STUDIES IN ENGLISH NUMBER 11 THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS BULLETIN No. 3133: September 1, 1931 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AUSTIN Publications of The University of Te:xaa Publications Committees: GENERAL: FREDERIC DUNCALF MRS. C. M. PERRY J. F. DOBIE C.H. SLOVER J. L. HENDERSON G. W. STUMBERG H.J. MULLER A. P. WINSTON OFFICIAL: E. J. MATHEWS KILLIS CAMPBELL C. F. ARROWOOD C. D. SIMMONS E. C. H. BANTEL BRYANT SMITH The University publishes bulletins four times a month, so numbered that the first two digits of the number show the year of issue and the last two the position in the yearly series. (For example, No. 3101 is the first bulletin of the year 1931.) These bulletins comprise the official publica­tions of the University, publications on humanistic and scientific subjects, and bulletins issued from time to time by various divisions of the University. The following bureaus and divisions distribute bulletins issued by them; communications concerning bulletins in these fields should be addressed to The University of Texas, Austin, Texas, care of the bureau or division issuing the bulletin: Bureau of Business Research, Bureau of Economic Geology, Bureau of Engineering Research, Interscholastic League Bureau, and Division of Extension. Communications concerning all other publications of the University should be addressed to University Publications, The University of Texas, Austin. Additional copies of this publication may be procured from the University Publications, The University of Texas, Austin, Texas, at $1.00 per copy. THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS PRESS ~ STUDIES IN ENGLISH NUMBER 11 THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS BULLETIN No. 3133: September 1, 1931 i'UBUSHBD BY THB UNIVERSITY POUR TIMBS A MONTH, AND BNTBRBD A8 BBCOND·CLASS MATTBR AT THB POSTOFFICB AT AUSTIN, TBXAS. UNDER THB ACT OP AUGUST 24, 1912 The bene&ts of education and of useful knowledge, generally diffused through a community, are euential to the preservation of a free govern­ment. Sam Houston Cultivated mind is the guardian genius of democracy, and while guid­ed and controlled by virtue, is the noblest attribute of men. It is the only dictator that freemen acknowl• edge and the only security that free­men desire. Mirabeau B. Lamar CONTENTS PAGE "SIRE DEGARRE": A STUDY OF A MIDIAEVAL HACK WRIT­TER'S METHODS, by Clark Harris Slover____________________ 6 IS THOMAS HEYWOOD'S HAND IN "SIR THOMAS MORE"? by Robert Adger Law__________________________________________________ 24 "THE PICTURE OF A PERFIT COMMON WEALTH" (1600), by D. T. Starnes_ __________________________________________________________ 32 SHAKESPEARE, "CORIOLANUS,'' AND ESSEX, by Willet Titus Conklin ______________ _ _---------------------------------------------42 THE INFLUENCE OF SHAKESPEARE ON BYRON'S "MARINO F ALIERO,'' by Lucille King_ __ _______________ _______ __ ___________ 48 POE AS A POET OF IDEAS, by Floyd Stovall________________________ 56 LANIER'S READING, by Philip Graham_______________________________ 63 "SIRE DEGARRE": A STUDY OF A MEDIAEVAL HACK WRITER'S METHODS BY CLARK HARRIS SLOVER Sire Degarre is a Middle English narrative poem com­posed some time before 1330, the date usually assigned to the Auchinleck manuscript, in which it first appears. Its literary quality is not high ;1 in fact, the author is so inept in putting together his materials that he has left uncon­sciously a number of direct clues to his sources and methods. Most of his sources are now well known.2 The essential incidents of the story are as follows: 1. A warlike king in Little Britain has an only daughter. The mother is dead; consequently this daughter is his only joy, and he refuses to give her up save to the man who can defeat him in jousting. 2. One day the king, accompanied by the members of his court and his daughter, goes to make his annual visit to the tomb of his wife. On the way the daughter and two of her damsels become separated from the others and are left behind. They lose their way, and finally, since the noon heat is oppressive, the damsels lie down under a chestnut tree. The princess wanders away by herself. A richly clad knight appears and ravishes her. 3. The knight predicts the birth of a son and commands that this son seek his father as soon as he comes of age. 4. A'I!> a token by which the son may recognize his father, the knight gives her a sword with the point broken off. The point he keeps in his pouch. 5. The princess returns to her home and later hears a son in secret. 6. She places him in a cradle together with money to provide for his nurture and education (four pounds in gold and ten pounds in 11t is difficult to understand how this curiously garbled story could have inspired the almost lyrical eulogy with which Hales introduces it to the readers of Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript (ed. J. W. Hales and F. J. Furnivall, London, 1867~8). One is inclined to surmise that Hales' monumental editorial labors made him particularly susceptible to the charms of a short poe~. . . . 2see the introduction to Gustav Schle1ch's cr1t1cal text (Engl1Sche Textbibliothek, No. 19, Heidelberg, 1929); also Laura A. Hibbard, Mediaeval Romance in England, New York, 1924, pp. 301f. silver), a pair of gloves which "Here lemman sente of Fairi-londe" (I. 195), and a letter. This letter requests that the son lovie no womman in londe, But pis gloues willen on hire honde; for they will fit no one but his mother. 7. The mother leaves the son at the door of a hermitage. 8. The hermit takes the child and christens it Degarre, ... )>ing, pat not neuer, whar it is, Or ping, 'flat is neg3 forlorn, also. (11. 256-257) He sends the child to the home of his married sister to be brought up. Degarre lives there for ten years, never knowing but that he is a true son. He is then sent back to the hermit, who he thinks is his uncle, to be taught for ten years. 9. When Degarre is twenty years old the hermit gives him the letter, the gloves, and what is left of the money. From the letter Degarre learns that the gloves will fit no one but his mother. 10. He breaks off a sapling and starts out with no other weapon. 11. In the forest he saves an earl by killing a dragon with his club. The earl then offers him his possessions. Degarre refuses to accept them unless there is a woman in the land who can wear the gloves. Since none can wear them, he declines the earl's offer. The earl then arms him and sends him on his way. 12. Degarre hears of the king who will give his daughter only to the man who can defeat him in jousting. He arranges to meet the king, and defeats him. True to his promise, the king gives his daugh­ter to Degarre. 13. Degarre and the lady are duly married, but immedtately after the ceremony Degarre remembers that he is not to marry anyone who cannot wear the gloves. 14. Degarre tries the gloves on his wife and finds that they fit perfectly-and that he has married his own mother. ll5. Degarre's mother gives him the sword and sends him out in search of his father. 16. He rides out into the West until he comes to a castle in the midst of a river. There he is entertained by a fairy princess and slays a giant for her. 17. Later he meets a knight who accuses him of coming into his forest to chase his deer. They fight until both are dismounted. As they start to renew the combat on foot, the knight and Degarre recognize each other as father and son by means of the broken sword. 18. Degarre brings his father home, and the family is united. 19. Degarre weds the princess for whom he slew the giant. The central point of the beginning is a father who opposes his daughter's marriage. Such fathers are a com­monplace of fiction, largely because they constitute one of the means by which the writer may introduce conflict into his plot. Every father, of course, has a motive for his opposition and a plan for warding off suitors. In the stories with beginnings similar to Sire Degarre the father is prompted usually by one of two motives: (1) fear of an oracle predicting the death by the hand of a grandson, s and (2) devotion to his daughter (a) because of his loneliness after the death of his wife or (b) because of an unnatural love for her. The two divisions of the second class are often used together in the Catskin version of the Cinderella story,• but they also appear independently.5 The obstacles which the father places in the way of suitors are (1) an impossible task or (2) immurement of the daughter. The two different obstacles cannot be used as criteria for the establishment of separate versions of the jealous father beginning, for, as we should naturally expect, they some­times occur together. It lies in the very nature of things, 8This is the beginning of the Perseus story and its numerous progeny (see Ovid, Metam., IV, 604 ff.). Acrisius was warned by an oracle that he would die by the hand of a grandson. He immured his daughter Danae in a tower of brass. Jove visited her in the form of a shower of gold. Her son Perseus was born in secret. When the birth was discovered, mother and son were set adrift in a chest. They were rescued, and Perseus, after various adventures, accidentally killed his grandfather by hitting him with a quoit while participating in the funeral games at Larissa. See also the story of Gilgamesh, king of Babylon (Aelian, De natura animalium, XII, 21); also Cyrus, king of Persia (Herodotus, I, 107-122). •See the classification and summaries by Marian R. Cox in her Cinderella, London, 1893. 