Washington, San Felipe and Houston, followed by the unpretentious struc­ture which a few years since perished by flames in this city, it is fit and appropriate today that in her pride and splendor, with an edifice whose dome has taken the clouds for its companion, and whose structure is a miracle of beauty, stability and splendid architecture; it is fit and appropriate, I say, that her walls should be graced with the portraits of those men whose glory rises above its dome, and whose deeds are miracles which excel all the resplendent architecture of the world. More than that, Mr. Speaker, the last public act of this State bearing on its relations to its great son was to strip from his manly form the robes of office, and make him an outcast in the land he made so great and loved so well. General Houston was, at the outbreak of the war, Gov­ernor of his State, and still enjoyed the confidence and wore the honors of his people. But he differed from the majority of his countrymen on secession, and, differing, dared to proclaim and advocate the views which were not the passing caprices of a lifetime. He had refused to join in the "Southern Address," had opposed the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and in a speech foreshadowing the tendency of events to dissension and danger to the peace of the coun­try, he had said: "I wish, if this Union must be dissolved, that its ruins shall be the monument of my grave. I wish no epitaph to be written that I survived the ruins of the The University of Texas Bulletin glorious Union." So, when the crisis came, that grand old man, true to the sentiments of a lifetime, stood by the Union, but forsook not his State. Rather than imperil the peace of his State by factional and internecine strife, he gave up his honors, laid down the robes of office and retired forever from the scenes of public life. But what manner of man was he, and what relation had he borne to his State that they now sought in the transports of passion to strip of his robes. It was he, Mr. Speaker, who, when his State was invaded and when Mexico sought to aggravate despotism by the anarchy of daily revolutions and to pour on the head of Texas the barbaric disorders of her own people, made his heart his country's rampart and carved a beautiful child of liberty from the womb of that unnatural and despotic mother, which child he named Texas, and put a star as its symbol of light and glory. And this child which he had nursed to manhood, whose laws he had fashioned, whose institutions he had estab­lised, this child was asked to embark on the tempest-tossed sea of revolution. Mr. Speaker, what did he do? He but asked that the cup might pass from him, and when pressed to his lips, he drank it to the dregs. While other sons of Texas, not wronged like him, joined the Federal Army and waged war on their State, yet he so loved his child that, though she had exiled him from her councils, he bowed his great head on his breast and exclaimed: "Oh, Jerusalem," and wept for calamities he could not avert. And, now, Mr. Speaker, let us show to the world that a nation's gratitude outlasts the passions of the hour, sur­vives revolutions and conflagrations, and by anthem and by eulogy, with uncovered heads, restore his portrait to its former station, and like the sunflower, "turn on our God when he sets the same look which we turned when He arose." Centennial Declamations The Right of Secession (Excerpt from a speech of Hon. Marcellus E. Kleberg,1 presenting flags on behalf of the Daughters of the Confederacy to the Con­ federate Veterans of Camp Magruder, at Galveston, April 28, 1895. Published in Speeches of M. E. Kleberg, University of Texas Library.) In the very formation of our government there were born and subsequently grew into living force two distinct ideas of government. The one adopting as its basis the doctrine of a national sovereignty superior to all others and the fountain of all political power. The other holding with the Declaration of Independence that all men have certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights govern­ments are instituted among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that when a govern­ment becomes destructive of these ends and usurps the sovereignty which belongs to the governed, it is the right of the people to abolish it. These principles, which had guided the colonies in the War of Independence and which were generally maintained by the people of the colonies, prevailed in the formation of the Federal Constitution. That instrument was formed by thirteen independent sovereign states or nations. For upon the achievement of their independence there was no political tie of any kind which bound the colonies together save that of mutual interest, and when they formed the Federal Constitution and Union they did so, each acting in the capacity of an independent and sovereign state. It is plain, therefore, that the Constitution so framed was an agreement or compact between sovereign states formed for the purpose therein expressed, and that the gov­ernment, created thereunder as the United States had only such power as was to it therein delegated, and that all other powers and attributes of sovereignty were retained by the states or the people of such states respectively. •For sketch of life of Kleberg, see pall:'e 155. The University of Texas Bulletin It logically follows that chief among the reserved powers of the sovereign states which created the Union was the power to withdraw from the compact of Union whenever the people of such states found that it no longer subserved the purposes for which it was created. This is the right of secession, or separation, a right that was generally con­ceded as the lawful remedy of a sovereign state in dis­solving political bonds which were no longer desirable. When contending sectional interests, political ambition, and the invasion of plain constitutional rights seemed to make a longer adherence to the compact of Union impos­sible, the southern states availed themselves of their con­stitutional right to secede from the Union, and thus was born the southern confederacy. Right here let me say that the right of secession was not a doctrine of purely southern birth, but was fully conceded by nearly all of the leading statesmen of the North to be a great political right. In asserting the right of secession, it is far from my purpose to rekindle the embers of a dead and buried past or to advocate its exercise. We all recognize the fact that the great war showed it to be impracticable, but this did not prove it to be wrong-and the only purpose I had in mind tonight was to vindicate the truth of history and to show that the people of the Confederate States were neither "traitors" nor "rebels," but that they went to battle for the principles of free government, taught and handed down to them by their fathers and ancestors. . . . Should the alarums of war ever again disturb the peace of our common country, the Confederate veteran and his sons will again, by their valor, and his wife and daughter, by their fortitude and devotion, challenge the admiration of the world. However dark and portentous may have been the clouds that lowered above our national destiny, and however fierce and uncompromising the passions of men who locked shields in the throes of battle, there rises above the din of war and the gloom of disaster, the star of southern womanhood, with Centennial Declamations an effulgence so bright and beneficent as to merit and re­ceive the chivalric homage and generous blessings of every manly heart. Veterans of Camp Magruder, this same womanhood, in full sympathy with the fortunes of the Confederate soldier, in memory of his valor and heroism, offers as a token of its love, to your camp, two flags-one, the emblem of erstwhile Confederate nationality, and the other, the banner which your dauntless courage so often adorned with the glories of victory. The Irrepressible Conflict (An excerpt from a speech by John H. Reagan1 in the National House of Representatives, January 15, 1861.) We want to avert civil war if we can. Yet no effort has been made to give us what, under the Constitution, we ought to have. It is not proposed to give us what will reasonably make the southern people believe that they will have secur­ity in the Union. No such proposition can be made and sustained; because, to give us our rights is to disband the Republican Party. The existence of that party depends upon violating the Federal Constitution, and in making war upon the institutions of the South.2 There is now an irre­pressible conflict; and either the Federal Government or the Republican Party must end. I am not here to palliate or to dodge one of the inevitable dangers that beset us. I am ready, for one, to face them all; and I think that that is the best course for us all to pursue. When we all do that, then we will have a just understanding of our relative positions. You all know that we cannot, and dare not, live in this Union, with our rights denied by the Republican 1John H. Reagan was born in Tennessee in 1818. He came to Texas in 1839 and spent most of the rest of his life in public service--district judge, member of the Legislature, Congressman, Postmaster General of the Confederate States, United States Senator, Chairman of the Texas Railroad Commission. He died March 6, 1905. "The fundamental objective of the Republican Party, to which Judge Reagan here referred, was to prevent the spread of slavery to the territories. The University of Texas Bulletin Party. Its ascendancy is our destruction; and, sir, its destruction this day is the only salvation for the Union. I live far to the south. We have a long Mexican boundary and a long Indian frontier, infested by hostile savages throughout its whole extent; and yet this Government has refused for years to defend us against them. We have a long coast, open to the approach of a naval force, and we know the consequences of our acts, and we know what may follow an attempt to take care of ourselves and our liberty; but we remember, at the same time, the history of the past. Less than twenty-five years ago Texas stood a province of Mexico, with a population of not more than thirty thousand, entitled to the privileges of Mexican citizens, including all ages and sexes. We lived under the Mexican Constitution of 1824, which the Texans fought to sustain. That Consti­tution was subverted by a military despot; and our liberties were trampled in the dust. That despot came against us with invading armies for our subjugation. He intended to overawe us by display of military power, as the President and General Scott are now attempting to do with the southern states. The thirty thousand people of Texas resisted that power for the sake of liberty and those rights to which we were entitled, trusting to the God of battles and the justice of their cause. In that great struggle com­panies and battalions fell to rise no more. They sank nobly for freedom, as freemen will sink again for her cause when­ever you shall tender to us that alternative. Upon the field of San Jacinto they won their liberty by their brave hearts and their stalwart arms. They vindicated that liberty for ten or twelve years after; and then as a pledge of their love to this Union, and their confidence in its principles, and desire for its prosperity and its happiness . . . came in as one of the states of the Union, upon terms of equality with the other states. But we were told yesterday that we sold ourselves. The gentleman did not mean exactly what his language would imply; but he must see how offensive such kind of remarks must be to those who do not appreciate the use he intended to make of the argument. Texas cost this Government not one cent. She vindicated her liberty by her arms; and ren­dered to civil and religious liberty a country as large as the six New England states, and New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Ohio, and Indiana, all put together. She re­deemed it from . . . military despotism, and has covered it over with five hundred thousand freemen, a prosperous and happy people; and they are prepared to vindicate their liberties when they are encroached upon again by a des­potism, of one or of many men. Surrender and Reconciliation (General John B. Gordon,1 of Georgia, did much to mitigate the animosities between the northern and southern states in the years following the Civil War. The present selection comprises the concluding paragraphs of his lecture entitled, "The Last Days of the Confederacy.") It would require the pen of a master to describe the suc­ceeding events. In the little brick house where they met, Lee and Grant presented a contrast as strangely incon­gistent with the real situation as it was unprecedented and inconceivable. Had anyone in this audience, unacquainted with the facts, suddenly appeared in that room, he would have selected Lee for the victor and Grant for the van­quished hero. There stood Lee, dressed as a mark of respect 'John B. Gordon, distinguished Confederate soldier, was born in Upson County, Georgia, February 6, 1832. After attendinl? private schools and the University of Georgia, he practiced law for a time, but was in the coal-mining business when the Civil War broke out. He was elected captain of a company and within a short time became colonel of the 6th Alabama Infantry. Serving in the Army of Northern Virginia throughout the war, he rose, because of conspicuous ability and gallantry, to the rank of lieutenant-general and to the command of the 2d Corps under General Lee. After the surrender at Appomattox he returned to Atlanta and the practice of law. Still youne, a brilliant speaker and of maenetic presence, he became the Idol of the Geore:ia Democrats. He was United States Senator from Georgia from 1873 to 1880, when he resigned, and Governor of Georgia from 1886 to 1890, when be was re-elected to the Senate. He was Commander-in-Chief of the United Con­federate Veterane from their oreanization in 1890 to hie death. General Gordon exerted himself to restore kindly feelinz between North and South. Hie last years were devoted to lecturing and writing about the war and one of bis lectures, "The Last Days of the Confederacy," became famous. His Reminiscences of the Civil War, published in 1903, a fascinating book, is notable for its xeneroeity to the aortbern soldiers. He died in :Miami, Florida, on January 9, 1904. The University of Texas Bulletin to Grant, in his best uniform, unbent by misfortune, sus­taining by his example the spirits of his defeated comrades, and illustrating in his calm and lofty bearing the noble adage which he afterwards announced that "human virtue should be equal to human calamity." I had seen him before in defeat, as well as in the hour of triumph, with the exultant shouts of his victorious legions ringing in his ears. I was familiar with the spirit of self abnegation, with which he had severed his allegiance to the general government, and, like old John Adams, had resolved, "sink or swim, survive or perish," to cast his fortunes with those of his people. I had learned from long and intimate association with him that, unlike Caesar and Alexander and Bonaparte and the great soldiers of history, the goal of his ambition was not glory but duty, that it was true of him, as of few men who have ever lived, that dis­tance, in his case, did not lend enchantment, but that the nearer you approached him the greater and grander he grew. And now, self-poised and modest, bearing on his great heart a mountain-load of woe, with the light of an unclouded conscience upon his majestic brow, with an innate nobility and dignity of spirit rarely equalled and never excelled, this central figure of the Confederate cause rose, in this hour of supremest trial, at least in the estima­tion of his followers, to the loftiest heights of the morally sublime. There, too, was Grant-his slouch hat in hand, his plain blue overcoat upon his shoulders, making with Lee a con­trast picturesque and unique. Grave, unassuming and con­siderate, there was upon his person no mark of rank; there was about him no air of triumph, no trace of exultation. Serious and silent, except in kindly answers to questions, he seemed absorbed in thought and evidently sought to withdraw, if in his power, the bitter sting of defeat from the quivering sensibilities of his great antagonist. But General Grant rose, if possible, to a still higher plane, by his subsequent threat of self-immolation on the altar of a soldier's honor and by his heroic declaration of the inviola­bility of Lee's parole; and by invoking almost with his dying lips, the spirit of peace, equality, fraternity and unity upon all his countrymen. These characteristics of the two great leaders ought to live in history as an inspiration to future generations. They ought to live on pages at least as bright as those which record their military and civic achievements. They ought to be inscribed on their tombs in characters as fadeless as their fame and as enduring as the life of the Republic. Outside of that room the scenes were no less thrilling and memorable. When the Confederate flags had been furled forever, and as a Confederate corps marched to a point where its arms were to be attacked, it moved in front of the division commanded by that knightly soldier, General Joshua L. Chamberlain, of Maine. Calling his command into line, he saluted the Confederates at present arms, as they filed by, a fitting tribute of Northern chivalry to Confederate courage. The briny tears that ran down the haggard and tanned faces of the starving Confederates; the veneration and devotion which they displayed for the tattered flags which had so long waved above them in the white smoke of the battle; the efforts secretly to tear those bullet-rent banners from their supports and conceal them in their bosoms ; the mutually courteous and kindly greet­ings between the soldiers of the hitherto hostile armies; the touching and beautiful generosity of the Union soldiers in opening their well-filled haversacks and dividing their rations with the starving Confederates-these and a thou­sand other incidents can neither be described in words nor pictured on the most sensitive scrolls of the imagination. No scene like it in any age was ever witnessed at the close of a long and bloody war. No such termination of intestine and internecine strife would be possible save among our glorious American people. It was the inspiration of that enlightened and Christian civilization developed by the free institutions of this unrivaled and heaven-protected Republic. While political passion has now and then, for brief periods, disturbed this auspicious harmony, what a marvel of concord, of power, and of progress, is presented for the The University of Texas Bulletin contemplation of mankind by this reunited country. The bloodiest war of the ages, with its embittered alienations, all in the past; its lessons and immortal memories a guide and an inspiration to all the future. Emerging from this era of passion, of strife, and of carnage, with a national life more robust, a national peace more secure, and a national union more complete and enduring, we call the fettered millions of earth to follow our lead and strike for republican liberty. As the vanguard, the color-bearers in the march of progress, we lift aloft this proud banner of freedom and bid universal humanity to catch its inspiration. Lee and Davis: a Comparison (Excerpts from an address by Benjamin H. Hill,1 delivered in Atlanta, Ga., February 18, 1874, at a meeting of the Southern Historical Association.) No people, ancient or modern, can look with greater pride to the judgments of history than can we of the South to the verdict which history will be compelled to render upon the merits and characters of our two chief leaders: the one in the military and the other in the civil service. Most other leaders are great because of success. Davis2 and Lee because of qualities in themselves are great in the face of fortune and heroes in spite of def eat. When the future historian shall come to survey the character of Lee he will find it rising like some mountain­peak above the undulating plain of humanity and he must 1 Benjamin Harvey Hill, southern statesman. was born in Jasper County, Georgia. September 14, 1823. After graduatinii; from the University of Georgia in 1844, be began practicing law and quickly rose to distinction. Entering politics as a Whig, he served three terms in the Legislature and was defeated in contests for Congress. and the governorship ; but his eloquence and his power as a debater won him fame. A conservative who was devoted to the Union, he opposed secession in 1861, but followed his State and was elected to the first Confederate Congress. He was Confederate Senator from Georgia, 1862-1865, and a staunch defender of the policies of President Jefferson Davis. After the war he at first opposed the reconstruction policies of the northern radicals but later accepted it as inevitable. Ih 1875 he was elected to Congress and in 1877 to the United States Senate. Durinc those years he added to his reputation as one of the most brilliant of American. orators. He died in Atlanta, August 16, 1882. •For sketch of Davis, see page 225. Centenni.al Dec'lamations lift his eyes toward heaven to catch its summit. He pos­sessed every virtue of other great commanders without their vices. He was a foe without hate, a friend without treachery, a soldier without cruelty, a victor without oppres­sion, and a victim without murmuring. He was a public officer without vices; a private citizen without wrong; a neighbor without reproach; a Christian without hypocrisy, and a man without guile. He was Caesar without his ambi­tion; Frederick without tyranny; Napoleon without his selfishness, and Washington without his reward. He was gentle as a woman in life ; modest and pure as a virgin in thought; watchful as a Roman vestal in duty; submissive to law as Socrates, and grand in battle as Achilles. Jefferson Davis was as great in the cabinet as was Lee in the field. He was more resentful in temper and more aggressive by nature than Lee. His position, too, exposed him more frequently to assaults from our own people. He had to make all appointments and though often upon the recommendation of others all the blame of mistakes was charged to him. He also made recommendations for enact­ments, and though these measures, especially the military portion, invariably had the concurrence of Lee and often originated with that chieftain, the opposition of malcon­tents was· directed at Davis. . . . I could detain you all night correcting false impressions which have been indus­triously made against this great and good man. I knew Jefferson Davis as I knew few men. I have been near him in his public duties; I have seen him by his private fireside; I have witnessed his humble Christian devotions; and I challenge the judgment of history when I say, no people were ever led through a fiery struggle of liberty by a nobler, truer patriot; while the carnage of war and the trials of public life never revealed a purer or a more beautiful Christian character. I would be ashamed of my own unworthiness if I did not venerate Lee. I would scorn my own nature if I did not love Davis. I would question my own integrity and patriot­ism if I did not honor and admire both. There are some who affect to praise Lee and condemn Davis. But of all 102 The University of Texas Bulletin such Lee himself would be ashamed. No two leaders ever leaned each on the other in such beautiful trust and absolute confidence. Hand in hand and heart to heart, they moved in front of the dire struggle of their people for independ­ence; a noble pair of brothers. And if fidelity to right, endurance of trials and self-sacrifice for others can win title to a place with the good in the great hereafter, then Davis and Lee will meet where wars are not waged and slanderers are not heard; and as, heart to heart and wing to wing, they fly through the courts of heaven, admiring angels will say: "What a noble pair of brothers!" Tribute to the Civil War Veterans (From an address by Governor J. W. Throckmorton1 at a reunion of Hood's soldiers at Waco, Texas, June 27, 1889; pamphlet in The University of Texas Library.) It is fit and proper that the soldiers of all our wars should meet, and mingling together commemorate the deeds of their comrades in arms. We are American citizens; we are descendants of the heroes and statesmen who won our independence and estab­lished a government dedicated to human liberty. We all share alike in the fame won at Bunker Hill and Yorktown, at Lundy's Lane and New Orleans, at the Alamo and San Jacinto, at Buena Vista and Chapultapec; and we are as justly proud of the renown won by the heroes who fought at Shiloh, Manasses, at the Wilderness and Gettysburg, regardless of the banner under which they fought. 1.James W. Throckmorton was a native of Tennessee, and came to Texas in 1841 at the a:;e of sixteen. He had represented Collin County in the Legislature before the war, and as a member of the convention in 1861, had strongly opposed secession, being one of the seven who voted against it. Declarine-then that he would stand by his State, he joined the Confederate army as a private, but rapidly rose to the rank of brigadier general. During most of the war he was commissioner to the Indians beyond Red River. During reconstruction he was one of the most prominent figures in the State, and Texas has never had a more honest official. He was inaugurated Governor of Texas in 1866, and was removed by order of General Sheridan, .July 30, 1867. He afterwards served four terms as a member of Congress. He died at McKinney in 1894. Centennial Declamations The soldiers of the Civil War who wore the blue fought for the supremacy of the Union. Those who wore the gray fought for their firesides and for principles dear to the American heart-implanted there by the fathers of the Republic. Lee and Grant, their generals and soldiers, will occupy as brilliant a page in the military annals of the world as any whose deejs are recorded there. Their splendid achieve­ments belong to the history of our common country, and are not surpassed, if equaled, by those of any people, ancient or modern, and are the heritage of a common people whether won under the stars and stripes or the stars and bars. As has been said on another occasion, the memories that cluster around the deeds of the soldiers of the Civil War, the living as well as the dead, should teach us that we are one people-that we cannot and should not be divided. When Mirabeau was dying he asked to be garlanded with flowers and cheered with the strains of sweet music. He expressed no thought for his unhappy country then verging on the throes of revolution. When Warren and Montgomery fell it was for the liberty of their country the sacrifice was made. When Sydney Johnston, Stonewall Jackson and Gregg and Sedgewick, McPherson and Reynolds died it was for their country and for what they thought was the right. When the sun went down on Thermopalae and the Alamo the sublimest devotion to country had been enacted that earth has ever witnessed. Pickett's charge and Hood's attack at Gettysburg stand out among the very foremost of the daring achievements of any age or country-and grand indeed was the valor of the stern warriors who saved the Federal army from defeat on that field of death and glory. When the impartial his­torian shall write the achievements of Lee's army, chronicle the victories won and battles fought, the privations and hardships endured by his illy provided troops, always inferior in numbers to the numerous and well appointed armies opposed to him-when these deeds, the exalted courage, the constancy and devotion of his ragged soldiers, The University of Texas Bulletin his own sublime bearing in defeat or victory, his unequaled fortitude and skill-are truthfully portrayed, they will be the wonder and admiration of mankind. Especially will his last year's defense of Richmond, with constantly dimin­ishing ranks, with no source of new supplies of men, with extended lines of defense, and constantly augmented armies to contend with, stand out as a marvel unequaled in military history. Among the brightest pages of that history will be recorded deeds of valor performed by the soldiers of Hood's brigade. Twenty-four years have passed since the eventful day of Appomattox when the sun went down in defeat upon the crushed and buried hopes of the Confederacy. A long list of the dead soldiers of the South were numbered upon the muster rolls of fame. The survivors, scarred, worn and weary, returned through burning cities and towns and blackened ruins to their desolated homes-mourning filled every household-and the bitter years of reconstruction were endured when we were denied the blessed privilege of reinterring our heroic dead with the honors and solemnities due to their memories and befitting the civilization of the age in which we live. The dark clouds of war have rolled away; the bitterness of the strife engendered by the war, and the wounds inflicted by it have been assuaged; the gallant soldiers who faced each other in the hour of battle, as a rule, vie in the kindly offices which will efface forever the passions of that unhappy period, only remembering and honoring the gallantry of their opponents. . . . The blackened ruins and desolated places of the past have given way to rebuilded cities and towns and prosperous homes, where peace and prosperity reign. If there are still mourning hearts who cannot forget the lost ones, time has lessened the anguish, and white winged peace, and the sweet charity that can grant as well as ask forgiveness, enables the burdened heart to bear its sorrow with patient resignation. . . . May we not invoke the veterans of our entire country, the survivors of all our wars, and our people everywhere, in the name of the living as well as the dead-in this our day of peace and prosperity-to renew upon the altars of our country eternal devotion and loyalty to its institutions, and supplicate the aid and blessings of heaven that we, and those to come after us, shall preserve our liberty, "the Union of the States, now and forever one and inseparable." The Cause of the South (From an address by J. W. Throckmorton1 before the International Fair Association at San Antonio, Texas; published in Pamphlet.) My friends, on a recent occasion, I heard it announced by one of the most eloquent men of Texas that slavery was the cause of the Civil War. Unquestionably it was one of the leading causes, and undoubtedly it was the great lever used, both North and South, that precipitated it, but there were other causes, some apparent, and others latent, that gradually led up to, and together with the institution of slavery, brought about the unhappy contest. From the organization of the Government there were two sets of statesmen who differed radically as to how the Con­stitution should be construed, and the policy upon which the government should be conducted. One party, in which there were many eminent men who had rendered the country great service, believed the Constitution should be construed liberally, that the powers of government should operate directly upon the citizen and his affairs, and that it should become practically a parental government. The other party, in which there were equally as eminent and patriotic men, believed that the Constitution should be construed strictly, and that no power should be exercised unless it was clearly defined, or made plain by implication, from the letter and spirit of that sacred instrument. During the long and bitter controversies between these two parties, upon questions of free speech and the liberty of the press, how far taxes, internal and external, might lFor sketch of Throckmorton, see page 102. The University of Texas Bulletin be levied, whether industries of certain kinds should be protected and encouraged, and for what purposes appropri­ations from the common treasury should be made, the foun­dation was laid for the causes that led up to sectional strife that brought about the Civil War. Nullification first reared its front in New England, and afterwards took root in South Carolina. All the while there was a strong conserva­tive element in the country that did not go to the extremes of either of the great parties that strove for the mastery; the representatives of that element contended for modera­tion and forbearance, and on different occasions exercised a salutary influence for peace and fraternity. Finally, in a number of the northern States, and, as our people believed, in violation of the Constitution and laws passed in pursuance of it, the fugitive slave laws were enacted. These enactments, and the contention as to slavery in the Territories, culminated in the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, but not by a majority of the votes of the American people. His election was regarded by many as a sectional triumph, and as a menace to the institution of slavery. The advocates of secession in the South, those who hon­estly believed southern interests were imperiled, and still others who desired separation at any cost, urged the unto­ward condition of affairs to influence the public mind, and bring about a dissolution of the Union, not the overthrow and destruction of the government, but the erection of a new government out of states that had belonged to the old. We, of the South, were willing that our northern brothers should retain the old government, enjoy their convictions of right and duty, and manage their own affairs. We claimed the same privilege, and asked to be let alone with our institutions, that had grown up with us, and were as old as the colonies, from which all the states had sprung. The tone and temper of many of the leading papers of the North, and many of the prominent men of that section, contributed to increase the fears and discontent of the South. There was a strong element of conservatism in both sections, led by great and good men, who tried to allay the storm. This class of men in the South did not believe the election of Mr. Lincoln sufficient cause for a dissolution of the States, or that the institution of slavery in the States was seriously threatened. This sentiment was entertained by many in the North, and while those who entertained such views appreciated the serious gravity of the situation, yet they believed an honorable adjustment of differences could be made, and that no peaceful remedy should be left untried to attain an end so priceless. Those of us in the South who desired such an effort freely acknowledged that the Constitution and laws had been infracted, yet we did not believe secession the remedy, or that we could maintain our cause by a resort to arms. While thousands in the South so felt and believed, they further believed the Con­stitution conferred no power upon the Federal Government to coerce a State by an invasion with its armies, nor did we believe the Constitution would have been ratified by the requisite number of States had such power been expressed in it. Hence, when the efforts of the peace party failed, and the storm of passion and sectional hatred, that had smoul­dered for many years, swept over the country, and civil war, with all its horrors, became a certainty, there was but one course, in the judgment of a very great majority of the South to be pursued-and that was to fight it out to the bitter end. It is not for me to say that the people of either section was wrong. I have no doubt that the brave men who imperiled their lives and fortunes on both sides did so from conscientious convictions of duty. I have made allusion to the causes that led to the Civil War with no purpose to revive the past, but that the rising generation may know the motives and causes that influenced the people of the South. We had cherished the spirit of resistance to wrongs taught by the Fathers of '76, and influenced by the same spirit and love of independence, resisted what we believed an invasion of rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Four years of blood and suffering fol­lowed. It is over, and a holier and brighter day dawns upon us. And while this hour is dedicated to the disabled veterans The University of Texas Bulletin of the South, I thank God that it is manifest here and else­where that the brave men of the North who met them on the fields of carnage and death will not condemn the recital of the motives that influenced them, or murmur at the men­tion of their bravery, fortitude and self-sacrifice. Future history will record in pages of truth the gallantry and courage of the soldiers on both sides. On the Death of Charles Sumner1 (Excerpt from an address by L. Q. C. Lamar,2 April 28, 1874, before the House of Representatives, Washington, D.C.) Sir, it was my misfortune, perhaps my fault, personally never to have known this distinguished philanthropist and statesman. The impulse was often upon me to go to him and offer him my hand and my heart with it and express to him my thanks for his kind and considerate course toward the people with whom I am identified. If I did not yield to that impulse it was because the thought occurred 'Charles Sumner, northern political leader and reformer, was born in Boston, Massachusetts, January 6, 1811. He graduated from Harvard College; studied law; travelled in Europe; then entered politics as a reformer. In 1851 he was elected United States Senator from Massachusetts and soon became the most uncompromising enemy of ne~ro slavery. He remained in the Senate until his death. A harsh critic of the southern people, he supported a stringent reconstruction policy in the South after the war and was chiefly responsible for giving the vote to the negroos ; but as his central idea was universal democratic equality he opposed a continuance of the political proscription of the southerners. He died in Wash­ington, D.C., March 11, 1874. 2Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus Lamar, lawyer, statesman, jurist, was born in Putnam County, Georgia, September 17, 1825. He was a nephew of Mirabeau B. Lamar, President of the Republic of Texas. After graduating at Emory College in 1845, he practiced law, first in Georgia, then in Mississippi. In 1855 he settled at Oxford in the latter State, where he was elected to Congress in 1857 and again in 1859. He was a member of the Secession Convention of Mississippi in 1861 and then became lieutenant-colonel of a Mississippi regiment until his health failed. After the war he resumed the practice of law and also served on the faculty of the University of Mississippi until his election to Congress in 1872. He first attracted national attention by his celebrated eulogy on Charles Sumner. a northern rad"cal who was bitterly hated in the South. This speech tended to allay northern hostility to the souhern people. In 1877 Lamar was elected to the United Statte Senate. In 1885 President Grover Cleveland made his Secretary of the Interior and in 1888 appointed him Associate-Justice of the Supreme Court. He died at Macon, Georgia, January 23, 1893. Centennial Declamations that other days were coming in which such a demonstra­tion might be more opportune and less liable to miscon­struction. Suddenly and without premonition a day has come at last to which, for such a purpose there is no tomorrow. My regret is therefore intensified by the thought that I failed to speak to him out of the fullness of my heart while there was yet time. How often it is that death thus brings unavailingly back to our remembrance opportunities unimproved-in which generous overtures prompted by the heart remain un­ offered; frank avowals which rose to the lips remain unspoken; and the injustice and wrong of bitter resent­ ments remain unimpaired. Charles Sumner in life believed that an occasion for strife and distrust between the North and South had passed away and that there no longer re­ mained any cause for continued estrangement between these two sections of our common country. Are there not many of us who believe the same thing? Is not that the common sentiment; or, if it is not, ought is not to be? Bound to each other by a common Constitution, destined to live together under a common government, forming unitedly but a single member of the great family of nations, shall we not now at least endeavor to grow toward each other once more in heart as we are already indissolubly linked to each other in fortunes? Shall we not, over the honored remains of this great champion of human liberty, this feeling sympathizer with human sorrow, this earnest pleader for the exercise of human tenderness and charity, lay aside the concealments which serve only to perpetuate misunderstandings and distrust, and frankly confess that, on both sides we most earnestly desire to be one ; one not merely in community of language and literature and tra­ ditions and country, but more and better than all that, one also in feeling and in heart? Am I mistaken in all this? Do the concealments of which I speak still cover ani­mosities which neither time nor reflection or the march of events have yet sufficed to subdue? I can not believe it. Since I have been here I have watched with anxious scrutiny your sentiments as expressed not merely in public The University of Texas Bulletin debate but in the abandon of personal confidence. I know well the sentiments of these, my Southern brothers, whose hearts are so enfolded that the feeling of each is the feeling of all; and I see on both sides only the seeming of a con­straint which each apparently hesitates to dismiss. The South-prostrate, exhausted, drained of her lifeblood as well as her material resources, yet still honorable and true -accepts the bitter award of the bloody arbitrament, with­out reservation, resolutely determined to abide the result with chivalrous fidelity; yet, as if struck dumb by the mag­nitude of her reverses, she suffers on in silence. The North, exultant in her triumph and elated by success, still cher­ishes, we are assured, a heart full of magnanimous emo­tions toward her disarmed and discomfited antagonist; and yet, as if mastered by some mysterious spell, silencing her better impulses, her words and acts are the words and acts of suspicion and distrust. Would that the spirit of the illustrious dead when we lament today could speak from the grave to both parties . to this deplorable discord, in tones which should reach each and every heart throughout this broad territory: "My Countrymen, know one another and you will love one another!" IV. Modern Social, Economic and Political Problems Liberty and License (The concluding portion of a speech by Joseph W. Baileyi delivered in the United States Senate, in opposition to the Aldrich Finance Bill, March 9, 1908.) I have always believed that it were better to endure the ills which spring from the right of individual judgment than to invite the greater ills which come from an undue abridgment of the citizen's liberty of action. I do not mean by this to say that men shall be left to injure others or to publicly debase themselves and answer the state by saying that they have merely exercised their individual right. There is a vast difference, sir, between liberty and license. The one is a goddess fair, all wreathed in light and smiles and beauty, bestowing with a generous hand her countless blessings on the human race; the other is a sorceress vile, a woman to the waist and fair, but ending in a serpent, armed with mortal coil, seducing godlike men to gross excesses and infinite despair. I would prohibit and I would punish the offenses which reckless bankers have committed against the law, and by which they have wrecked the great institutions which it was their duty to strengthen and conserve; but, sir, I would not deny all men the right to manage their own affairs within safe lines because some men have abused that free­man's privilege. I would make convicts out of the crim­inals; but I would not make children of honest bankers and deprive them of the right to conduct their business under a law which, if duly executed and enforced, is none too liberal now. I understand, of course, that we can prevent bad men from doing wrong by putting all men in straightjackets; but I also know that we will thus prevent good men from doing what would be to their own and their country's great advantage. If we permit ourselves to look at the misdeeds of the few and forget the good deeds of the many, we may fall into a misanthropic frame of mind 1For a sketch of Bailey. see page 115. 114 The University of Texas Bulletin and make the mistake of legislating upon the theory that as some men abuse their freedom it shall be taken from us all. If this should come to pass, the men of this great Republic would lose the power of intellect, and the self­control through which we fondly hope to complete a peace­ful conquest of the world. Sir, I believe men are growing better instead of worse, and I would rather encourage that growth by giving greater freedom still than to discourage it by leaving them less to do according to their own untrammeled judgment and compelling them to do more according to the directions of a statute. I am an optimist. I believe in the patriotism and intelli­gence of my countrymen, and I believe they will vindicate before the world the experiment of self-government which our fathers inaugurated. I believe that they will teach the advocates of kingly government and the apostles of social­ism as well that mankind can achieve its highest develop­ment and attain its greatest happiness under institutions which leave every man as free as is consistent with the peace and the good order of society. And even, Mr. Presi­dent, when my countrymen disappoint my hope and when the spirit of faction seems stronger than a love of country, I do not despair. Through the darkness, as in the light, I cling to a persevering faith and I remember that there is One above us who overrules kings and parliaments and who orders the destiny of republics better than presidents and congresses. I confide in Him, and I do not fear that He, under whose providence the sparrow falls and whose mercy stills the raven's clamorous nest, will permit this government of the people and for the people and by the people to perish from the earth; but I believe that at His own good time and in His own good way Ht:: will inspire His children here with the wisdom to know and the courage to do whatever may be for the best. From the iridescent dream of socialism and from the debasing avarice of monopoly which assail us in this day, I turn to the coming of that better day when our greatest intellects and our bravest hearts shall be called again to those high seats from which the mighty dead once governed us; and when that time comes, as come it shall, they will make our laws so just and equal and will administer them so firmly and so impartially that they will perpetuate forever and forever more this, the greatest, the freest, and therefore "the best government that ever rose to animate the hopes or to bless the sacrifices of mankind."1 The Duty of Combatting National Greed (A portion of an address by J. W. Bailey2 in the National House of Representatives, December 7, 1893. Published in the Congressional Record, Fifty-third Congress, Second Session, pp. 106-107.) I am not insensible to the advantages of national wealth and commercial supremacy, but all the fabled riches of the Orient multiplied a thousandfold, and the unrestricted com­merce of every land and of all the seas are not comparable to that peace and that content which consecrate the hearts of a brave and free people to the service of a just and frugal government. We are already consuming too many of the vital forces of individual and national life in this nervous and ceaseless struggle to become richer. Instead of yielding to the tendency, the legislator's first and highest duty is to resist it, and reverse it if it still be possible to do so. We need to be educated in the opposite directoin from that in which we have been going for the last thirty years. We need to know that opulence breeds idleness, and idleness breeds decay. Strive as we will, we cannot altogether subdue that greed which has been the bane of all free governments, and which infects the blood of a republic llt may interest the reader to compare Senator Bailey's vision with the policy of the Federal Government since 1933. •Joseph Weldon Bailey was born in Copiah County, Mississippi, October 6, 1862. lie bezan the practice of law at Gainesville, Texas, in 1885. He was a member of Congress, 1891-1901, and was United States Senator from Texas, 1901-1913. He resigned from the Senate in 1913 to resume the practice of law. He died on April 13, 1929. 116 The University of Texas Bulletin with a poison more fatal than all the precepts and examples of communists and madmen. There is among the traditions of Venice a beautiful legend of a wonderful painting by Michael Angelo. As I recall it now, it tells the story of how a young girl, after years of patient waiting and vain entreaty for her father's consent to a marriage with the man she loved, finally despaired, and stepping from a gondola she sought to bury herself and her sorrow beneath the waters which make the streets of her native city. She was rescued by a stranger, to whom she revealed her grief, and who, becoming inter­ested in her fate, interceded upon her own and her lover's behalf. The father was inflexible. The great artist guessed the secret of the old man's opposition to be that the boy was poor, and asked if the marriage could be consummated when the youth had acquired a competence. The father said "no," but his looks returned a different answer. As they sat there discussing the young people, the wonderful genius took from his pocket a tablet and with fingers defter than ever touched a canvas he drew the picture of a miser's hand and holding it up to the old man's astonished gaze he wrung from his unconscious lips the startled exclamation. "Why, that is my hand! That is my hand!" And so it was. With its grasping and eager lines, with its palm half opened as if to catch a shower of gold, it portrayed the miser's ruling passion. Angelo gave it to the disconsolate lover and told him to sell it to the library of St. Mark's; and its price became the ransom of a true and noble wife. In after years that picture became the most.famous of that famous collection; and historians say that it helped to make the vice of avarice still more detestable in that republic. We need some new Angelo in this age and country who, gifted with a divine inspiration, can put upon the painter's canvas the hideous features of modern greed and help us to relearn the lesson which our sturdy and self-reliant fathers taught, that freedom is better than commerce, and justice is better than gold. Texas' Distinctive Contributions to Social Welfare (Excerpts, slightly adapted, from an address before the Texas Senate by Hon. George Clark,1 presenting to the State a portrait of Judge Robert M. Williamson, "Three-Legged Willie," April 21, 1891. Published in the House Journal of the Twenty-second Legislature, pp. 686-692.) In the Homestead Law, the abolition of the forms and fictions of English common law pleadings, and in the pro­visions made for a general diffusion of education among the people of the State, the Fathers of Texas, dressed in buck­skins and assembled in a log hut for a capitol, made dis­tinctive contributions to law and enlightened governmental policies. Hitherto the boast of English-speaking people, that every man's house was his castle, into which even the king could not enter except upon invitation, had been only partially true. The king perhaps could not cross the sacred threshold, but his sheriff could; and after entrance seize upon the household goods and household gods of the un­fortunate, and drive their loved ones out into the cold world without shelter, food, or raiment. However queer it is, this barbarism was first arrested by the old fathers of Texas, who sat and deliberated in a log hut for a capitol. It seems strange now, as we look backward, that no other civilized people detected a wrong in the merciless seizure of a home by the officer of the law,2 and that it remained for the pioneers of Texas to establish and promulgate a great principle of government, which has been since adopted and followed by every American state and territory. Another thought that seemed to pervade the minds of our early fathers in the construction of our Government, was to banish "the quirks and quibbles of the law," so that our 'For a sketch of Clark, see page 198. "Sp!lin had a somewhat similar law as early as 1476 and apparently the idea entered Texas through Mexico. See Eugene C. Barker, The Life of Stephen F. Auatin. 222-227. 118 The University of Texas Bulletin courts should be able to dispense speedy and substantial justice to the citizens without embarrassment, delay or chicanery. I am not sure that we, their sons and successors, have altogether carried out their ideas in this regard, but that it is our fault, not theirs. They set us a splendid example (which perhaps we should blush for not perfecting and following) by abolishing without ceremony the forms and fictions of English common law pleading, as well as all distinctions, so far as remedial rights were concerned, be­tween law and equity. Here again the Texan patriots, clad in buckskin, became advanced pioneers in substantial re­form and taught the world a new lesson in government. The code practiced in most of the States today is the fruit of Texas' example and inspiration. These old forms and ceremonies of the common law had hitherto been regarded as something sacred, no more to be changed or varied than the lettering of the Holy Book. Yet these old fathers saw that, in most instances, they tended to retard justice, if not to defeat it altogether, and they laid their hands on it and destroyed it. Had their successors but carried out the work so glor­iously begun, Texas today would not be suffering under the opprobrium which follows clogged justice, her dockets overburdened and her people denied trials in their own courts by means of the law's delays. But the "shyster" and the "pettifogger" has since been abroad in the land, imagin­ing and predicting dire results inevitably to follow the simplification of precepts and redemies. Another prominent idea in the minds of our fathers was the necessity of a general diffusion of education among the people of the State. The deprivation of this right consti­tuted one of their grievances against the parent country; and in the formative stages of their own Government, attested the sincerity of their convictions by providing most liberally for the cause of public education. Indeed, so lib­eral have been their provisions, a lapse of fifty years finds us quarreling among ourselves as to how we shall spend it. If the old patriots who gave it to us could now speak with us face to face, they would tell us to discuss our differences in the generous spirit of a common brotherhood, free from bitterness and calumniation, which always recoil upon their projectors; and to see to it, with a united purpose, that this sacred fund be guarded as we guard the honor of our women. If the despoiler should dare reach forth his un­hallowed hand to seize upon it for his own base and selfish purpose, let the withering scorn of a righteous public opinion drive the fool and loathesome apostate through the land, scourged upon his naked back with scorpion lash amid the hisses of an outraged people. For heroes died that we and our children and our children's children might enjoy the blessings of this fund, sacredly dispensed each year in the holy cause of popular enlightenment and elevation. The Homestead Law, simplified pleadings in courts, and ample provision for popular education constitute three sacred legacies from the fathers which we, their sons, should guard with jealous courage to vindicate the wisdom of those mighty men who founded this commonwealth. The Evil of Party Spirit (General Mirabeau Lamar's address to the Senate,1 delivered on the twenty-fourth of October, 1836. Lamar Papers, I, 472-74.) But there is another evil of a more serious and alarming character-a vice of giant powers, and the parent of ten thousand crimes, against which, not only yourselves but the whole people of Texas, should guard with the utmost vigilance and firmness. Do you ask what it is? I answer PARTY; by which I mean the organization of a greater or smaller number of people, for the political elevation of favorite individuals, and for the support of measures, origi­nating in passion or interest, and prosecuted from the motives of gain, revenge, or personal aggrandizement. •As Vice-President, Lamar presided over the Senate in the first Congress of the; Republic of Texas. For a sketch of Lamar, see page 143. The University of Texas Bulletin Liberty has not a greater foe, nor despotism a better friend. For what is all history but a record of the bloody march of faction! Every page is burthened with wars, not for the sacred liberties of man, but for the unhallowed exaltation of contending aspirants. Do you turn to the ancient mistress of the world ?2 Where is the patriot that doth not sigh at the evil strifes that seated Sulla upon bleeding Rome, and his rival on the ruins of Carthage! Do you look at the sea-encircled nation3 whose resentful Roses, would not bloom together?