5Notably in the story of Oenomaus and Hippodamia (Hyginus, Fab., 84). Oenomaus cherishes an unnatural love for his daughter, Hippodamia, and will permit no one to marry her who cannot defeat him in a chariot pursuit race. Pelops defeats him by a trick and takes both daughter and kingdom. The kinship between this and other forms is demonstrated by the version given by Apollodorus (Epitome II, 3-9), where the author is unable to decide whether Oenomaus' motive is love for his daughter or fear of an oracle pre­dicting his death by the hand of a grandson. See also Kulhwch and Olwein, ed. J. Loth, Les Mabinogion, Paris, 1913, I, pp. 243 ff., where the suitor fulfils the task and kills the father. however, that the setting up of an impossible task should make a suitor the hero of the story6 and that the immure­ment should lead into the story in which the central figure is a secretly born grandson.1 The accompanying diagram shows the usual succession of incidents. THE JEALOUS FATHER I II Devotion to daughter. Fear of oracle. Deceased wife. ~'"'· / Opposition to marriage. /~ (Oenomaus type) (Perseus type) Impossible task. Immurement. I I Defeat of father by Supernatural or other suitor. secret lover. I Secret birth of hero. I Exposure. I Return. Grandfather de­feated by grandson. The diagram, however, merely represents a tendency. The existence of a type-story, or a conventional order of events, places no serious obligation upon a writer; it merely indi­cates what is, for him, the path of least resistance after he has started his narrative in a certain direction. The kind of story that the author had in mind when he wrote his beginnings is fairly clear. We have the jealous father who sets up what may well be an impossible task (defeating him 6As in Oenomaus and Hippodamia. 1 As in the Perseus, Cyrus, and Gilgamesh stories. sof course the beginning was not necessarily the first part to be written. "Sire Degarre" in jousting) as an obstacle to his daughter's marriage. The motive is, by implication, at least, his loneliness after the death of the girl's mother (II. 23-25). The sinister incest motif, however, lurks in the background, and II. 166-169 make it perfectly clear that it belongs in the story: Lo, now ich am wip quike childe oif ani man hit under;;ete, Men wolde sai by sti and strete, That mi fader, pe king, hit wan; And I ne was neuere aqueint wip man. The situation, therefore, is a close parallel to that in the story of Oenomaus and Hippodamia. The motif of a father's incestuous love is widely known in mediaeval literature, but not in conjunction with the father's chal­lenge.9 In view of the wide currency of the story of Oenomaus and Hippodamia,1° however, there seems to be no reason why we should not conclude that in one of its various forms it was known to the author of Sire Degarre. Regardless of where he got the story, the author, if he had followed the line of least resistance, would have told of a successful suitor who defeated the King of Little Britain and won the daughter. Instead of this sequence, however, we have a temporary and clandestine union with a supernatural lover (Incident 2), exposure of the infant hero (Incident 7), and the defeat of the king by his grand­son (Incident 12). In short, the author shifts over to the Perseus type--the kind of story in which the father's opposition to his daughter's marriage is due to the prophecy that he will be killed or defeated by a grandson. This shift, I believe, can be accounted for by the fact that the author's main purpose was to tell a Sohrab and Rustem story. Sup­pose we leave in suspense for a moment the discussion of the jealous father and consider the bearing of the Sohrab and Rustem story upon our inquiry. 9The impossible task, of course, is quite prevalent. It appears in Marie de France's Les Dous Amanz, in the various forms of the Apollonius of Tyre story, and in many others. 10See the references in J. G. Frazer's edition of Apollodorus' Epitome, London, 1921 (Loeb Classics), II, pp. 157-159. Studies in English M. A. Potter in his study of the Sohrab and Rustem story11 (hereafter referred to as SR) divides the many examples of the type into three main classes.12 He places Sire Degarre (hereafter referred to as SD) in Class l,19 of which he gives the following incidents as generally repre­sentative: 1. A woman falls in love with a stranger and offers him her love. The union is ephemeral. 2. The stranger leaves with the woman a token by which he may recognize the child of this union. 3. The child is born without concealment. 4. The child, finding that he is different from other children (espe­cially in being unusually precocious), asks his mother about his origin. 5. The mother tells him of his parentage. 6. He takes the recognition token and, though still a child in years, starts out as a full-fledged warrior to find his father. 7. He finds his father and fights with him. 8. Father and son recognize each other and (only in the mediaeval versions) the family is reunited.a The accompanying table shows the parallels between SD, SR, and the Perseus type, the latter being infected with the Oenomaus beginning. 11Sohrab and Rustem. The Epic Theme of a Combat between Father and Son, London, 1902 (Grimm Library, No. 14). 12p. 12. 1spp. 51-52. HP. 11. TABLE I SD SR PERSEUS 1. Father's challenge From Oenomaus type: (with background of Father's c h a 11 en g e incest) . (with background of incest). 1. Daughter's immure­ment (fear of oracle). 2. Ephemeral u n i on. 1. Ephemeral u n i o n. 2. Ephemeral u n i on (Ravishment by super­ (Ravishment in medi­ with super n at u r a I natural being.) aeval versions.) being. 3. Father's prediction 2. Father's prediction of son's birth. of son's birth (in some versions; in o t h e r s merely assumption). 4. Recognition to k en 3. Recognition to k en left with mother. left with mother. 5. Birth of the hero 4. Birth of the hero 3. Birth of the hero concealed. not concealed. concealed. 6. Mother -recognition (No mother -recogni­tokens placed in cradle. tion tokens.) 7. Exposure. (No exposure in earlier 4. Exposure. versions and rare in later ones.) 8. Fosterage (with 5. Precocious chi Id-5. Fosterage. hint of precocity). hood, usually at home. 9. Revelation of mother and receiving of recog­nition tokens. 10. Self-arming. 11. Dragon fight and proper arming. 12. Fight with grand­6. Fight with grand­father. father. 13. Son -mother mar­riage. 12 TABLE !-(Continued) SD (10, 11, 12, and 13 may be grouped to­gether as the search for the mother. ) 14. Revelation of fa­ther and receiving of recognition tokens. 15. Search for father. 16. Princess and giant. 17. Father -and -son combat and recogni­tion. 18. Family reunion. 19. Marriage with prin­cess. SR 6. Revelation of father and receiving of recog­nition tokens. 7. Search for father. 8. Father-and-son com­bat and recognition. (Family re-union in mediaeval versions.) PERSEUS The table of parallels is subject, of course, to the imper­fections inherent in its kind,-that is to say, the parallels are not all of equal value and force. For example, the parallels between the SD and Oenomaus beginnings are, as we have seen, close enough to suggest immediate obliga­tion. On the other hand, SD2 and P2 are parallel only in relating an ephemeral union with a supernatural being, and SD2 and SR2 only in relating an ephemeral union. When we compare the complete stories, however, we see correspondences of considerable significance. SD2, 3, 4, 14, 15, and 17 not only fall within the SR formula, but prac­tically complete it.15 On the whole, as we read lines 90-132 15Probably SD8 should be included also. The precocity of the SR hero is more than merely suggested in this phase of the story. One of the positive injunctions of the mother, in the letter she places in the cradle, is that her son is to be sent out in search of her when he is ten years old (ll. 212 ff.). This injunction, however, is only partially carried out. Our author, writing for a sophisticated courtly audience, has Degarre leave his foster-parents at the age of ten and (Incidents 2, 3, 4) we are strongly conscious that we are dealing with an SR story influenced by mediaeval European narrative conventions.16 An author writing, not to obey a creative impulse, but to furnish entertainment for tired courtiers could hardly have made a safer selection ; and yet in his desire for novelty he seems to have felt the necessity of providing a smart and up-to-date beginning. The substitution of the more piquant fairy knight for the antiquated mortal stranger of the conventional Sohrab-and-Rustem type required no great exercise of imaginative genius; and, of course, the preference of these supernatural lovers for ladies who were kept away from contact with the world, if not naturally inherent in the situation, was well estab­lished in fiction by such stories as Tydorel and Sir Orfeo. Ladies are kept away from contact with the world either by jealous fathers or jealous husbands. Our author, having chosen the jealous father, still had his choice between two kinds, and he chose the less palatable but more sensational variety. Now that we are back on the subject of the father again with the author's intention to tell an SR story clearly before us, we may be able to answer this question: Why did he desert the Oenomaus story for the Perseus story? The answer apparently lies in the fact that he thought of the incestuous father motif only as a beginning. His eye was on the SR story, and he worked backward from that to his beginning. Starting with the Oenomaus type of father, he could have had the suitor defeat the challenging father and claim the daughter as his bride; but there were two influences pulling him away from this plan. One was the closely related Perseus type, and the other was the SR story which he obviously intended to tell. In both of these was an ephemeral union with a foreign lover. The SR then spend ten years more with the hermit before he actually goes out into the world (ll. 287-288). He may have been influenced here by the example of Richars Ii Biaus, who began his career at the age of twenty. 