-who doth not mark in the broils of York and Lancaster a melancholy monument of the folly and madness of party? Or will you turn for a moment to that lovely region of the olive and the vine• where the valleys are all smiling and the people all cheer­ful ?-who that hath a spark of nature in his sould doth not weep at the horrid atrocities perpetrated under the name of liberty by Robespierre5 and his bloody coadjutors during the reign of the Jacobin faction in revolutionary France. These examples, by way of melancholy warning, may serve to show the unnatural lengths into which deluded and infatuated man will hurry when once enlisted under the prescriptive manner of party. But if any other exhibition of its direful effects be want­ing, it is furnished in the history of a people whose career is familiar to us all. Look at Mexico. A few years ago she awoke from the lethargy of centuries, and in the majesty of eight millions of people, shook Castilian bondage from her like "dew drops from a lion's mane." But see her now­the miserable victim of self-oppression and debasement­torn to pieces by civil discord-bleeding at every pore by party rage-her resources exhausted-her strength defied, and her very name despised. These are the bitter fruits of that dreadful mania which makes a whole people offer up, at the shrines of demagogues, that devotion and sacrifice "Rome. •England, referrinir to the Wars of the Roses, a contest between rival claimants to the throne. The wars ended with the accession of Henry VII in 1485. 'France. •Leader of the reign of terror durinir the French revolution. Centennial Declamations which is due alone to their country. Mexico had the chivalry to conquer, without virtue to profit by it. Her patriots achieved independence, and demagogues ruined her hopes. Enemy as she is to us, I am not a foe to her freedom; for next to the safety and welfare of my own land, I should rejoice to see our free principles and liberal institutions engrafted into her Government, so that they might spread their benign influence over the whole continent of America. Once we had the promise of this in the opening career of a bold champion of freedom,6 who, sick of the woes of his distracted country, called upon the virtuous of all parties to unite with him in the expulsion of faction. He published to his countrymen a system of government which promised order, stability and safety. It was received with acclamation. Thousands gathered around his standard. They came with high hopes and devoted hearts. The cannon soon spoke upon the moun­tains, and the enemies of order trembled. Foes fled before him-rebellion hid his head, and even audacious bigotry quailed in the glance of his eye. He was born to command; and all voices hailed him as the Savior of his Country. But mark the sequel. No sooner was he planted in power, the idol of the people-with every obstacle removed to the introduction of his new order of things-all eyes expecting and all hearts desiring it-when lo! the veil-the silver veil-was drawn aside, and instead of the mild fea­tures of the patriot, the foul visage of Mokanna, with its terrific deformity, burst upon the astonished nation, and "grinned horribly a ghastly smile." And do you ask the moral of this tale? The discerning mind will read in it the awful truth-that party is as cruel as the grave-that its bonds are as strong as death-that there is no receding from its unhallowed infatuation, and that he who enrolls his name under its bloody flag, divorces himself from humanity, and forever sells his soul to the powers of darkness. 'Santa Anna. The University of Texas Bulletin The Sinister Power of the Lobby (Excerpts from an address by Governor James S. Hogg1 on Farmers' Day at the Dallas State Fair, Sept.ember 30, 1903. Published in the Dallas News, October 1, 1903.) In the spring of 1900, at great personal and pecuniary sacrifice, I opened and made a campaign of the State for three months, advocating the adoption of a constitutional amendment, which I had carefully prepared for the pur­pose of curtailing and suppressing three of the worst evils which then or since ever afflicted the masses of the State. That amendment, succinctly stated, embraced the three following propositions : 1. That no insolvent corporation should do business in this Stat.e. 2. That the free pass2 syst.em over the railways of this Stat.e shall terminat.e forever. 3. That the use of corporate funds in politics to support a lobby at Austin shall be prohibited. In this campaign I invited joint discussion with those who took issue with me on the subject, and notified the people everywhere that the Democratic State Convention would be urged to make the amendment part of their plat­form. This question came up before the convention at Waco in August of that year, and after a full discussion, in which both sides were represented, the following plank in the platform was adopted by 160 majority of all the delegates: SEC. 10. The constitutional amendment to define and pre­vent insolvent corporations from doing business in this State, to prevent the use of corporate funds in politics and to lJames Stephen Hogg was born in East Texas in 1851. He was a "self-made,'' "self-educated" man and one of the greatest men who ever served the State. He became Attorney General of Texas in 1886 and served until 1890, when he became Governor. He was Governor for two terms, 1890-1894. He was the friend of the people and the determined opponent of unfair practices of the railroads and other corporations. He is known as the "Father of the Texas Railroad Commission." 2The railroads made a practice of issuing passes to members of the Le:.islature, State officials, and others from whom they wished favors. In the end the public, the great mass of the citizens of the State, paid the cost of these free rides. Centenn'ial Declamations suppress the free pass system over railways, as presented and discussed by J. S. Hogg before the public recently, shall be submitted by the next Legislature to the people for their action thereon. Here our great party spoke, expressing the people's will that these issues should be referred back to them for final settlement. That fall every officer, elected by the Democratic party, was pledged to favor the submission of that amend­ment, and every senator and representative so elected was pledged by every sacred tie known to political integrity and personal honor either to vote to submit it or to resign his office. But the lobby was in the way; the free pass was on hand; members had their commissions in their pocket, and many of them were hundreds of miles from their constit­uents. They were comfortably quartered at the capital; they were hilarious and happy; they could come and go as deadheads over the railways in and out of the State at will; they could get their free lunches; they could attend free champagne banquets ; they could go to the beach and play hide-and-seek over the high-crested waves with the nymphs of the sea.3 This, all this, was new life to most of them. They were metamorphosed. They were transfigured. They became alien to their conscience, and forgetful of their pledges, independent of their constituents, as they wabbled around under the load of free passes, and basked in the sardonic smiles of brainy lords of the third house ;4 they reiterated the old-time traitor's motto that "platforms were made to get in on." Yes; they got in on that platform. Not ten of them could have gotten in by denouncing it, or by the declaration that they would disobey it after getting in. If I were bitter about this, I should repeat what democrats often say: that without doubt this is the blackest blotch that was ever smeared on the States' escutcheon by foul hand of any traitor since Reconstruction days. asome of the railroads made a practice of running excursion trains to Galveston over the week ends. '"Third house," attorneys and others representing the railroads and large business concerns and seekinir legislation favorable to them or to defeat laws that would restrict their operations. The University of Texas Bulletin A pernicious precedent has been set. The people may expect it to be followed. They may now look for a premium on infidelity. Old-timers declare that they have heard of rotten politics before, but this is the worst that has ever afflicted the people of any state. If the Democrats of this State can tolerate such action, such perfidy, such indiffer­ence to public trust, such violation of party pledges, such defiance of the people's will, then of course, I must submit to it; but I shall, nevertheless, so long as I command my personal self-respect, condemn the like as dishonorable, nefarious, perfideous, disgraceful. No man can erect a decent political superstructure upon a foundation made of broken pledges or laid in treachery. No officer can hon­estly violate his party instructions. No man can enjoy political honors gained on false pledges. No man who can violate a trust in one instance is worthy of trust in another. If the farmers of this State had been organized in 1900 as they were in 1890 this political crime, this disgrace to Texas, this blotch upon the political scroll of our State would not have occurred. The Public Service of Farmers' Organizations (Excerpt from an address delivered by Governor James S. Hogg,t on Farmers' Day at the Dallas State Fair, September 30, 1903. Published in the Dallas News, October 1, 1903.) Many serious problems confront not only ourselves, but all civilization today. In Europe the tax-ridden producers are on the verge of revolt. Extravagance there has gone unchecked in high places until nearly every nation of the old country is bankrupt. Four of the governments alone­France, Italy, England, and Russia have public debts aggre­gating over $17 ,000,000,000. 2 1For sketch of Hogg, see page 122. 'In 1936 the national debt of the United States alone exceeded twenty-eight billion dollars. This condition of those four powers is but one example of the tottering kingdoms all over the continent. While we commiserate the condition of the people of the old country, we should halt, reflect and take a view of our own situation; and while we Texans regret these conditions which so seriously affect the people of our sister states, yet, for the present, we have enough to do at home. Let us straighten up our own affairs; let us protect ourselves and posterity from impending dangers here; then it may become possible, by example and efforts, to do good among our fellowmen everywhere. Once the farmers of this country were well organized. They were then a potential, independent body of men. Now these lodges are disintegrated, their power has weakened and other bodies have overshadowed them in controlling the affairs of the Government. We all remember that, soon after the Grange was instituted, in 1867, public attention was for the first time seriously called to the oppressive class legislation which had so long imposed upon an apathetic, patient, tax-paying people.3 As the Grange mul­tiplied, these public questions became ventilated and well understood through intelligent discussion. Within a short time legislative efforts were made to correct abuses in transportation and corporate charges, and finally what are well known as the Grange oosas were decided by the Supreme Court of the United States, forever establishing the doctrine that when private property is devoted to a public use it is subject to public control,4 and that the State, "The Grange, or the Society of the Patrons of Husbandry, was originally founded .as a sodal organization. Its purpose was to improve the condition of the farmer. The Grangers exerted a great political influence in Wisconsin, Minnesota, Kansas, Texas, and other mid-western states. The Grange was succeeded by the Farmers' Alliance, which in 1890 had a membership of nearly 2,000,000. The farmers used their political power to obtain many beneficial laws-particularly laws regulating the unfair practices of railroads. 'As early as 1869 Massachusetts established a railroad commission to study transportation problems. Under the influence of the Granger movement many western states passed laws designed: (l) to fix maximum freight and passenger rates, (2) to prevent higher charges for a short haul than for a long one, (3) to atop the free pass evil, and (4) to establish state commissions to enforce railroad Jeeislation. In the case of Munn v. Illinois (1877), the Supreme Court held that "tate regulation of railroads and warehouses was constitutional. 126 The University of Texas Bulletin the creator of a corporation, has the right to control and' regulate the incorporate creature, to the same extent even of fixing and maintaining the rates which they may collect from the public. Throughout the years of my boyhood and early manhood I heard these and other kindred economic questions dis­cussed at the mills, around the schoolhouses, in the church yards, about the villages and at county and state conven­tions. Well do I remember how earnest, zealous, persistent and faithful these organizations were from year to year pressing these issues to a final consummation at each biennial session of the Legislature. One effort after an­other was made by some of the representatives to have the people's will carried out in this respect; but there was always a strong "third house" on hand, composed of the shrewdest log-rollers and lobbyists, who managed, by one device, scheme and trick after another, to defeat every measure that had within it the elements of substantial, efficacious law on the subject. People remote from the capital could not understand this. The Granges and Alli­ances strengthened, multiplied and became better versed in state affairs. Open public discussion by the candidates for office followed, records were inspected, recalcitrants were retired, and finally in 1891, the people triumphed over corporate henchmen and lobbyists, and over that class of faithless representatives who came, not to serve their con­stituents, but to bow before Mammon's power. When we consider that the fathers of Washington, Jefferson, Adams, of Madison, of Monroe, of Jackson and of every other patriot President were farmers; when we reflect that in all the struggles for civil liberty the farmers bore the brunt and carried the burdens to victory; when we know that almost every governmental reform instituted for the benefit of mankind found its conception in a farmer's brain; when we confess that in the farmer's patriotism is the security of the republic; when we unhesi­tatingly admit that if the farmers should strike or refuse to work or to sell their produce for one year every trans­portation line would cease to move, every factory would dose, every packery would collapse, every bank would fail, every merchant would assign, every crowned head in the world would roll off under the axe of the starving bread­seekers of the old word and in the new; every official would abdicate his place before the wrath of a maddened people, then we do not aggrandize them nor place them too high in acknowledging and proclaming them the benefactors of the human race, the embodiment of unselfish patriotism, the life springs of local self-government. Human Rights vs. Property Rights (Excerpt from a speech of Governor James S. Hogg, in San Antonio, Texas, August 1, 1894, condemning Federal intervention in the labor dispute known as the "Pullman Strike" which occurred in Chicago in July of that year. Published in the Galveston News, August 2, 1894.1 ) Labor has received its share of abuse in the public dis­cussion of rioting and bloodshed in connection with the Pullman strike. Now look to the other side and let your sense of humanity speak. The capital stock of the Pullman Palace Car Company increased in six years from thirteen million dollars in 1883 to twenty-five million dollars in 1889, or an average of two million dollars a year. During the calendar year of 1890, and each year since that time, this company paid four quarterly dividends of 2 per cent each, aggregating annually two million dollars. Not satisfied with wonderful increase of "watered" stock on which the enormous dividend was promptly paid, this company in 1892 again increased its stock five million dollars; and on May 24, 1893, it placed six millions more of it on the New York Stock Exchange for sale, making its total capital stock up to last year aggregate thirty-six million dollars. 