16As, for example, Ider, Richars li Biaus, or Retter metter Mouwen. Studies in English lover was mortal, and the Perseus lover usually super­natural. As has already been suggested, the author chose the supernatural lover as the more timely and fashion­able. This choice did not take him far from the story he originally intended to tell.17 Incidents 2, 3, and 4, then, belong to the general SR type; but they are modified by mediaeval European influences. The mother, instead of offering her love to the stranger, is ravished by him (as in Richars li Biaus); the lover is not a mere mortal stranger but a fairy knight (as in Tydorel and Orfeo); the recognition device (a broken sword) seems to have been borrowed from the Tristan story. Incident 5 (the secret birth of the hero) is a still more noteworthy example of contemporary influence. In the earlier version of the SR story the hero is born without concealment and is reared by the mother in her own home.18 There is no motive for secrecy, probably because the union of the parents, although ephemeral, is regarded by more nearly primitive people as equivalent to marriage. The more complex and formal civilization of mediaeval Europe regarded the birth of the SR hero as illegitimate ; hence the secret birth and exposure (as in Milun). These two motifs (secret birth and exposure) bring the story once more into partial agree­ment with the Perseus type-a type that, because of its remarkably wide currency, always exerted a certain power of attraction upon any stories that resembled it. We may now proceed on the assumption that the author started in motion three stories: SR, Perseus, and The In­cestuous Father. The first one represents the author's main purpose, and we naturally expect that he will finish it; the second also, having progressed as far as the birth of the hero, has acquired a certain momentum which is 171t seems more reasonable to assume that the author began with an SR story and worked back from it to his introduction than that he came into it by accident with the incident of the fairy lover. The SR plot is worked out fully, and when it is finished the story ends. isThe significant exception is the story of Oedipus (and its ana­logues), in which the father-and-son combat is combined with the threatening prophecy and the son-mother marriage. likely to carry it forward to the downfall of the grand­father; the third goes no further, but, as we shall see, it exerts a strange indirect influence on the course of the narrative. As has already been pointed out, in the earlier SR stories there is no question of the legitimacy of the hero, and hence he is not born in secret or exposed ; but in the mediaeval versions he is born in secret because of the shame arising from his illegitimacy; in SD the birth is secret, partly because of the illegitimacy of the hero, but mainly because of the suspicion of incestuous origin. It is at precisely this point that the story takes a curious jump. To the mind of the mediaeval writer the secret birth and exposure of a hero because of incestuous origin would inevitably suggest the famous legend of Pope Gregory. The main incidents of the story are as follows :19 1. A dying father entrusts his daughter to his son. 2. An incestuous union is formed between brother and sister. 3. A son is born in secret. 4. The son is exposed on the sea with money, letter, etc. 5. He is found by a fisherman and later turned over to an abbot. 6. He is fostered by the fisherman's family and later is trained by the abbot. 7. He discovers his origin and sets out in search of his parents. 8. He unwittingly frees his mother from unwelcome suitors. 9. He marries her. 10. Mother and son recognize each other accidentally some years later through the letter. 11. Both do penance and are forgiven. Introducing these incidents into our table of parallels, we find extremely interesting results: 19The summary is based on the Vie du Pape Gregoire le Grand, ed. Luzarche, Tours, 1857. TABLE 11-20 SD SR GREGORY OENOMAUS 1. Incestuous or-1. Father's lenge. (With 1. Father's chal­ igin. challenge. background of : (With back-incest.) : ground of in­: cest.) : 2. E p h e m e r a 1 1. Ep h e m e r a 0L· . PERSEUS uni on. Ravish- union. (Ravish­1. Immurem e n t ment by super­natural stranger. 3. Prediction of son's birth. 4. Recogn i ti on token. 5. Birth of hero. (In secret. ) 6. Recogn i t i o n tokens from mother in cradle. 7. Exposure. 8. Fosterage. (With a hint of precocity.) 9. Partial revela­tion. (By foster­er -the mother tokens.) 10. Self-arm-1 ing. 11. Dragon w figh t and ~ ;:;•" ·=-l! 12. Fight with r.,,. grandfather. o g; 13. Son-moth-~ er marriage. (And mother revelation.) ment in medi­ueval versions.) 2. Predi~tion of son's birth. 3. Recogn i t i o n token. : 4. Birth of hero. (Not in secret.) [Recognition to­kens g i v e n to child after reve­lation. See be­low, Incident 6.] 5. Precocious childhood. . . . . . 2. Birth of hero. (In secret.) 3. Recogn i t i o n tokens from mother in cradle. 4. Expo~ure. 5. Foste~age. . ...... . 6. Parti.;I revela­tion. (By foster­er -the mother tokens.) 7. Sea~ch for mother. of d a u g h t e r. (Fear of oracle.) 2. Supernatu r a I lover. 3. Birth of hero. (In secret.) 4. Exposure. 5. Fosterage. 8. Fight w it h [ 6: . ·Ffght w i th suitors. grandfather. 9. Son·-·~;,th.;~····· ···· marriage. 10. Mother reve­lation. 20BJack-face type indicates the incidents selected for Sire Degarre. TABLE II-(Continued) SD SR GREGORY OENOMAUS 14. Further rev­ 6. Revel.;_tiQ;. -~.;J --· · -· -· · elation and giv­ giving of father­ ing of father to- tokens. : kens. 15. Search for 7. Search for fa­ 11. Penance, etc. father. ther. 16. Father -and­ 8. Fath;,,r -and ­ son combat and son combat and recognition. recognition. 18. Fam i I y re­ ( Family· reunion union. in mediaeval ver­ sions.) A closer study of the exposure incident shows beyond question that the author of SD was not only using as a source a legend of Pope Gregory but more specifically a version of the Life as represented by Luzarche's text and by three Middle English texts, one of which, though not complete, is in the Auchinleck manuscript along with SD.21 The parallels in the description of the preparation of the child for exposure are particularly striking: 2tThe journey of the maid with the child to the place of exposure, as pointed out by Miss Carr (in the introduction to her variorum text, University of Chicago dissertation, unpublished), is borrowed from the "Lay of the Ash Tree," also in the Auchinleck manuscript. TABLE III Gregory (ed. SD (186-219) Luzarche, pp. 22-24). In a cradle. --------->In a cradle. Four marks of go 1d ,__ ----->Four marks of gold under his head. Salt and ten of s i 1v er to indicate that he was /I under his feet. to be baptized. / A velos and a paile ------>Wound in clothes. placed over him. / Ten marks of silver // Gloves under his head. under his feet. / A letter telling of his ------> A letter telling of his origin and how the origin and what to do money is to be used. with the gloves. These parallels leave little room for doubt of direct literary obligation. Especially significant are (1) the similarity in the amounts of money (although the denom­inations are different), and the use of a cradle in SD for a land exposure. The cradle is usually used for water exposure. Infants exposed on land are usually bundled up and left at a door. From the exposure down to the son-mother marriage the incidents of SD parallel very closely those of the Gregory story. When mother and son have recognized each other, the story returns to the SR plot and finishes with the conventional father-and-son combat, recognition, and reunion of the family. The author's shift from SR to Greg. is probably not entirely premeditated. It seems to have been suggested by the nature of the beginning that he selected. It seems that the Challenging Father story must have been known to him in some version like the Catskin,22 containing the incest motif. The existence of this motif in the author's mind is clearly revealed by lines 166-169.28 22A variant of the Cinderella story. 