'Fer the circumstances behind this speech, see page 129. The University of Texas Bulletin So, in ten years this company increased its "capital" stock from thirteen million dollars to thirty-six million dollars, or an aggregate increase of twenty-three million dollars. According to the company's report, it has reg­ularly paid 8 per cent annually on its "capital stock," and often had a large surplus of several million dollars in the treasury. Had the capital stock not been increased or watered in these ten years the annual dividend thereon would be over 24 per cent. This company was chartered under the laws of Illinois in 1867 when it was comparatively a small concern. Now look at it! Herein lies the trouble: The state gov­ernments charter corporations engaged in a public business, and then let them go unrestrained. They inflate their bonds and water their stocks and call on the public in the exercise of their corporate, governmental franchises to pay interest and dividends on them. So long as times are flush they manage to keep down friction. When a dearth comes they must continue to pay expenses of operation, salaries of officials, interest on bonds and dividends on preferred stock. To do this they must "skin the flea for his tallow." They maintain high charges or increase them; they reduce labor forces; cut down wages and raise rents. The crushing forces first grind the hope out of labor. Labor revolts. Sympathy rises. Excitement spreads. Stock manipulators flee to seaside resorts or to "Ringland" [England] to complacently watch results. The Federal court spreads its protecting wings over the corporations by "omnibus injunctions," and the President sends the Army to support them in obedience to the constitutional demand that "he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed!" Pull off your hats, cool your heads and think of this picture! The exhibit shown by the Pullman Company is about on a par with nearly every railroad company in the United States where they are unrestricted. Their total liabilities last year amounted to over eleven billion dollars! It would take about every gold and silver dollar in the government to pay the annual interest and dividends on them. And yet Centennial Declamations they grow! In the year 1891 they "increased" their liabili­ties over a billion dollars ! There are breakers ahead of us. For this statement I am called a pessimist-a crank ! Yes, I was this same kind of a pessimist and crank when I dis­cussed this same trouble in its application to Texas. As a result of this crankism we now have a law that squeezes the wind and water out of all kinds of public securities and places the stamp of honesty on them. No railway or munici­pal corporation can inflate bonds or water stock in Texas without the manipulators having a chance to wear felon's stripes. We have stopped such frauds here. So far as Texas is concerned, she takes care that the proud aegis of law stands with equal justice over capital and labor. Her people and her Governor will stand by the Stars and Stripes and are ever proud to see constitutional liberty awarded and sacredly maintained to all classes with­out discrimination, and every servant of the people, from constable to President, stand by and jealously uphold the Constitution. Government by lnjunction1 (Excerpt from a speech of Governor James S. Hogg, in San Antonio, Texas, August 1, 1894, protesting against action of President Grover Cleveland in sending Federal troops into Illinois to suppress the Pullman Strike in July, 1894. Published in the Galveston News, August 2, 1894.) You recollect that a few months ago this Congress sent a committee, at public expense, to "investigate" into the con­duct of Judges Jinkins and Dundy of the Federal bench in entering their celebrated injunction, whereby in substance they prohibited employes of a railway in the hands of re­ceivers from quitting work. A great sensation was created over this injunction; all the newspapers denounced it. 1In the spring of 1894 a strike of the employees of the Pullman Car Company spread to railway trainmen. A Federal jud~e issued an injunction against inter­ference with transportation of mail and interstate commerce. Strikers continued to serve trains carrying mail and Pullman ears. President Cleveland ordered Federal troops to enforce the injunction. For sketch of speaker, see pue 122. The University of Texas Bulletin Lawyers, politicians, doctors and street loafers dis­cussed it and cried out in thundering tones against it. That "injunction" was but a step-a mere precedent­which, compared to this last one under which the President acted, was but the shadow of a fty's wing compared to the black cloud behind a cyclone. This Chicago injunction not only prohibits Debs2 and the American railway union, but it includes "all other persons whatsoever." It not only pro­poses to protect the mails and all other passenger and freight trains from violence and disturbance, but enjoins everybody "from compelling or inducing by threat, per­suasion or violence, any of the employes of such roads ... to leave the service of such roads or preventing any person from entering the service of such roads." That injunction stands perpetual. Under it, backed by United States troops, the twenty-three named railroads are certainly safe. Yes, they are in clover. No man in the Government can ever persuade another to quit the service of any of them. Worse than this, no man can ever "persuade" a person from "entering the service of such roads." This decree is called the "omnibus injunction," and its authorship has been charged to Attorney General Olney. I am not disposed to believe it, no more than I countenance the statement of some of the northern papers that he is yet the attorney for some of the largest railroads and trusts. I have too much respect for the man and the exalted posi­tion he occupies to accept with a single grain of credence any such serious imputations. This omnibus outrage, how­ever, if reports be true, has found its polluted form spread upon the Federal court dockets of Indiana, Tennessee, Missouri, Illinois, California, and other states. Debs and his coadjutors are before the court in Chicago on a charge of contempt for violating it, and as a consequence they have been in jail in default of bail. I notice that he has also been cited to appear before the courts of Tennessee and Indiana to answer the charge of "contempt" for the alleged violation of the same decree in the Federal courts of those States. •Eugene V. Debs, labor leader, organized the American Railway Union. It sup. ported the Pullman strike, and Debs, for violating the injunction of the Feder..: Court and the Federal Anti-Trust Act. was sent to prison for six months. Centennial Declamations Telegraphic reports, undenied, show that a Federal judge in California, under the same or similar injunction, sent several men to jail for seven months for violating it. Neither of these men was given a jury trial. The judge simply had the United States marshal, backed by Federal soldiers, to bring the men before him, and it was left with his "august majesty" to release them or to consign them to jail for contempt as long as he chose. He put them in jail seven months. The dispatches also notify us that a United States marshal and his deputies arrested 200 citizens the other day on a charge of "contempt" for violating a similar injunction which prohibited persons from "using acts of violence or using incendiary language" in relation to a rail­road. So it goes-arrested for using incendiary language! Who is to say whether the language was incendiary or not? The judge-only the judge! In all respects this omnibus injunction is a new thing in the land-another precedent. How did the court get juris­diction over those twenty-three railways anyway? They had no "case" pending. The courts, for one time in the history of the country, happened not to have them in the hands of the receiver. I ask again by what authority did the court assume a protectorate over those roads and enjoin "every person whomsoever" and the American Railway Union from "persuading employes to quit work" or "per­suading persons not to enter the service of such railroads?" The Menace of Great Wealth (Excerpt, slightly adapted, from a speech delivered by Hon. A. W. Terrell1 in the Texas House of Representatives, Austin, March 2, 1905. Published in the House Journal, Twenty-ninth Legislature, pp. 1348-1356.) Whenever any class of men band themselves together to monopolize and control all the industries of the people that class, unless checked, will become masters of the people. 'For a sketch of Judge Terrell, see P&ll'e 72. The University of Texas Bulletin Inequalities of fortune will always exist, and the state that does not protect wealth fairly obtained fails of its mission. Such inequalities are only dangerous when created at the expense of the toiling masses of men through the operation of partial laws. If our independence shall ever be jeopard­ized by civil war it will be the most terrible of all conflicts, for it will be a war-not of sections, but of classes. Our national progress in gathering wealth is marvelous, but what progress have we made in promoting the inde­pendence of the masses of men? If we scan closely this marvel of individual wealth we find it centralized under the operation of partial laws, not in the hands of natural men, but in the cold grasp of artificial creations, which monopolizes all the walks of individual industry. Corporations for railways, canal and ship building, and perhaps the great daily press (which should stand as free­dom's sentinel) are proper subjects of incorporation. But when the State permits any class of men to unite in per­petuity behind a corporate mask and peddle under trust combinations in all the ordinary employments of the citizen, it creates a power which, if left alone, will soon become stronger than the State, if it is not already so, and will chain the masses of the people to the Juggernaut Car of financial despotism. Free government has never endured long among any race of men. Ithas sooner or later disappeared before the ambi­tions of those entrusted with power, or through the apathy or depravity of the masses of the people. This magnificent national government with all its wonderful promises and opportunities may disintegrate and share the fate of other great republics. We devoutly pray that it may endure for­ever to bless the human race, but if in the providence of God dissension and national ruin shall overtake this Federal Government, we in Texas, if true to ourselves, may escape the general misfortune. Let us keep fresh in the minds of our children the sacri­fices and heroism of the men who made Texas. As often as this birthday of the old republic shall recur, let us Centennial Declamations celebrate it with rejoicing. Let us place our declaration of independence in the hands of our children and make them read and understand it. Place that Declaration and the Bill of Rights in every little hand, and point the finger of each little child to that clause in the Bill of Rights which declares that "perpetuities and monopolies are contrary to the genius of free government and shall never be allowed." Make them understand that this prohibition against the encroachment of greed and avarice was written by the brave and wise men who first lifted up the Lone Star Flag and baptized it with their blood. Make every child remember that this prohibition against perpetuities and monopolies has been written in every bill of rights of Texas; that it is there today and has been deemed so sacred that it is excepted out of the powers of government, a doctrine higher than any constitution being announced to preserve freedom, and which must never be called in question. Make every school boy read the story of our revolution that he may be inspired with devotion to Texas until his cheek glows with patriotic pride, as he contemplates the vast expanse of this mighty State. Then if an evil fortune shall ever disintegrate this Union, Texas, one and indivisible from the mountains to the sea, and in all her vast circumference, will remain a place of refuge from tyranny for the children of men. The White Man's Burden (Excerpt from a speech delivered by Hon. A. W. Terrell1 to the Texas House of Representatives, Austin, Texas, March 2, 1905. Published in the House Journal of the Twenty-ninth Legislature, pp. 1348-1356.) Once every year the Romans had a Saturnalia-a day on which the Gallic slave was permitted to speak freely to his 'For a sketch of Terrell, see page 72. The University of Texas Bulletin master. There is no better day than this for every Texas man to scan the horizon, and see whether we have drifted from the moorings established by the fathers, and whether storm clouds threaten us. To my mind, the most dangerous factor in our onward progress has been the desire for territorial expansion beyond this continent. The preamble to our Federal Con­stitution declares that it was ordained and established for the "United States of America"-not for Asia, the islands of the sea-but for "America." Whenever it shall become the established policy of our people to continue our dominion over strange people beyond the Pacific Ocean, our institutions will perish. Our occupation of the Philippines was the result of a war sanctioned by all our people, and of a treaty approved by all political parties. It is too late to correct that blunder, but it is not too soon to say that when peace and good order is established and resistance to our flag ceases, some way should be found to let that seven millions of semi-savages take care of them­selves, under laws of their own enactment, or under the flag of some other power than our own. The catch words of "manifest destiny," so often sounded from the pulpit and the press to sanction territorial ex­pansion, should deceive no man. "Manifest destiny" is the fatalism that dethrones reason, it is the excuse of force when inspired by avarice, it conquers without justice, it is the consolation of the highwayman who robs without remorse, it is the religion of the fanatic, who loves to Christianize the savage with rifles and artillery in the name of the Prince of Peace. Manifest destiny with the Bible in one hand and the rifle in the other has crossed this continent, the poor Indian has almost disappeared, but the missionary of "manifest destiny" survives, and has found in the Philippines another "white man's burden." We in Texas have as much of the white man's burden as we can well bear. We are still striving to prepare, through Centennial Declamations education, our former slaves for the high duties of citizen­ship, at a time, too, when over all our industries the dark cloud of monopoly looms up dark and threatening. We suffer here from the great blunder of the century which conferred the ballot on stupidity and ignorance-we are draining to the dregs the bitter cup that was pressed to our lips by kindred hands after fratricidal strife. When the ballot that records the public will is conferred on ignorance and superstition, liberty, no longer sustained by reason, can only survive through the force or fraud of those who value it.... For forty long years have we borne our white man's burden without sympathy from those who imposed it. During all that time we have taxed our­selves to educate the negro in equal measure with our white children and have endured the harsh criticism of nothern people which has excited against our section the prejudices of Europe. During all that forty years under the "general welfare" clause of the Federal Constitution that "infant industries" of the North have grown rich at our expense, but no thought of the "general welfare" has ever induced the Federal Government to spend one dollar for the education of the negro. We in Texas have during these forty years expended over thirteen millions of money in the education of negro children, paid into the State Treasury through the labor of white people, who had been impoverished by war. Do I complain of this? Nay, verily, this hand drew the first law in the South ever enacted by a democratic legisla­ture to educate the negro child in equal measure with our own children. But we are performing the duties of a terrible guardianship, and other people do not know how hard the burden presses. We in Texas are not seeking any more burdens for our white men. 136 The University of Texas Bulletin Let the Negro Have Justice (Excerpt from an address delivered by William H. Fleming,1 June 19, 1906, at the University of Georgia, before a meeting of the Alumni Society of that institution.) One of the noblest tributes ever paid to Gladstone was that he applied the moral law to British politics. It was Aristides, surnamed the Just-a brave soldier, a successful general, a man of sound practical judgment, not a mere dreamer-who, when named by the Athenians to consider a secret plan, suggested by Themistocles, to gain naval supremacy for Athens by burning the ships of her allies, reported against the unscrupulous scheme and said : "What Themistocles proposes might be to your present advantage, but, 0 Athenians, it is not just." Speaking of the ideal, universal, moral code, one of the least sentimental of modern scientific writers, says: "Although its realization may lie in the unseen future, civilization must hold fast to it, if it would be any more than a blind natural process; and it is certainly the noblest function of social science to point out the wearisome way along which mankind, dripping with blood, yet pants for the distant goal." Another deep thinker, summing up the facts of history and the reasonings of philosophers, says: "That the moral law is the unchanging law of social progress in human society is the lesson which appears to be written over all things." The foundation of the moral law is justice. Let us solve the Negro problem by giving the Negro justice and apply­ing to him the recognized principles of the moral law. This does not require social equality. It does not require that we should surrender into his inexperienced and incompetent hands the reins of political government. But it does require 1Walter H. Fleming represented a Georflia district in the National Congress from 1897 to 1903. He was a Democrat in politics, but viewed social questions from a much wider viewpoint than that of the averalle successful politician. Previous to his service in the National Congress, he was a member of the State House of Representatives, and served for one term as its Speaker. He was a lawyer by profession, and was considered one of the ablest in the State. He was born in Augusta, Ga., October 15, 1856. that we recognize his fundamental rights as a man and that we judge each individual according to his own qualifications and not according to the lower average characteristics of his race. Political rights cannot be withheld from those American citizens of an inferior or backward race who raise themselves up to the standard of citizenship which the superior race applies to its own members. It is true that the right of suffrage is not one of the inalienable rights of man, but the right of exemption from discrimination in the exercise of suffrage, on account of race, is one of the guaranteed constitutional rights of all American citizens. We of the South are an integral part of this great country. We should stand ready to make every sacrifice demanded by honor and permitted by wisdom to remove the last vestige of an excuse for the perpetuation of the spirit of sectionalism which excludes us from the full participation in governmental honors, to which our brain and character entitles us. Let us respect the national laws to the limit of endurance and if that limit be passed, let us resort to some means of redress more typical of southern manhood than fraudulent subterfuge. The future material prosperity of the South is already assured. Let us resolve that there shall remain engrained in the moral fiber of our New South the high character of our Old South-which can best be described in the words of Edmund Burke as "that sensibility of prin­ciple, that chastity of honor, which felt a stain like a wound." We cannot afford to sacrifice our ideas of justice, of law, and of religion, merely to prevent the Negro from elevating himself. If we wish to preserve the wide gap between our race and his, in the onward march of civilization, let us do it by lifting ourselves up, not by holding him down. If, as some predict, the Negro, in the distant future, must fail and fall by the wayside, in the strenuous march of the nations, let him fall by his own inferiority, and not by our tyranny. Give him a fair chance to work out what is in him. Some modern critics seriously suggest that we should amend that paragraph of the Declaration which asserts The University of Texas Bulletin the equal rights of man, so as to adjust it more accurately to historical and scientific facts. But that epoch-making document needs no alteration upon the subject of human rights, if rightfully interpreted. Mark you, Mr. Jefferson did not write: "All men are born free." That looser lan­guage is found in the Constitution of Massachusetts, not in the Declaration of Independence. Such an assertion would have been disproved by the historical fact of slavery then existing. What Mr. Jefferson said was this: "All men are created equal." That is to say, not equal in exterior circumstances nor in physical or mental attributes, but equal in the sight of God and just human law, in their inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Americans want no recantation of that declaration. It is the political corol­lary of the Christian doctrine of the Justice and the Father­hood of God. Let it stand as it was penned by Jefferson, the ennobling, even though unattainable ideal, demanded by the spiritual nature of man-one of those ideals which have done more to lift up humanity and to build up civilization than all the gold, from all the mines, of all the world. Cast Down Your Buckets Where You Are (Excerpt from an address by Booker T. Washington1 at the Cotton States Exposition in Atlanta, Ga., 1895.) One-third of the population of the South is of the negro race. No enterprise seeking the material, civil, or moral 1Booker Ta1iaferro Washington, American negro educator and leader, was born a slave near Hale's Ford, Franklin County, Virginia, about 1858. He obtained the rudiments of an education while working in a salt furnace and, later, a coal mine. After three years at Hampton Institute, Virl!'inia, and further training at Wayland Seminary, Washington, D. C., he taught at Hampton for two years. In 1881 he was selected to take chare:e of a school at Tuskegee, Alabama. Here he began his great work. Starting with only thirty pupils in an old church, with himself as the only teacher, he gradually built up the finest college for negroes in the United States. His aim was to fit negroes for economic independence by training them for skilful work in agriculture, the trades and industries. He was energetic, tactful and resourceful ; and his stronZ' common sense not only won for his program the support of the whites but made him the leader of his race in America. He was a forceful and eloquent public speaker and the author of numerous books. He died in New York City, November 14, 1915. welfare of this section can disregard this element of our population and reach the highest success. I but convey to you, sir, the sentiment of my race when I say that in no way have the value and manhood of the American negro been more fittingly and generously recognized than by the managers of this magnificent exposition at every stage of its progress. A ship lost at sea for many days suddenly sighted a friendly vessel. From the mast of the unfortunate craft was seen a signal: "Water! Water! We die of thirst!" The answer from the friendly vessel at once came back: "Cast down your bucket where you are." A second time the signal, "Water! Water! Send us water," ran up from the distressed vessel, and was answered: "Cast down your bucket where you are." And a third and fourth signal was answered: "Cast down your bucket where you are." The captain of the distressed vessel, at last heeding the injunction, cast down his bucket, and it came up full of fresh, sparkling water. He was at the mouth of the Amazon. To those of my race who depend on bettering their con­dition in a foreign land, or who underestimate the impor­tance of cultivating friendly relations with the southern white man, I would say: "Cast down your bucket where you are"--cast it down in making friends in every manly way of the people of all races by whom you are surrounded. Cast it down in agriculture, in mechanics, in commerce, in domestic service, and in the professions. And, in this con­nection, it is well to bear in mind that whatever other sins the South may be called to bear, when it comes to business, pure and simple, it is in the South that the negro is given a man's chance in the commercial world, and in nothing is this exposition more eloquent than in emphasizing this fact. Our greatest danger is that, in the great leap from slavery to freedom, we may forget that the great masses of us are to live by the productions of our hands, and fail to keep in mind that we shall prosper in proportion as we learn to dignify and glorify common labor and put brains and skill into the common occupations of life; shall prosper as we learn to draw the line between the superficial and 140 The University of Texas Bulletin the substantial, the ornamental gewgaws of life and the useful. No race can prosper till it learns that there is as much dignity in tilling a field as in writing a poem. It is at the bottom of life we must begin, and not at the top. Nor should we permit our grievances to overshadow our opportunities. To those of the white race who look to the incoming of those of foreign birth and strange tongue and habits for the prosperity of the South, were I permitted to do so, I would repeat what I say to my own race, "Cast down your bucket where you are." Cast it down among the 8,000,000 negroes whose habits you know, whose fidelity and love you have tested in days when to have proven treacherous meant the ruin of your firesides. Cast down your bucket among these people who have, without strikes, tilled your fields, cleared your forests, builded your railroads and cities, and brought forth treasures from the bowels of the earth, and helped to make possible this splendid presentation of the progress of the South. As we have proved our loyalty to you in the past, in nursing your children, watching by the sick-bed of your mothers and fathers, and often following them with tear-dimmed eyes to the grave, so in the future, in our humble way, we shall stand by you with a devotion that no foreigner can approach, ready to lay down our lives, if need be, in defense of yours, interlacing our industrial, commercial, civil and religious life with yours in a way that will make the interests of both races one. In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual prog­ress. If anywhere there are efforts to curtail the fullest development of the negro, let these efforts be turned into stimulating, encouraging and making him the most useful and intelligent citizen. It will pay a thousand per cent interest. These efforts will be twice blessed-"blessing him that gives and him that takes." There is no escape through law of man or God from the inevitable-­ "The laws of changeless justice bind Oppressor with oppressed; And close as sin and suffering joined, We march to fate abreast." V. Education Education 2'he rulers have said that only the free shall be educated; God decrees that only the educated are free.-EPICTETUS. (President Lamar's1 first message to Congress, December 21, 1838. Published in Lamar Papers, II, pp. 348-9.) If we desire to establish a Republican Government on a broad and permanent basis, it will become our duty to adopt a comprehensive and well regulated system of mental and moral culture. Education is a subject in which every citizen, and especially every parent, feels a deep and lively concern. It is one in which no jarring interests are involved, and no acrimonious political feelings excited; for its benefits are so universal that all parties can cordially unite in advancing it. It is admitted by all, that cultivated minds is the guardian genius of democracy, and, while guarded and controlled by virtue, the noblest attribute of man. It is the only dictator that freemen acknowledge, and the only security which freemen desire. The influence of education in the moral world is like light in the physical, rendering luminous what before was obscure. It opens a wide field for the exercise and improvement of all the faculties of man, and imparts vigor and clearness to those important truths in the science of government, as well as of morals, which would otherwise be lost in the darkness of ignorance. Without its aid, how perilous and insufficient would be the deliberations of a government like ours! How ignoble and useless its legis­lation for all the purposes of happiness! How fragile and insecure its liberties! War would be conducted without the science necessary to insure success, and its bitterness and IMirabeau Buonaparte Lamar was born in Warren County, Georgia, Au:rust 16, 1798. He was commander of cavalry in the battle of San Jacinto. For a short time in 1836, he was Secretary of War for the Republic of Texas. He became Vice­President (1836-1838) and was President from 1838 until 1841. He was Minister of the United States to Nicarairna in 1857, and died at Richmond, Texas, in 1859. He was a fiery orator, and this portion of his first message to Congress is one of his finest and most thoughtful utterances. 144 The University of Texas Bulletin calamities would be unrelieved by the ameliorating circum­stances which the improved condition of man has imparted to it; and peace would be joyless, because its train would be unattended by that civilization and refinement which can alone give zest to social and domestic enjoyments. And how shall we protect our rights if we do not com­prehend them? And can we comprehend them unless we acquire a knowledge of the past and present condition of things, and practice the habit of enlightened reflection? Cultivation is as necessary to the supply of rich intellectual and moral fruits, as are the labors of the husbandman to bring forth the valuable productions of the earth. But it would be superfluous to offer to this Honorable Congress any formal argument to enforce the practical importance of the subject. I feel fully assured that it will, in that liberal spirit of improvement which pervades the social world, lose not the present auspicious opportunity to provide for literary institutions, with a munificence com­mensurate with our future destinies. To patronize the gen­eral diffusion of knowledge, industry, and charity has been near the hearts of the good and wise of all nations; while the ambitious and the ignorant would fain have thwarted a policy so pure and laudable; but despite their efforts to the contrary, the rich domes and spires of edifices, conse­crated to these objects, are continually increasing in numbers, throwing their scenic splendor over civilization and attesting the patriotism of their founders. Our young Republic has been formed by a Spartan spirit--let it progress and ripen into Roman firmness, and Athenian gracefulness and wisdom. Let those names which have been inscribed on the standard of her martial glory be found also on the page of her history, associated with that profound and enlightened policy which is to make our country a bright link in the chain of free states, which will some day encircle, and unite in harmony the whole Amer­ican continent. Thus, and thus only, will true glory be perfected; and our Nation which has sprung from the harsh trump of war be matured into the refinements and the tranquil happiness of peace. Let me therefore urge it upon you, gentlemen, not to postpone this matter too long. The present is a propitious moment to lay the foundation of a great moral and intel­lectual edifice which will in after ages be hailed as the chief ornament and blessing of Texas. A suitable appropriation of lands to the purpose of general education can be made at this time without inconvenience to the Government or the people, but defer it until the public domain shall have passed from our hands, and the uneducated youths of Texas will constitute the living monuments of our neglect and remissness. To commence a liberal system of instruction a few years hence may be attended with many difficulties. The imposition of taxes will be necessary, sectional jeal­ousies will spring up, and the whole plan may be defeated in the conflict of selfishness, or be suffered to languish under a feeble and inefficient support. A liberal endowment which will be adequate to the general diffusion of a good rudimentary education in every district of the Republic, and to the establishment of a university where the highest branches of science may be taught can now be effected without the expenditure of a single dollar-postpone it a few years, and millions will be necessary to accomplish the great design. . . . The State's Duty to the Child1 (Excerpt from an address by Hon. Marcellus E. Kleberg, delivered to the Union League Club, Chicago, February 22, 1910.) No subject more deeply moves the sympathies or chal­lenges the anxious consideration of every thoughtful citizen of our times than the child life in our nation. You, who sit under the sound of my voice, freely give your love, your lSince this address was delivered, the states haYe made great progress toward compulsory education and the regulation of child labor. Texas passed a compulsory education law in 1916 requiring children between the ages of eight and fourteen to attend school at least one hundred days each year, and a free textbook law went into effect in 1919. For a sketch of the speaker, see page 155. The University of Texas Bulletin ceaseless solicitude and all your energies of mind and strength to rear your children as models of society and citizenship, both in mind and body. But out yonder, on the highways and by-ways of our great Republic and principally in the nooks and corners and on the narrow alleys and the dingy streets of our great cities, there roams and surges a mighty childhood, growing to manhood and womanhood, bereft of such fostering care, from which must come, in no small number, the men and women who, in the genera­tions before us, will take an active part, for good or evil, in the destiny of the Republic. What that part will be when exercised by men and women stunted in morals, mind and body, it requires no argument to demonstrate. In a Republic like ours, it is axiomatic that, unless the people are educated and enlightened, it is idle to expect the con­tinuance of civil liberty or the capacity of self~government. The truth is, and we all know it, illiteracy in this country is a crime for which the states that fail to enforce compulsory education in public or private schools are responsible. No less detrimental to our citizenship than illiteracy is the cruelty of child labor. I do not wish to be understood as contending that children who have reached the proper age should be excluded entirely from work commensurate with their capacity, and so apportioned as not to interfere with necessary freedom and opportunity for education. Such work cultivates habits of diligence and thrift and trains the faculty of judgment and habits of self-reliance. I speak of that child labor which is a dungeon where help­less and innocent children are tortured and mutilated by a penalty of depravity and deformity in mind and body. Oh! that the men and women of this country would rise in their might and wipe this abomination from American soil. These words are not empty declamation. They sound a solemn warning of an imminent danger to the citizenship of our country. The incredible, yet well authenticated state­ment has been made, that "one in every twenty of all the children in this country, from the age of ten to sixteen years, is working in a factory, coal mine, in trade or trans­portation, many of them slaving in the night in grimy workshops in big cities, deprived, in most cases, of elemen­tary education, forced, in many instances, to associate with vile and evil companionship." American democracy, in its ideals, its tremendous magni­tude and ultimate destiny, looks in vain for a model to the ages of the past. It is here on American soil that the portals swing wide to the children of men from every clime and every land. It is here that this vast, incongruous and heterogeneous mass of humanity must be welded into a homogeneous nationality, learn the lessons of American democracy, and "the value and sacred obligations of Ameri­can citizenship," to the end that "governments of the people, by the people, and for the people may not perish from the earth." To successfully accomplish this mighty task, we must preserve the morality and physical and mental strength of American childhood as the best foundation upon which to build that lofty citizenship, sanctified for all time by Washington and Lincoln. Cultivated Mind (Excerpts from an address by Hon. Edward Harris,1 of Galveston, Texas, delivered before the faculty and students of The University of Texas, June 10, 1903. Published in the Galveston News, June 11, 1903.) In 1839, in the wisdom of Texas, encompassed by domestic and foreign foes-driving back alike the Indians and Mexicans-busied with maintaining both individual and national life against