2ssee above, p. 10. "Sire Degarre" When he began following the plot of the Gregory story, the author realized that he would have to bring the hero back to his birthplace and have him fight unwittingly for the hand of his mother and marry her. There is little reason to suppose that he undertook this obligation with very great reluctance. It was a piquant touch, and one that could not fail to charm his courtly audience. And yet, despite his lack of skill as a literary craftsman, he knew enough to realize that his sophisticated auditors would hardly relish the repellantly brutal conclusion of the con­ventional Gregory story; besides, he had to save his hero for the completion of the SR plot. Obviously he must have seen fairly early in the game the necessity of providing some means to avert the tragic outcome. In the Gregory story the mother finally recognizes the son by the letters and tokens that she had placed in the cradle with him when he was exposed, but these tokens were not of the sort to avert the tragic consummation of the marriage. Our author's solution is a pair of gloves. It is clear that he had the end in sight when he wrote the passage about the exposure, and that he tried to prepare for it, for the gloves are first mentioned when the child is placed in the cradle, the point in the narrative where the influence of the Gregory story first becomes apparent. To the reader who is going through this romance for the first time the purpose of the gloves is dubious from the very beginning. When the child is put into the cradle the gloves are referred to as follows: And sethen 0e tok a paire gloue Here lemman sente of fairi-londe, ):>at ne wolde on no manne honde, Ne on child neon womman 0he nolde; But on hire selue wel 0he wolde. ):>e glouen 0e put under his hade, ... (Lines 194-199.) When she is writing the letter to be placed in the Cradle she has apparently forgotten that she is the only person who can wear the gloves, for her message is : Studies in English And, ten ;;er eld whan pat he (h) is, Take him this ilke glouen two And biddep him, whar-euere he go, That he ne louie no womman in londe, But pis gloues willen on hire honde; For, siker, on honde nelle pai nere But on his moder, pat him here. (Lines 212-218.) When the reader comes to these lines he may not yet be quite certain that the gloves are intended as a marriage test, for the injunction is not to wed but to love; and yet anyone who has read the Cinderella stories in any of their multitudinous forms can hardly regard these articles as anything else. One thinks immediately of the Catskin version of the Cinderella tale, in which the dying queen bids her husband marry only the one who can wear her shoe, her ring, or some other article of personal apparel; and then it turns out that the daughter is the only one who can fulfill the requirements. The parallel with SD-a very rough one, of course-consists in the application of a mar­riage test that leads to an incestuous union. The rather surprising discrepancy in SD lies in the fact that the person who sets up the test knows exactly who can fulfill it. The inconsistency of our author's use of this motif is emphasized by the fact that Degarre himself reads the letter (lines 301-302). Of course it might be possible to exculpate the author by assuming that when Degarre read the letter he interpreted louie in a literal sense that might apply to filial love. Unfortunately for the intellectual standing of both author and hero the text itself will not allow any such interpretation. In lines 394-405 Degarre applies the test to all the ladies in the land of the king whom he has rescued from the dragon, and upon finding that none can wear the gloves he refuses the king's offer of land. The natural inference is that here the gloves constitute a marriage test. This passage, of course, still leaves the way open to a more charitable interpretation, for the text does not state specifically that Degarre applied the test with a view to marriage. But when we come to lines 635 and following, just after his marriage to his mother, we have no choice. He stod stille and bithowte him pan Hou pe hermite, pe holi man, Bad, he scholde no womman take For fairid ne for riches sake, But he mi3te pis gloues two Li3tlich on hire hondes do. The substitution of the word take for louie ought to dispel any lingering shadows of ambiguity. If anything is lacking we have it in Degarre's speech to the king a few lines further on. I chal neuer for no spousing J>er whiles I liue, wip wimman dele. Widue, wif ne dammeisele But 3he pis gloues mai take and fonde And li3tlich drawen up on hire honde. (Lines 654-658.) The hero of the poem is assigned a most difficult exercise in mental agility. He must not only change the original con­ception of the gloves as a mother-recognition test to a conception of them as a marriage test, but he must also forget all about them just before the marriage ceremony and remember them immediately after. We have seen enough, I believe, to convince us that the author was a man of limited ability but great enthusiasm. When he started on the Gregory part of his story he realized that in addition to the father quest, which is char­acteristic of the SR stories, he would now have to include a mother quest. There was already in the story a recogni­tion token to help the hero in his search for his father (the sword point); why should he not have something to enable him to identify his mother? In the Gregory story which served as a model for the central part of his narrative, the mother's letter is the means of recognition, but either he could think of no way to use the letter to bring about recognition in time to avert calamity, or he wanted some­thing more attractive. He must have known some of the Catskin stories, and naturally they would be brought closer to the surface of his consciousness by the incest motif in the Challenging Father beginning. As he cast about for an interesting recognition token the Catskin stories emerged into full view. There is more than a hint of the Catskin situation in the king's unusual devotion to his departed wife (see lines 24-25; 37-42). At least we may be sure that if the modern reader sees the kinship, the mediaeval author, who was much closer to the documents, must also have seen it. Now, as all remember, one of the outstanding features of the general Cinderella type, some­times present in the Catskin version, and sometimes not, was the shoe marriage test. There is this qualification to be made, however, that the girl for whom the prince is searching is not only his prospective bride, but also some­one from whom he has been separated. In other words, the shoe or garment test in these stories is primarily a recognition test and secondarily a marriage test. The writer casting about for a recognition token will go through much the same mental process as the reader who wonders where he found it. Ninety-eight persons out of a hundred, when they run across a garment recognition test will immediately think, "Cinderella." The course of the writer's thought is the reverse of this, naturally, but the path is no less clear. Wanting a recognition test for a woman, what would he be more likely to think of than the Cinderella garment test?-especially when his thoughts are given a push in that direction by what he has already written. The foregoing hypothesis would explain the dual function of the gloves in SD as recognition token and marriage test. This dual function as applied to the mother naturally pro­duces an alarming anomaly. But, having adopted the glove device, the author seems to have been so taken with it that he clung to it in spite of the difficulties it engendered. His hero must think of the gloves first as one thing and then as another; he must forget them in order to intrigue the readers with a son-mother marriage, and then he must remember them promptly in order to avoid shocking their sensibilities. But, after all, our writer probably knew the public taste, for even in our own day Sire Degarre often passes for a good piece of narrative. Before we leave the subject it may be well to tabulate briefly the steps in our author's procedure: 1. Decides to write a mediaevalized version of the Sohrab and Rustem story, perhaps on the model of Richars li Biaus. 2. Selects for his beginning a story of the Oenomaus and Hippo­damia type. 3. Works into the SR story and follows the mediaevalized version of it up to the birth of the hero. 4. Is turned to the Gregory story by the secret birth of the medi­aeval SR stories and the incest motif in the Oenomaus story. 5. Follows the Gregory story, badly hindered by the addition of an ill-adapted recognition token, down to the son-mother marriage. 6. Resumes the SR story and finishes it. IS HEYWOOD'S HAND IN "SIR THOMAS MORE"? BY ROBERT ADGER LAW Is Thomas Heywood the author of two revised scenes added to the much discussed play of Sir Thomas More? Yes, answered Dr. S. A. Tannenbaum in his acute study, The Booke of Sir Thomas Moore1, in 1927, and he has defended the ascription ever since with characteristic vigor. To Tannenbaum it is evident beyond dispute that Heywood composed and wrote these two scenes in his own notably illegible hand for the manuscript copy now preserved in the British Museum, MS. Harley 7368. The scenes in question were first set apart as the work of one scribe, designated B, by Dr. W. W. Greg in his intro­duction to the Malone Society reprint of the play in 1911. Ten years later Professor A. C. Judson, then of The Uni­versity of Texas, in his edition of The Captives by Heywood, practically established as a fact that the manuscript of the latter play (MS. Egerton 1994 in the British Museum) is in Heywood's autograph. As a result of Judson's discovery, Greg soon afterwards was able to show that another of Heywood's plays, The Escapes of Jupiter, is likewise in his autograph.2 At the same time Greg noted likenesses be­tween the handwriting of the two autograph plays and that of B in Sir Thomas More, but because of "specific dif­ferences" he would not identify them. Then followed Tan­nenbaum's argument for Heywood, supported by a mass of minute calligraphic resemblances well massed. Tannen­baum's advocacy of Heywood as author has convinced iPrivately printed, The Tenny Press, New York, 1927. The main argument of the study is to prove that Kyd and Chettle were likewise authors of certain parts of the play. Tannenbaum's ascription to Chettle of Hand A has been generally accepted. The author returned and added to his argument in Shakespere and "Sir Thomas Moore," New York, 1929. 