conditions so adverse as to be beyond the real comprehension of our minds, that remark­able man, with the courage of the warrior and the vision of a seer, President Mirabeau B. Lamar,2 in urging upon •Edward Harris was born at Cambridge, England, on November 18, 1849. He moved in early manhood to Galveston, Texas. "For Lamar and his educational policy, see pages 143-5 148 The University of Texas Bulletin the Congress of the Republic of Texas the establishment of a system of public schools, uttered that philosophic truth which has been so wisely chosen by our President as the mentor thought to be inscribed on every catalog of this University: "Cultivated mind is the guardian genius of Democracy, and when guided and controlled by virtue, it is the only dictator that free men acknowledge and the only security that free men desire." Education embraces the development of the moral as well as the technically-styled mental qualities. It is a problem of heart culture as well as brain culture. It is the crucible into which barbarism enters and out of which civilization emerges. It is the force whose manipulation is the develop­ment of super men and women. The man of cultivated mind is faithful, charitable. He is without guile, yet acute to perceive; without fear, yet able to see the danger; without anger for he knows the folly of wrath; without jealousy for he loves his fellows. He possesses tl:le wisdom which weighs, balances and com­pares; he apprehends the forces of nature and nature's God. He tests and examines all things that he may learn if they be good or no. In domestic life he is the obedient son; in commercial life, the honest workman and the upright merchant; in professional life, the trustworthy physician, the reliable lawyer, the impeccable priest; in public life, the patriot and statesman. The educated mind is not from books alone. Mere book learning is not education. Education is the educing or out­ drawing of the faculties of the mind, body, and soul. It is the trained athlete, sound in mind and body; the man who knows himself and the world in which he lives; the man of mental vigor; the man who can use the tools of life, who is the educated man. Book learning to be useful, to educate, must come on through the mind of man and be to him a personal force, a power which he handles with consummate care for convincing and leading his fellow men. The cultivated mind simply must produce. It is the law of nature that unproductive animal and plant life shall be 149 cut down and utterly destroyed. Nature maintains no use­less organs, no purposeless organisms. Stagnation is decay and ultimate death. Non-user is punished by the inevitable decree of forfeiture. What must this cultivated, this educated mind produce? Everything that tends to purify thought, relieve trouble, broaden life. Deeds are but thoughts put into action. No thought, no deed, is the eternal law of God. Thought is dynamic. It makes for good or evil, for advance or retreat; for the uplifting or the pulling down of man. Thought is the father of physical forces. The universe is the child of the Almighty brain, for He made it out of physical noth­ingness. As is the parent mind so are its children thoughts. If the mind be educated the thoughts are pure, clear, virile; they lay hold of the difficulties of life; they dig out the deep secrets of the earth; they measure the mountain heights, explore the universe of nature, cross the boundless plains, plunge into the abysmal depth of the mysterious sea and soar into the ethereal blue of the stars that sing together at night. They master large and cognate subjects; prove the abtruse theorems of higher mathematics; decipher the hieroglyphs of the Nile land and of the Aztec kings; com­pose the strains of Lohengrin and the Magic Flute; indite the imperishable verse of Shapeskeare and of Homer; paint in pigment of indescribable beauty the lineaments of the Madonna and the Heavenly Choir and build the frozen music of the architrave and dome. They invent the cotton gin, the steam engine, the telephone ; they discover the property of ether and the habitat and qualities of the baccillus. They make life more comfortable, people hap­pier, homes brighter, man better. Out of the educated mind comes the religions of the world convicting of sin, assuaging grief, proving eternal life. Out of the educated mind come the governments of the world, for while force has ruled in the inception and the main­tenance of government and panoplied power still prevails in all the brilliant pageantry of war, yet educated mind produces a consciousness of them both. They are but the visible tokens of superior mentality. 150 The University of Texas Bulletin Education and Progress (A portion of an address by Dr. A. G. Clopton,1 of Jefferson, Texas, in eulogy of Ashbel Smith, delivered June 15, 1886. Pamphlet in the Texas Archives, The University of Texas.) We live in a restless age, an age of activities. A decade of life in the Nineteenth Century is fuller of observation and experience, than a century of any previous period of time. The search for hidden truth is more intense, and gen­eral education is the great question of our time. Knowledge is more general, and human progress is accelerated beyond anything the minds of our ancestors could conceive. The active, energizing principle of this spirit of progress is mind operating through the useful arts and science. There is more of grandeur in the mind of man than all else in the universe combined. The Darwinian philosophy may explain the gradual development of physical nature from the primary germ, but mind is the Divine essence-the Divine infiatus, above and beyond the philosophy of Darwin, or Huxley, or Tnydall-a stumbling block to the materialist, and a stronghold to the Christian-mind is immortal. The brawny muscle has, and always will have, a place in the work of human progress, but as each period of time rolls on, the demand for it is less and less, and for brain power more and more. The cry for light, more light, is heard launder and louder ; it rolls along the plain, is wafted over the water, is echoed in the valleys, and reverberates from the mountains. We realize more than ever before that knowledge is power, and the more extended and general it is, the greater our progress. It is an utilitarian age; the truths of science are applied to practical purposes, and the demand for edu­cated skilled labor is greater than at any previous time. Printing, steam, and electricity are bringing the nations 1Albert G. Clopton was born in Georgia in 1828. He studied law, and then turned to medicine. He moved to Texas in 1854, and was a member of the Texas secession convention. 151 into closer relations. Nationalities and language are ceas­ing to be barriers to communication; the dykes, which have so long confined knowledge are torn away, and the whole territory of truth is flooded with investigators. It is not meant that mere abstract mind is superior, but knowledge is more diffused, and the scientists and philosopher of today stands in closer relation to the people. The discovery of each new truth opens wider the field of investigation, and raises higher the plane of observation. The dwarf of today, standing upon the shoulders of the giants of the past, can see further than they saw. Galileo being tried for his life by churchmen for announcing a grand scientific truth, is a mortifying record of an age gone by. Neither tradition nor superstition, nor straight­laced theology limits the field of scientific investigation. Mind has seized its sceptre and asserted its dominion over matter and assumes its legitimate authority to control the energies and shape the destinies of man. Labor is being elevated, and the time will come when the skilled, educated, scientific laborer will stand upon as high a plane, socially and intellectually, as the learned professions, as our states­men, philosophers, and scientists. It is the intellect that constitutes the glory and happiness of man's nature, and distinguishes him from everything else around him. The closer labor and intellect are asso­ ciated, the more exttlted will labor become. Schoolhouses dot the valleys and the hills, the states are taxing the people for the support of the public schools, leading representa­ tives in Congress are asserting the duty of the general government to do the same thing. To educate is the mission of society. Educate is the watchword, the slogan of prog­ ress of this and the coming ages. Educate not only the child of wealth, but of want, for both can and must become equal co-laborers in the work of progress. Man will regain the sceptre which, by disobedience he lost, and wave it over broader, richer, and more luxuriant and enchanting fields than the garden in which he committed his first trans­ gression.. . . The University of Texas Bulletin Everything is intertwined and interlaced with every other thing; throughout all nature, that law of cause and effect operates. Whatever we fail to do, the generations to follow must pause in their progress to perform. As the work of this age is of greater magnitude, so are our responsibilities greater. The mental and moral discipline of the coming generation, male and female, must be more complete. The demand for educated, skilled, scientific labor in every department of industry is greater, and the respon­sibility is with us to supply the demand. Who dare write the limits of human progress? Who dare say thus far shalt thou go? What was once civilization was but the starlight in the night of barbarism; what is now civilization is but the twilight of an endless day. The Needs of Education in Texas (Message of Governor E. M. Peasel to the Texas Legislature, Decem­ber 23, 1853. Published in Frederick Eby, Education in Texas: Source Materials, pp. 225-228.) The highest and most sacred duty of a free government is, to provide the means for educating its citizens in a manner that will enable them to understand their duties and their obligations; this, too, is a measure that is enjoined upon the Legislature by the constitution. The want of available means has heretofore furnished a ready excuse for the neglect of this duty. But this no longer exists. The State now has ample means at its com­mand, and an opportunity is offered to establish a system of public schools that will extend its benefits to every child within its limits; if we fail to embrace it, we shall be 1Elisba M. Pease was born in Connecticut in 1812. He came to Texas in 1835. He was Secretary of the General Consultation in 1835, Chief Clerk of the NavY and Treasury Departments under the ad interim government, and Comptroller of Public Accounts in 1837. He served in the Texas Legislature, 1845-48; and was elected Governor in 1853 and in 1855. He acted as Provisional (Reconstruction) Governor, 1867-69, by General Sheridan's appointment. He remained thereafter in private life until bis death. Centennial Declamations faithless to our duties and the trust that has been reposed in us by our fellow citizens. It is respectfully recommended, that two millions of dollars of the United States five per cent bonds,2 now in the treasury, shall be appropriated and set apart as a per­manent fund for the support of public schools. That the income of this fund shall be annually apportioned to the several counties of the State, according to the number of free children in each between the ages of five and sixteen years, to be ascertained in such manner as may be consid­ered most convenient, and that the amount due to each county shall be paid over to the county courts, to such teachers as the parents or guardians of the children may choose to employ for their education. I do not pretend to recommend this as a perfect system; but its operation will be simple and cheap; it may be com­menced without delay, and it seems to be better adapted to our situation than any other system that has come under my notice. A plan very similar to this has succeeded well in some of the neighboring States, where the population is sparse, like our own. Time and experience will point out the defects of the system proposed and enable us by future legislation to perfect and adapt it to the situation and wants of our population. I would also recommend that the amount which has already accumulated by the appropriation of the one-tenth of the annual revenue of the State derivable from taxation, be added to the principal of this fund, and that for the future, this tenth be apportioned in the same manner as the income of the fund. Under the present provisions of the constitution, the lands that have been donated to the several counties for public schools cannot be alienated in fee, nor disposed of otherwise than by lease, for a term not exceeding twenty years. In a State where land is so cheap as it is here, and where so large a quantity is in market, it cannot be expected that under these provisions any benefit will be derived •Bonds received from the Feder.µ Government in return for the relinquishment of tbP. Texas claim to about three-fifths of the present State of New Mexico. The University of Texas Bulletin from these school lands during the present generation. Much of it is located in large bodies, in sections of the State where it would be improved if subject to sale. The policy of reserving from sale, and consequently from cultivation, such large bodies of land, may well be questioned, and I recommend to the constitution, by which these lands may be alienated under the direction of the Legislature, upon the petition of a majority of the citizens of the county owning the lands. If such an amendment were adopted, these lands might be subdivided into small and convenient tracts, and each alternative tract might be sold upon a long credit, at not less than a minimum price; the purchaser to pay an interest of six per cent on the amount of his purchase, to be annu­ally expended in the same manner as the school money distributed by the State. By adopting this policy, most of the counties would derive some immediate benefit from their school lands, and the alternate tracts reserved from sale would much more rapidly increase in value. The want of a good university in the State, where a liberal education can be obtained, is a serious inconvenience. It should be our policy to furnish, within our own limits all the means for obtaining an education, that can be had in any part of the Union, so as to remove the necessity of having to send our youth abroad to be educated among those who are hostile to the policy and institutions of the State. The present seems to be a favorable time to lay the foun­dation for such an institution, and I respectfully recom­mend that the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars of the United States bonds now in the treasury, be appropriated and set apart as a perpetual fund, the interest of which shall be applied to the erection and support of a State University. The income of such a fund, with the amount that may hereafter be realized from the lands that have been set apart by an Act of the late Republic, will, at no distant period, enable us to build up a University fully adequate to all the wants of our State. I am aware that these lands were appropriated for the establishment and 155 Centennial Declamations endowment of two Universities, but I suggest for your con­sideration, that it would be better to have one well endowed institution of the kind, than to apportion our funds for the erection of two neither of which could afford the advan­tages which are furnished by similar institutions in other States of the Union. Should such an appropriation be made, it will be neces­sary to pass laws for the location of the proposed University at some central point, convenient to the entire State, as well as for the erection of the necessary buildings and for the organization and government of the institution. The University and the State (An excerpt from Texas Independence Day address by Hon. M. E. Kleberg,1 at The University of Texas, Medical Branch, Galveston, March 2, 1901, and published in the Galveston News, March 3, 1901.) After the great Civil War the work of educational de­velopment so grandly endowed by the fathers was resumed by the people of Texas, and has ever since marched with giant step to a higher, better, and more useful purpose. The idea of free education beginning in the primary schools and ending with a university training falls with appealing force upon the hearts of all who espouse the broad and liberal and moral and mental elevation of all men as one of the chief aims and purposes of a progressive democratic civilization. It finds its most devoted and heroic support in the Declaration of Texas Independence. By the principles therein enunciated education is no longer the exclusive privilege of wealth, sex or station, but it belongs as of right to all alike-a glorious heritage, bought with the blood and toil of our fathers, and finds its most splendid realization in this free and noble university. 'Marcellus E. Kleberg was born in De Witt County, Texas, on February 7, 1849. He took a law course at Wasbin&"ton and Lee University in Virginia. In 1873 be became a member or the Texas Leirislature. In 1875 be moved to Galveston and there practiced law until bis death. 