2Palaestra, Nos. 147-8, Brandl Festschrift (1925), pp. 211-57. See also Greg's earlier statement in Pollard's volume, Shakespeare's Hand in Sir Thomas More, 1923, pp. 212-14. ls Heywood's Hand in "Sir Thomas More"'? Baldwin,_tentatively,3 Sisson, more positively,4 and like­wise A. M. Clark,5 Heywood's latest biographer. My own opinion, expressed at a meeting of the Modern Language Association of America in December, 1927, is that Dr. Tan­nenbaum has not established his case beyond a reasonable doubt. Reasons for skepticism I wish to set forth now in a little more detail.6 I Tannenbaum's argument for Heywood affects in the main two scenes of Sir Thomas More, Scenes iv and ix~, according to the Malone Reprint, and some four or five scattered marginal additions to the text of the original scribe. All these additions and amendments to Munday's text of the play are in the hand that Greg calls B. In bulk these aggregate not more than one hundred new lines, for about sixty of the lines in Scene iv are quoted from Munday's text with changes in spelling and, generally, lack of punc­tuation. The judgment of Tannenbaum that B is Heywood rests almost wholly on the ground of close resemblance in the handwriting. Certain differences he explains as resulting from the development of Heywood's hand within a period sBaldwin, T. W., Modern Language Notes, XLIII, 331 (1928): "Dr. Tannenbaum's arguments seem plausible, but again we appeal to the experts." •Sisson, C. J., Modern Language Review, XXIII, 233 (1928): "He [Greg] then 'refused to venture on an identification,' but it is reason­ably certain to my mind." 5Clark, Arthur Melville: Thomas Heywood, Playwright and Mis­cellanist, Oxford, 1931, pp. 9-10. esome of the material below has been printed in another form in a brief review of the Tannenbaum volume for The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, XXVIII, 555-7 (October, 1929). In all justice to Dr. Tannenbaum, I should acknowledge my strong sense of the debt owing to him by all Elizabethan scholars for his fearless investigation of the many problems presented by this play, and par­ticularly for his positive identification of Hand A as Chettle's. I am also inclined to share his view of the improbability that Shakespeare wrote any part of the play. Studies in English of thirty years between the composition of Sir Thomas More, which he dates 1593, and that of The Captives, registered 1624. He further suggests "the interesting fact that fluent Elizabethan penmen, lay as well as professional, often wrote two or even three different hands."7 But this very acknowledgment by Tannenbaum of specific differ­ences, "in addition to increasing carelessness, deteriora­tion, coarsening, and illegibility," between B and the scribe of Heywood's accepted manuscripts weakens his case. For admitting that all eighteen differences noted and listed by Tannenbaum may be due to "advancing maturity" of one writer, or, less probably, to that writer's use of two or perhaps three distinct hands, we are bound to admit that they may conceivably be due to differences in the writ­ing of two scribes. Naturally a humble layman in the field of sixteenth­century palaeography feels embarrassment in expressing any opinion contrary to that of an expert in the same field. He must either rely on expert testimony or else rely on his own impressions of truth. When experts differ, what is he to do? Fortunately for him Dr. Tannenbaum has made a clear exhibit of the evidence upon which his verdict rests in reproducing portions of each manuscript, discussing resemblances in detail, and inviting the decision of lay jurors. As a juror I venture in. I have examined earnestly and considered long both exhibits and argument of Tannen­baum touching all three manuscripts. I have also examined casually several rotographs, kindly lent to me by Professor A. C. Judson, of folios from the British Museum manuscript of The Captives. There is no question in my mind of iden­tity between the hand that wrote The Captives and that of The Escapes of Jupiter.8 A few letters like capital A's and E's stand out from the page, and much of the other writing is similar. Resemblances in the writing of B to either of 7The Booke of Sir Thomas Moore, p. 63. 8In The Booke of Sir Thomas Moore, see Facsimiles 17 and 18. In Shakespeare and Sir Thomas Moore, see Facsimiles 6, 7, and 8. I may add that the impression conveyed to my own "lay" mind was conveyed likewise to several other laymen to whom I showed these facsimiles. Is Heywood's Hand in "Sir Thomas More"? 27 the others are not nearly so evident. Moreover, B gives the impression of sureness, maturity in writing, not that of a beginner, perhaps nineteen years old. This last statement I make after more than twenty-five years of reading manu­script from nineteen-year-olds of the present century. And while this personal difference in judgment from that of an expert is disquieting to the soul, it is of some comfort to find that a similar skepticism after duly weighing Dr. Tannen­baum's argument abides in the minds of Greg and Sir Edmund K. Chambers.9 It is proper, perhaps, to note that the calligraphic evi­dence for Heywood may be stronger than any yet presented by Tannenbaum. When Greg in 1911 published the Malone Society text of the play, he accompanied it with one fac­simile of Hand B's writing, that of the "Lower Portion of Fol 7•" in the manuscript. This comprises by no means all that exists of Hand B; it is only the latter portion of Scene iv. But in Tannenbaum's The Booke of Sir Thomas Moore the sole facsimile of Hand B covers the same portion of fol. 7• with exception of the first two lines reproduced by Greg.10 In Shakespeare and Sir Thomas Moore the one facsimile of Hand B that Tannenbaum gives for comparison is the same portion of fol. 71j. less about eight lines previ­ously exhibited.11 Thus one who has never seen MS. Harley 7368 is restricted in his knowledge of Hand B to the portion first reproduced by Greg in 1911. II But does Sir Thomas More afford any internal evidence for the identification of Hand B aside from its calligraphy? The individual caprices of B are shown most clearly when DAfter definitely accepting Tannenbaum's identification of the hand of Chettle, Greg writes in The Library, IX, 210 ( 1928) : "I cannot, therefore, regard the identity of Hand B with Heywood's as at all firmly established." Chambers declares in William Shakespeare, I, 503-4 (1930): "Hand B may possibly be Thomas Heywood's, but that is far from certain." 10Tannenbaum, op. cit., facing p. 86. uop. cit., facing p. 38. Studies in English he reproduces certain speeches in the original text of the play verbatim except for changes in punctuation, capitaliza­tion, spelling, and the occasional substitution of an unim­portant word. Punctuation of the revised lines is largely non-existent, a result noticeable because of the careful punctuation of Munday's original script. Capitals likewise are generally wanting except for the initial R, with occasional I's, L's, and M's. For some reason B both in Scene iv and Scene ix• makes a capital of almost every initial R, whether the word be a noun, an adjective, or a verb. Thus he capitalizes "Rule," "Roste," "Ran," "Ressolutione," "Rough," "Ris­seaude," and "Resseaue"-seven words-in Scene iv; "Re­ward," "Rest," "Righte" (five times), "Rishes," "Risseaue," "Risseauer," and "Rewards"-eleven words-in Scene ix'-. Of such a trick I do not find any trace in Heywood's acknowledged manuscripts. Inasmuch as Tannenbaum notes in Heywood's two later manuscripts a "growing habit of using capital letters freely,"12 this use of the capital in what Tannenbaum regards as an early text of that writer is significant. Differences in spelling between the original writer of the play, now accepted as Munday, and B, reviser of Scene iv, are still more important. For, be it remembered, many speeches of this scene are in almost the exact words in B's revision save for the spelling. Take, for example, Lincoln's long speech beginning : Come gallant bloods, you, whose free soules doo scorne to beare th'enforced wrongs of Aliens. Add rage to resolution, fire the houses of these audacious straungers. B's corresponding version reads: then gallant bloods you whoes fre sowles doo skorne to beare the inforsed wrongs of alians ad rage to Ressolutione fl.er the howses of theis audatious strangers: 12The Booke of Sir Thomas Moore, p. 61, n. Tannenbaum mentions on the same page the initial R of the More, but has little to say of it. Is Heywood's Hand in "Sir Thomas More/'? Here the first word, "Come," has given place to "then," and there is no other verbal change. On the other hand, fourteen out of twenty-six words have been amended in spelling. Such changes are typical. Below I give an alphabetical list of B's spellings in Scene iv, with the original spelling of Munday for the same word in parentheses afterward : B'S PREFERRED SPELLINGS aboute (about) gatherd (gathered) proue (prooue) ad (add) bed (head) quenshinge (quench­ a fraide (afrayd) hole (whole) ing) a gaine (againe) howe (how) Resseaue ( receiue) a goe (agoe) bower (houre) Risseude (receiu'de) any (anie) howse (house) saftie (safetie) ar (are) howses (houses) sett (set) att (at) indanger (endaunger) shreue (Sheriffe) audatious (audacious) inforsed (enforced) silens (silence) beinge (beeinge) itt, ytt (it) skape (scape) bonefiers (bonfires) Justis (iustice) skorne (scorne) busye (busie) kepes (keeps) slaiues (slaues) callinder (Calender) kennells (kennelles) sowles (soules) companye (companie) labor (labour) staye (Stay) cownsell ( Councell) lytill (little) stinke (stinck) cuntry (countrie) leaste (least) strangers (straungers) dwells (dwelles) eles (else) maior} . maire (MaJOr) theare (there) theis (these) eninemyes (enemies) maye, n. (May) ther (their) feldes (feildes) maye, vb. (may) theyre (th'are) fier (fire) more (Moore) thow (thou) forse (fforce) mutas (Mewtas) weare (were) forthe (foorth) nether (neither) wele (weele) fownd 1(found) fowndef nott (not) pease (peace) welthy (wealthie) wher too ( wherto) fre (free) piccardye (Piccarde) whoes (whose) fugeteues (fugitiues) privye (priuie) wold (would) As a whole, B's orthography is not so haphazard as may first appear. Whether he prefers to add a final e or to omit it from Munday's word, we are, to be sure, left uncer­tain, but this trick is characteristic of Elizabethans, result­ing in our present uncertainty as to the spelling of the names of Shakespeare, Marlowe, Greene, Nashe, and others. Studies in English But, generally speaking, B prefers simple vowels to doubled, and usually to diphthong~, ow to ou, medial s to medial c, and y to i. A few of these spellings I find in The Captives, but most of them are not there, nor are they characteristic of Heywood. It is hard to resist the hypothesis that B was something of a spelling reformer. III Is any evidence to be gained from the individual literary style of B's additions to the play? Personally, I cannot see that this evidence speaks for or against Heywood. The lines added to Scene iv, as has been previously stated, are almost all written for the specific purpose of introducing the Clown, who does not appear in Munday's text, and who adds little real humor, "Galgen" or otherwise, so far as I can see, to the drama. Most of the marginal additions, also reputed to be in B's hand, are speeches of the Clown, while Scene ix• merely records a trivial incident of the recovery of two "angills" from a dishonest servant by the wit of one of the players. In other words, B was writing comic addi­tions to the text. But in his Sir Thomas Moore and again in his later book­let Dr. Tannenbaum makes the point "that there is no Elizabethan dramatist of whom 'Clowns' (so named) are more characteristic than of Heywood."12 This may be true, but a Clown appears so named in Marlowe's Dr. Faustus, in Peele's Old Wives' Tale, in Greene's Orlando Furioso and Friar Bacon, in Greene and Lodge's Looking-Glass, in the anonymous George-a-Greene and the Famous Victories, not to speak of Shakespeare's Two Gentlemen and The Mer­chant of Venice. Evidently Heywood had no copyright on the name, and for downright humor B's Clown falls far below most of those just enumerated. One other matter that does not throw much light on the authorship, but slightly affects Tannenbaum's argument, may be mentioned in closing. Dr. Tannenbaum, suggesting 12Shakespeare and Sir Thomas Moore, p. 37, quoted from the earlier study. Is Heywood's Hand in "Sir Thomas More"? that B was a careless copyist of the Munday text, instances his change of the line, "Lets stand upon our Guarde," to "letts stand vppon or swerds," and comments that "the phrase 'to stand upon one's sword' is not idiomatic Eng­lish.13 This opinion I cannot share. "Stand upon," I think, is good Elizabethan English, meaning "depend on for de­fence." Compare the anonymous King Leir (Malone Society Reprint, I. 1445) : "'Twere not for vs to stand vppon our hands;" Antony and Cleopatra, II. i. 50-1: "It only stands Our lives upon to use our strongest hands." And while it is not certain, I suspect that the same meaning attaches to a line in Munday's text of this very play (Malone Society Reprint, I. 739) : "yes my Lord, I stand but vppon a fewe pointes, I shall haue doone presently." Summing up, I find nothing in the orthography or the literary style to suggest Heywood as B. The handwriting, while similar in some respects, does not furnish convincing evidence. The case for Heywood, then, in my judgment, is not proved. 13The Booke of Sir Thomas Moore, p. 87. "THE PICTURE OF A PERFIT COMMON WEALTH" (1600) BY D. T. STARNES So little known is Floyd's Perfit Common Wealth1 that it seems desirable to indicate at the outset the character and the content of his book. The title-page reads: The Picture of a perfit Commonwealth, describing aswel the offices of Princes and inferiour Magistrates over their subiects, as also the duties of subiects towards their Governours. Gathered forth of many authors, aswel humane as divine, by Thomas Floyd master in the Artes. Printed at London by Simon Stafford, dwelling on Adling Hill. 1600. The book, which is written in undistinguished prose, con­sists of 309 folios, divided into 46 chapters, all pertaining loosely to the general topic. Characteristic chapter head­ings are "What is a Common Wealth,'' "How many sorts are there of Common Wealths" (2), "What is an Aristo­cratie" (3), "What is a Democratie" ( 4), "What is a Mon­archie" (5), "What things are requisite in a king" (7), "What is the nature and condition of an Oligarchie" (10), "Of Law" (12), "Of Magistrates" (13), "Of Vertue" (17), "Of Fortitude" (19), "Patience" (20), "Constancie" (21), "Of Temperance" (22), "Justice" (25), "Friendship" (31), "Liberalitie" (32), "Clemencie" (33), "Intemperance and gluttonie" (37), "Ambition" (42), "Sedition" (44), "Warre" (45). As the titles of these chapters indicate, Floyd was con­cerned more with the virtues and the vices of a prince and his magistrates than he was with the organization of a state or the administration of government. The implication throughout is that a perfect commonwealth can be realized 1The Short Title Catalogue lists only four copies: one each in the British Museum, the Bodleian, Cambridge University Library, and the Huntington Library. I have used the copy in the British Museum. "The Picture of a Perfit Common Wealth" only to the extent that its ruler exemplifies the virtues which Floyd sets forth. His book is therefore in the tradi­tion of the "perfect prince." And in the study of the sources I shall show how Floyd follows an earlier work in the same tradition. The author's statement on the title-page that his book is "gathered forth of many authors aswel humane as divine" is somewhat misleading. Floyd, obviously, sought to create the impression that, in the compilation of his materials, he had read widely in the ancient Latin and Greek writers. He frequently cites as authorities such writers as Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero. In the majority of cases, however, his authorities are second-hand. He gathers his matter, not from the classical writers whom he refers to, but from English writers whose names he does not mention. Classical names and quotations, Floyd takes from his Eng­lish sources. Even the English sources of Floyd's work are extremely limited in number. He derives practically all his matter from two books. His main source is Sir Thomas Elyot's The Boke Named The Governour (1531). A comparison of the chapter-headings of A Perfit Common Wealth with those of The Governour shows at once the topics treated in common and suggests a definite relationship. When the two texts are read side by side, the nature of this relationship is obvious. There is in Floyd's book scarcely a page that does not reflect the thought or employ the actual language of The Governour. The parallel passages which follow will serve to show how closely Floyd adhered to his chief source. The Governour (1531)2 A Perfit Comnnon Wealth (1600) A COMMONWEALTH DEFINED A publike weale is a body lyv­A Common wealth is a living yng, compacte or made of sondry body compact of sundry estates astates and degrees of men, which and degrees of men . . . . This is disposed by the ordre of equitie word common wealth is called of 2Throughout this paper references to The Governour are to the edition in Everyman's Library. Studies in English The Governour (1531) and governed by the rule and moderation of reason. In the latin tonge it is called Respublica, of the whiche the worde Res hath divers significations ... [it] sig­nifieth astate, condition, sub­stance, and profite. In our vul­gare, profite is called weale (p.1). A Perfit Common Wealth (1600) the Latine word Respublica, quasi res populica, the affaires of the people: which the latines called the Government of a Common wealth, or of a civill societie ... which signifieth the regiment and estate of a citie, disposed by order of equitie and ruled by moderation of reason (pp. 1-3). ARISTOCRACY Example we may take of the grekes, amonge whom in divers 'Cities weare divers fourmes of publike weales governed by mul­titudes: wherin one was most tollerable where the governance and rule was always permitted to them whiche excelled in vertue, and was in the greke tonge called Aristoc.ratia, in latin Optimo­rum Potentia, in englisshe the rule of men of beste disposition, which the Thebanes of longe tyme observed (p. 7). Aristocratie is a government, or empire, depending on the arbi­trement of the best nobility, de­rived of the Greeke worde, Aristocratia, in Latin Optimorum potentia, in English the rule of men of the best disposition, from which regiment Kings were dis­carded and excluded. Such was the government or estate of Rome, wherein the Senators ruled . . . . The Thebanes of a long time observed this govern­ment (pp. 12-13). DEMOCRACY An other publique weale was amonge the Atheniensis, where equalitie was of astate amonge the