156 The University of Texas Bulletin The primitive simplicity of institutions in which govern­mental functions are little needed, and in which the in­tricacy of modern governmental problems is little known, is passing away. The enormous increase of our popula­tion; the maintenance of just property rights so essential to civil liberty against the heresy of socialistic tendencies; the ever widening area of governmental operation by terri­torial and industrial expansion; the increasing difficulty of applying even well understood and generally accepted principles to modern commercial, social, and economic con­ditions at home and abroad, and the large combination of capital counterpoised by the power of consolidated labor, call for a wide and comprehensive intelligence in our cit­izenship and an intimate acquaintance with the experience and affairs of other countries. So to guard "competitive parties, which are the natural process of free institutions" for the maintenance of sound political principle and the arraignment of political error and fallacy at the bar of pubic opinion, against dangerous or vicious perversion and the elevation of party fealty above devotion to country, requires the highest order of patriotic and unselfish states­manship. These and other high demands on our citizenship invest this university with a grand and noble mission. Situated at the southern extremity of the great republic, head of the educational system of the mighty common­wealth destined to assume a position of pivotal power in the national councils, its ultimate influence lies beyond human prophecy and may only be measured by the lofty ideals of its immortal founders. Scholarly solidity and exactness of academic brilliancy alone will not meet the just expectations of its founders or the exigencies of the times. A liberal, comprehensive and scientific mental de­elopment, bouyant with energy and patriotic inspiration and capacity to grapple with the problems of today and tomorrow, must be the legacy bestowed upon its student body. In a university in which shall be reared such a man­hood and womanhood so trained and inspired, will the hope and ideals of our fathers, for which they unfurled the standard of revolt, be realized and perpetuated. May the portals of the University always swing wide to the studentship, rich or poor, from every part of Texas; may its attendance grow and multiply from year to year and the spirit which would limit or abridge it perish from the face of the earth; may the Lone Star flag, the erstwhile ensign of our independent nationality, and now the emblem of the University, float from the domes and spires to the end of time; may its endowment and support be ever com­mensurate with the mighty area and wealth of our giant State and make it the keystone in the arch which binds Texas together "now and forever, one and inseparable." VI. Biography The Service of Stephen F. Austin1 (Adapted from Eugene C. Barker, The Life of Stephen F. Austin.) No other of the forty-eight commonwealths composing the United States-with the possible exception of Utah­owes its position so completely to one man as Texas does to Austin. Without Penn and Baltimore the history of Pennsylvania and Maryland would still be the story of Englishmen wresting the territory from nature and the Indians and becoming Americans in the process. The same may be said of Georgia without Oglethorpe. But without Austin there is no reason to believe that Texas would differ today from the Mexican states south of the Rio Grande. That form of prophecy which seeks to determine what the past might have been with some of its elements changed is, to be sure, little more dependable in its results than that which tries to penetrate the future. Both are subject to the infinite variability of a multitude of individuals reacting in a changing environment. Still, one may review the facts and draw such conclusions as they seem to indicate. From Aaron Burr to James Long the efforts to open Texas to Americans by force had failed; and, even if the establish­ment of Mexican independence had not removed the stock pretext for such invasions, it is not likely that others would have been more successful. The planting of an Anglo­American population in Texas had to be accomplished, therefore, by peaceful, lawful colonization. Undoubtedly Mexico would have adopted an immigration policy sooner or later; but it seems pretty evident that nothing but Austin's unremitting pressure caused the passage of the imperial colonization law. Without that law, even upon the unlikely assumption that everything else might have hap­pened as and when it did, Austin's original contract would not have been confirmed; he would have remained in the 1For sketches of Austin and Barker, see pages 47 and 163, r•BPectively. The University of Texas Bulletin ruck of empresarios hanging on at Mexico and Saltillo; his first colony would not have been established to proclaim the potential loyalty of American settlers when the Fredonian rebellion seemed to prove the reverse; and the federal law excluding emigrants from the United States would have been passd, with no loophole for evasion, at the beginning of 1827 instead of three years later. There would have been no settlement of Texas, no revolution, no annexation, no Mexican War ; and the Louisiana Purchase, in all probability, would still define the western boundary of the United States. It would be a deplorable misconception of the truth, how­ever, ... to believe that Austin and his settlers foresaw and desired these ends-to say nothing of having worked for them. Austin's success was due, in fact, to his complete and whole-hearted adoption of the obligations of a Mexican citizen. He strove honestly to make Texas a model state in the Mexican system-a Utopian dream, as he came to realize, but how reluctantly and for what reasons be abandoned it can be shown. The causes of failure were inherent in Mexican character and experience, and are not chargeable to lack of sincerity, of sympathetic forbearance, or of patient, thoughtful labor on Austin's part. Besides honest intentions, which were fundamental and indispensable, there were two other elements in Austin's successful dealings with the government as an empresario. One was his understanding of and adaptation to Mexican psychology, and the other was tireless industry. The Mexi­can loves indirection, and Austin made himself a master of the oblique approach. A topic could scarcely be too remote to be coaxed by him into becoming the apparently casual vehicle for an argument to further a favorite reform. But this is not to say that he never employed the method direct. He had rare ability for vigorous and unambiguous expression in both English and Spanish, and the blunt directness of some of his official documents is startling. The most obvious proof of Austin's ceaseless industry is the mass of his collected writing. The land records alone­ 163 shared though they were by Williams-were an enormous burden. Besides these, the correspondence and documents that have been preserved would fill several thousand printed pages. When Austin had an important project in mind he wrote to every one who could influence its fate, and then, having dropped his pen to ease his cramped fingers, he immediately seized it again to iterate and reiterate the same arguments from new angles. He was tenacious and persistent, but was never nagging and rarely off ended. Austin was a man of warm affections, and loved the idea of home, but he never married. Texas was home and wife and family to him. He died on a pallet on the floor of a two-room clapboard shack, a month and twenty-four days past his forty-third birthday. His work was done, but he was denied the years so hardly earned for the enjoyment of its fruits. There is a certain poetic completeness in this, but the prosaic mind rebels. Austin sowed unselfishly and abundantly, and he deserved also to reap. The Character of Stephen F. Austin1 (An excerpt adapted from Eugene C. Barker2 The Life of Stephen F. Austin, pp. 521-524.) No other of the forty-eight conunonwealths composing the United States-with the possible exception of Utah­owes its position so completely to one man as Texas does to Austin. Without Penn and Baltimore the history of Pennsylvania and Maryland would still be the story of Englishmen wresting the territory from nature and the Indians and becoming Americans in the process. The same 1For a sketch of Austin, see pa1te 47. •Eu2ene C. Barker, author of the Life of Stephen F. Austin, of "The Father of Texas," and of various other books, is head of the History Department of The University of Texas. 164 The University of Texas Bulletin may be said of Georgia without Oglethorpe. But without Austin there is no reason to believe that Texas would differ today from the Mexican states south of the Rio Grande. Austin was a successful leader with none of the tricks of the demagogue. His influence, it is true, may be at­tributed in part to his great authority and large power; but at bottom it rested on the solid basis of recognized knowledge, wisdom, and character. He was judicial and honest and fair, and the colonists knew that he was. Though he labored doggedly, overcoming one mountain of difficulties only to find himself at the base of another, he sometimes dropped the habit of seriousness in sheer self-defense and joined in the mild pleasures of the time. He appreciated music, liked dancing, and enjoyed social intercourse. In the manner of lonely men, he was given to self-analysis; he thought himself reserved, but he does not appear so in his letters. He was singularly clean in thought and speech, and the language of his writings is uniformly dignified and chaste. In physique he was small of stature, lean and wiry, with fine features and the head of a scholar. How much of himself he spent in his labors, we know; how little of reward he reaped in pecuniary gain and ordi­nary human comfort may be seen from a letter that he wrote a few weeks before his death. The report had reached him that some of the volunteers from Kentucky complained that he had treated them inhospitably. He was mortified and hurt: For I do not merit it, he wrote. I have no house, not a roof in all Texas that I can call my own. The only one I had was burned at San Felipe during the late invasion of the enemy. I make my home where the business of the country calls me. There is none here at the farm of my brother-in-law, who only began to open up this place three years ago. and is still in the primitive log Centennial Declamations cabins and wild shrubbery of the forest. I have no farm, no cotton plantation, no income, no money, no comforts. I have spent the prime of my life and worn out by constitution in trying to colonize this country. Many persons boast of their 300 and 400 leagues acquired by speculation without personal labor or the sacrifice of years or even days; I shall be content to save twenty leagues or about ninety thousand acres, ac­quired very hard and very hard and very dear indeed. All my wealth is prospective and contingent upon the events of the future. What I have been able from time to time to realize in active means has gone as fast as realized, and much faster ... where my health and strength and time have gone, which is in the service of Texas, and I am therefore not ashamed of my present poverty. He was a man of warm affections, and loved the idea of home, but he never married. Texas was home and wife and family to him. He died on a pallet on the floor of a two-room clapboard shack, a month and twenty-four days past his forty-third birthday. His work was done, but he was denied the years so hardly earned for the enjoyment of its fruits. There is a certain poetic completeness in this but the prosaic mind rebels. Austin sowed unselfishly and abundantly, and he deserved also to reap. His own words are a fitting epitaph: "I am nothing more than an individual citizen of this country, but I feel a more lively interest for its welfare than can be ex­pressed--one that is greatly superior to all pecuniary or personal views of any kind. The prosperity of Texas has been the object of my labors, the idol of my existence. It has assumed the character of a religion, for the guidance of my thoughts and actions, for fifteen years." And, char­acteristically, his last conscious thought was of its welfare. He waked from a dream thinking that the United States had recognized its independence, and died happy in that belief. His last words were: "Texas recognized. Archers told me so. Did you see it in the papers?" 'Branch T. Archer, one of the Commissioners who accompanied Austin in the mission to solicit aid for Texas from the United Stat.,... For sketch, see page 36. The University of Texas Bulletin The Career of Sam Houston 1 (An excerpt from an address by Hon. William J. Bryan,2 delivered at the unveiling of the Sam Houston monument, Huntsville, Texas, April 21, 1911. Published in the Galveston News, April 23, 1911.) General Houston was born in Virginia on March 2, 1793, and at the time of his birth and boyhood the Old Dominion vibrated with the praise of three of her sons, each a world leader in his line of work-Washington, the successful gen­eral and incomparable executive, whose sword won inde­pendence and whose wisdom directed the ship of state as it started upon its course; Patrick Henry, whose eloquence aroused a nation to arms; and Thomas Jefferson, the great­est constructive statesman of all time-the civic lawgiver who even from the grave is instructing the nations of the earth in the art of government. The influence of these men moulded the thought of the period covered by Houston's youth and could not have failed to awaken the latent fires in his breast. His greatness was recognized in every group in which he appeared. At the age of 25 he studied law; a few months afterward he was made adjutant general of the State with the rank of colonel, and as soon as he was admitted to the bar he was elected district attorney. In 1823 he was elected to Congress, and two years later he was reelected by unani­mous vote. In 1827 he was elected Governor of the State 1Sam Houston came to Texas in 1832. In 1833, he was a member of the convention that petitioned the government of Mexico for separation of Texas from Coahuila and was chairman of the committee which framed a constitution for the proposed State of Texas. He was Commander-in-Chief of the Texas army in the battle of San Jacinto, which won the independence of Texas. He was President of the Republic of Texas, 1836-1838, 1841-1844; United States Senator from Texas, 1846-1859; and Governor of Texas, 1859-1861. Houston opposed the secession of Texas from the Union. He declined to take the oath of allegiance to the Southern Confederacy when the State joined the Confederacy, and was deposed from office. Before coming to Texas, he had served as member of Congress from Tennessee and as Governor of that State. He died in 1863. :?William Jennings Bryan, one of the greatest orators of his time, was born at Salem. Illinois, March 19, 1860. He served two terms as a member of Congress, 1891-1896; was the Democratic candidate for the presidency in 1896, 1900, and 1908; was a Colonel in the Spanish-American War in 1898; and was Secretary of State in President Wilson's cabinet, 1913-1916. He died in 1926. Centennial Declamations by a majority which was, at that time, overwhelming, and the legislature elected at the same time was entirely made up of persons friendly to him politically. These victories, won when he was between the ages of 26 and 34, leave no doubt as to the impressions that his character and talents had thus early made upon those who knew him. Then came the self-sacrificing exile,3 which was to all appearances to terminate the brilliant career upon which he had entered. During his stay among the Indians he won the heart of the red man as he had won the heart of the paleface, and the affection was reciprocated. He ever afterward supported the Indian's demand for justice, and had frequent oppor­tunity to answer charges made against them. After his death representatives of the tribe came at night to his grave, and, performing the ceremonies to which they were accustomed, gave evidence of their sorrow. In 1832 he bade farewell to the Cherokees and led a colony into Texas.4 His superior talents were at once recognized, and in 1833 he was made a member of the first convention5 ever held in what afterward became the Re­public of Texas. The convention prepared a state constitu­tion and a memorial to the Mexican Government. Two years later General Austin, recognizing General Houston's military genius, offered to resign the command of the army to Houston,6 but Houston declined, insisting that Austin had been elected commander and was entitled to the posi­tion, but he assisted the General in every way possible. Next he was a member of the council of war, and assisted in framing a provisional declaration of independence.1 A little later he was, without a dissenting vote, elected commander-in-chief of the army of Texas and conducted the •A reference to Houston's resignation of the governorship of Tennessee. After his resignation, be went to live among the Cherokee Indians. 'Mr. Bryan was not an expert in Texas history. Houston came to Texas in 1832, but he never engaged in colonizing Texas. •An earlier convention was held in October, 1832. 'This was during the campaign a11:ainst San Antonio in October-November, 1835, when Austin was commander of the uvolunteer Army" of Texas. b:ographical data concerning each of the artists. The current bulletin, "Art Experiences" (see above), contains cross-references to this volume. "Fifty Famous Pictures" (Reprint 1932), No. 2936, 10 cents. Th:s is a ~amphlet of fifty-six pages giving information concerning pictures used in Previou• years. The stories are simply told and can be readily understood and appreoiated by pupils in the fifth grade. The information is author,tative and will 3, 14 pages. Wri.ten by Dr. Jesse Feiring Williams, Professor of Physical Education, Teachers• Col'.e·~e. Cobmbia University. This is a speech delivered by Dr. Williams at the League Breakfast and Section Meeting during the 1925 meeting of the State Teachers' Assochtion. The place of athlet:cs in the school pro!?ram is fully and competently d eovss·d. Free copy to any teacher in any member-school of The University of Texas Interscholastic Lea'.,l'ue. To others, five cents per copy. "Educational Athletics." Contains two no~able addresses on athletics, one having especial reference to ath'.e ics in high schools and the other to college athletics. The former is by James Edward Rogers and wos delivered at the League Bre...kfast and Section Meeting in Dallas, November, 1929. The latter is by PresBent Franklin Parker Day, of Union Col.ege, delivered before the National Colle~iate Athletic Association, New York, January 1, 1930. This pamphlet is sent free on request to any address in Texas. "The Three-R Contest (1927), No. 2639. A lar'.,l'e folder containin!? the writing scale by which specimens will be judged in the writing contest. Also contains sr.ecific rules and directions for conducting the Th: ee-R contest. Sent free to any teacher in a member-school. A One Book Course in Elementary Music and Selected Song_s for Schools, by Charles A. Fullerton. B ;und in cloth, 254 pazes. Contains words and music for more than one hundred songs, correlated with specially prepared phonograph records for teaching children chorus singing. Will be used as basis for choral singing contests in the League for next year. Eisrhty cents per copy; sixty cents per copy in quantities of ten or more. OTHER PUBLICATIONS Picture Appreciation. Twenty-pa e pamphlet containing a reprint of articles published in The Inter­scholastic Lea11uer and written by Miss Florence Lowe. This pamphlet is of especial in~erest to teachers who are r reparing pupils for participation in the Picture Memory cont