people, and only by theyr holle consent theyr citie and dominions were governed: whiche moughte well be called a monstre with many heedes .... This maner of governaunce was called in greke Democratia, in latin Popu­laris potentia, in englisshe the rule of the comminaltie (p. 7). Democratie is a popular regi­ment tending to the common good. This worde Democratie is derived from the Greek word Democ.ratia, in Latine Popularis potentia, in English the Rule of the Comminalties, who obtained the superiority . . . . Athens, in which Democratie aforesaid the seede of rashnes and laweless lust held the superiority . . . . Here­hence they (the common people) are called the monstrous beast of many heads (pp. 14, 19). In the first six chapters of A Perfit Common Wealth, wherever Floyd is not actually employing the language of Elyot, he is generally paraphrasing the thought. Although "The Picture of a Perfit Common Wealth" Floyd adds little of his own, he rearranges to some extent the subject matter of his source, and may be said to have improved the organization. Having discussed the terms commonwealth, aristocracy, democracy, and monarchy, Floyd then devotes a chapter ( 6) to the question "Which sort of government is best?" In harmony with his source, he thinks a monarchy the best form of government, and a democracy the worst. To the argument that the govern­ment of many is to be preferred to that of one, Floyd replies: ... although a king or Prince is but one, yet bee ought to have many prudent and wise Counsellours, and in respect thereof he seemeth as many (p. 26). This thought derives from the third chapter of The Governour, where Elyot suggests that the sovereign gover­nor should appoint magistrates or inferior governors to assist in the administration of the government. The well­known passage in which Elyot likens the prince to a king­bee (p. 9) is paraphrased by Floyd as follows: Shal we then prove farre inferior and more senceless then the unaturall brute beastes, which onely are by sence guided? they do create or elect one to be their king or chiefe governour, as experience of the bees teacheth us, which do make choise of the chiefest Bee, to be a king over all the hieve, by which the whole swarme are ledde and guided, as being more provident and wise than the rest (pp. 28-29). After his discussion of the various kinds of government, Floyd gives a detailed treatment of the virtues requisite to an exemplary ruler. Among these are justice, fortitude, patience, temperance, and constancy-virtues which make for the building up of a perfect commonwealth. In the last ten chapters the author is concerned largely with the vices of rulers and of the people which militate against good government. Such vices are intemperance, ambition, usury, sedition, and covetousness. In all these chapters Floyd is much indebted to The Governour. Sometimes he para­phrases, as in the chapter on fortitude ( 19) and on friend­ship (31); often he employs much of the language of his Studies in English source, as in the chapters on justice, patience, constancy, faith, and ambition. The parallel passages which follow will further illustrate the nature and extent of Floyd's indebtedness to Elyot. The Governour (1531) A Perfit Common Wealth (1600) JUSTICE The moste excellent and in­comparable vertue called iustice is so necessary and expedient to the governour of a publike weale, that without it none other ver­tue may be commendable, ne witte or any maner of doctrine profitable.... Justice, all though it be but one entier vertue, yet is it described in two kyndes or spices. The one is named iustice distributive . . . the other is called commutative or by ex­chaunge, and of Aristotell it is named in Greeke Diorthotice, whiche is englysshe corrective (pp.194-195). Justice being an excellent and matchless vertue, is thought ex­pedient to be in all degrees, and especially in the governours of the common wealth, without the which nothing is commendable, for it is the right guide unto godliness, goodnes, and the knowl­edge of God .... Of this iustice as Cicero sayth, there be two sortes, the one Distributive, the other commutative, and is of Aristotle called in greek Dior­thotick, in English Corrective (pp.172-175). PATIENCE Pacience is a noble vertue, appertaynynge as well to inward governaunce as to exterior gov­ernaunce, and is the vanquisshour of iniuries, the suer defence agayne all affectes and passions of the soule, retaynynge all wayes glad semblaunt in adversitie and doloure. Saynt Ambrose saith in his hoke of offices, Better is he that contemneth iniurie, than he that sorroweth. For he that contem­neth it as he nothynge felte, he passeth nat on it: but he that is sorrowfull, he is therewith tour­mented as though he felt it ... But nowe wyll I wrytte of that Pacience that pertaineth unto interior governaunce, wherby the Patience is an excellent vertue, belonging as wel to outward empire as to inward governance: it is said to be the shielde of intolerable wrongs, the van­quisher of wickedness, t h a t lighteneth the burden of adversi­ty, and is a sure carde against all assaults and passions of the soule, seasoning the joys of pros­perity and retaining a continuall glad assemblie in adversity and dolor .... For as S. Augustine sayeth, it is more commendable to contemne an injury, then there with to bee grieved or to pine, by reason that in despising we seeme as though we were not moved therwith, or felt nothing, regard­ing it nothing at all: but he that "The Picture of a PerfU Common Wealth" The Governour (1531) naturall passions of man be sub­dued, and the malyce of fortune sustayned. For they whiche be in autoritie and be o cc u p i e d about great affaires, their lyves be nat onely replenisshed with labours and grevous displeasures, but also they be subiectes to son­drye chaunces (pp. 233-234). A Perfit Common Wealth (1600) is thereat sturred or grieved, endureth torment and feeleth the smart .... Wherefore I will draw nearer unto the inward govern­ance upon whom patience should attend, to the subversion and op­pressing of naturall passions, to the sustaining of frowardness of fortune, lest that they which have the function of autority and be imployed in matters of great im­portance, their lives be not only replenished with toiles and hein­ous displeasures, but withal bee subiect unto divers casualties (pp. 135-138). CONSTANCY We note in children incon­stance, and likewise in women ; the one for sklendernesse of witte, the other as a naturall sickeness. Therfore men use in rebukynge a man of inconstance, to calle hym a childisshe or womanly persone. All be it some women nowe a dayes be founden more constant than men (p. 524). Also heretofore men were re­buked for their inconstancy and likened to women and children: to one because in respect of their infancy and young yeeres, were not able to affect anything: to the other, as being the weaker sort at whose hands no great exploit was to be expected; but now a daies it is contrary: for women are noted for the most part to bee of greater constancy than men (p. 145). FAITH Some tyme it may be called faythe, some tyme credence, other whyles truste. Also in a frenche terme it is named loyaltie. And to the imitation of latyne it is often called fidelitie . .. As be­levynge the preceptes and prom­yse of God it is called faythe. In contractes betwene man and man it is communely called credence. Betwene persones of equall astate or condition it is Sometimes it is called faith; sometimes credance, sometimes trust, after the imitations of the Latines faith, by the Frenchmen, loialty. First, in the assured be­liefe of the precepts of God, it is termed faith: in contracts be­tweene man and man, it may be called credance; between persons of equall degree, it is called trust: in respect of the servant or subject, to his soveraign or Studies in English The Governour (1531) A Perfit Common Wealth (1600) named truste. Fro the subiecte master it is properly named or servaunt to his soverayne or fidelity (p. 206). maister it is proprely named fidelitie ( p. 211). Additional examples of Floyd's indebtedness need not be given in detail. The chapters on Friendship (31), Lib­erality (32), Clemency (33), Ambition ( 42), and on various other topics show close adherence to The Governour. Indeed it is not too much to say that the conception of government and of governors, the suggestions for the principal topics and the method of developing them, and also much of the language in Floyd's book derive directly from The Gover­nour. There are, however, in A Perfit Common Wealth many passages, particularly definitions, which have no counter­part in Elyot's text. For most of these passages Floyd was indebted to a contemporary compiler. In 1597 Nicholas Ling compiled and published a little book entitled Poli­teuphuia, Wits Common-Wealth.8 In this book the compiler did in prose what Robert Allot, in England's Parnassus, three years later did in poetry. From diverse sources Ling gathered excerpts and pithy sayings upon a variety of sub­jects. These treasured sayings, he classified under their proper headings, as "Of Love," "Of Laws," "Of Counsel," "Of Patience," "Of Courage," "Of Wars," "Of Virtue," "Of Temperance," "Of Magistrates,'' "Of Judges,'' "Of Obedience," "Of Hope," "Of Faith,'' etc. Under each head­ing was, first, a definition of the subject, and then the excerpts that were regarded as apposite. As Floyd had occasion to treat several of the topics which Ling had thus defined, and in illustration of which he had collected many sentences, it was but natural that Floyd should turn to Ling's Wits Common-Wealth for definitions and apt lines to illustrate. The following parallels are convincing evidence of Floyd's borrowing: 3References in this paper are to a copy of the 1598 edition in The Huntington Library. "The Picture of a Perfit Common Wealth" Wits Common Wealth (1598) A Perfit Common Wealth (1600) OF LAWS The precepts of the lawe may be comprehended under these three poyntes: to live honestly, to hurt no man wilfully, and to render every man his due care­fully (fol. 83b). Every man in generall loveth iustice, yet they all hate the exe­cution therof in particular Cic. (fol. 82b). A man ought to love his Prince loyally, to keepe his lawes care­ fully, and to defend his country valiently (fol. 84b). Equitie iudgeth with levitie, lawes with extreamitie (fol. 82b). Lawes were invented ... which prescribeth these speciall points. To live honestly, to hurt no mi wilfully, to render every man his due carefully (pp. 63-64). Every man in generall loveth law, yet they all hate the execu­tion thereof in particular (p. 65). The heart that loveth the Prince loially, observeth hi s lawes carefully, and defedeth his coiitry valiantly is to be com­ mended farre above all others (p. 65). The lawe iudgeth with extremi­tie, and equitie with levitie (p. 65). OF VERTUE Vertue is a disposition and power of the reasonable part of the soule, which bringeth into order and decencie the unreason­able part, by causing it to pro­pound a convenient end to her own affections and passions; whereby the soule abideth in a comely and decent habit, execut­ing that which ought to be done according to reason (fol. Sb). Vertue in generall is a Castle impregnable, a Ryver that need­eth no rowing, a sea that moveth not, a treasure endlesse, an Army invincible, a burthen supportable, an ever-turning spye, a signe deceitlesse, a plaine way faile lesse, a true guyde without guile, a Balme that instantly cureth, an eternall honour that never dyeth (fol. 7). Seeing vertue hath such a dis­position and power of the reason­ble parte of the minde and soule of man, which bringeth unto order and decency the unreasonable part ... causing it anew to pro­pound a convenient end, to her own affections and passions, by which means the soule abideth in a comely and decent habite, accomplishing what out to be done according to reason (p. 33). ... Vertue, which to us is an impregnable towr, a floode that needeth no flowing, a perpetuall during treasure, an invincible army, a strong fortresse, a true harbinger, a burden supportable, a balme that presently cureth, and an eternall honor that never dieth (p. 106). Studies in English Wits Common W ealth (1598) A Perfit Common Wealth (1600) OF TEMPERANCE Temperance is that little which driveth away round about her the d a r k n e s s and obscuritie of passions; she is of all the vertues most whole-some, for she pre­serveth both publiquelie and pri­vately humaine societie; she lifteth up the soule miserably throwne downe in vice, and re­storeth her againe into her place ; it is also a mutuall consent of the parts of the soule, causing all disorder and unbrideled affec­tions to take reason for a rule and direction (fol. 65b). Temperance compelleth men to follow reason, bringeth peace to the minde, and mollifieth the affections with concord and agree­ment (fol. 67b). Temperance . . . may bee fitly likened to a lampe that shineth, lighteneth and expelleth away the dim and obscure passions that may environ it ... it may pre­serve both private and humane society, curing the soule most miserably throwne downe in vice, restoring it againe to her ac­customed abode therein foreseing all disordered and unbridled appetites, to yield to the yoke of reason and discretion (p. 150). Temperance enforceth us to yield to reason, bringeth peace to the minde, and mollifieth the affections with concord and agre&­ment (p. 157). OF TRUTH Truth is that certaine and un­fallible vertue which bringeth foorth all goodness, revealeth the creation of the worlde, the power of our Creator, the eternall crowne of blisse we hope for, and the punishment allotted for our misdooings. It is a vertue through which we are inclined to speake no other wise with our tongue then we thinke with our hart (fol. Sb). Trueth is the iust performance of speach, observing integrity and the true messenger of God . . . as being an infallible way to reason, which revealeth the creation of the world, the power of our creator, the eternall crowne of blisse which we hope for, & the punishment due for our transgressions. It is also termed a vertue whereby we attaine to speak no other wise with our toiigs then our hearts do conceave (pp. 207--8). Other topics in the treatment of which Floyd followed closely Ling's compilation are "Of Peace," "Of Warre," "Of Charity," "Of Hope," "Of Gluttony," "Of Concupiscence," etc. The parallels, which are as close as those already listed above, are ample evidence of Floyd's heavy indebtedness to his contemporary, Ling. "The Picture of a Perfit Common Wealth" It is plain, then, that The Picture of a Perfit Common Wealth is a compilation, ostensibly drawn from wide read­ing in the ancient literature of Greece and Rome, but really dependent very largely upon Elyot's Governour (1531) and Ling's Wits Common-Wealth (1597-1598). The purpose of this exposition is to present to students of the period an adequate account of the content and sources of a book that is not easily accessible, and that shows once again the persistence of certain political and moral ideas through the century, and the widespread custom, particularly among minor writers, of borrowing from every available source. SHAKESPEARE, "CORIOLANUS," AND ESSEX BY WILLET TITUS CONKLIN Among the great tragedies of Shakespeare, Coriolanus has often been remarked as unique, failing to arouse sym­pathy, just as its hero stands in relation to most of the other characters in the play. Professor A. C. Bradley, in discussing this difference, says, "Shakespeare could con­strue the story he found only by conceiving the hero's character in a certain way; and he had to set the whole drama in tune with that conception."1 Whether this con­ception was deliberate, motivated by personal interests and contemporary or near-contemporary events and charac­ters, constitutes a problem which has given rise to the conjectures that follow. In searching Coriolanus for topical allusions, however, one is at first discouraged by realization of the extent to which Shakespeare followed the model in North's Plutarch. Each of the main events, even to the speech of Aufidius and the plea of Volumnia in the last act, can be found there practically verbatim. Careful analysis reveals, neverthe­less, that Shakespeare in certain situations deviated from his source or supplied from his own store events to aid in the development of the drama. Three questions, then, arise: (1) Can Shakespeare have had definite reason for dealing with the subject of treason? (2) Can there have been an Elizabethan counterpart of Coriolanus? ( 3) Wherever dramatic necessity demanded, had Shakespeare to invent new situations? May he not have found already developed in others of his plays situa­tions suited to his needs and have altered them to fit the plot of Coriol.anus? The play is generally conceded to have been written during the last few years of the dramatist's life. Now Shakespeare, according to Professor J. Q. Adams's Life, 1Bradley, A. C., Cori-Olanus, The British Academy, Second Annual Shakespeare Lecture, New York, 1912, p. 4. Shakespeare, "Corio'lanus," and Essex was, among others, made a Groom of the Royal Chamber in 1604, the year following James's arrival in London.2 The playwright would, naturally, wish to flatter the Scottish Solomon. In Macbeth, with its vision of the eighth king, in whose glass appear more "that two-fold balls and treble sceptres carry," the flattery had been obvious. It remained further to flatter James by exalting the established power of the state. Coriolanus afforded such a theme. But there may well have been a further motive for the flattery. As Professor Adams remarks,5 Shakespeare had been strangely silent upon the death of Elizabeth and had been reproved by others for his silence. Professor Adams also suggests that Elizabeth's treatment of Essex in 1601 may have been responsible for this silence. May it not have been that there yet hung about the court a rumor that one of the King's Men, a playwright and a poet, had shown no great concern upon the death of the queen? And may there not, with far greater probability, have hung about the court report that this same playwright had made one of a cry of players that had been summoned into court during the Essex trial in regard to the acting of a Richard II? There next arises the question of an Elizabethan counter­part of Coriolanus. In considering this question, Professor MacCallum4 cites Brandi's argument that the model was, apparently, Raleigh. The argument is interesting, but rather untenable. True, Raleigh was a soldier; he was fiery; he was characterized as "the best-hated man in Eng­land;" and about his head, from his imprisonment in 1603 until his death in 1618, hovered the shadow of suspected treason. The situation but slightly parallels that of Corio­lanus. Professor MacCallum himself points out5 that Raleigh, of all men, could never be described as unused to flatter. Then, too, it would have been rashness to hold the 2Adams, J. Q., A Life of Shakespeare, Boston, 1925, p. 359. B0p. cit., p. 356. 4MacCallum, M. W., Shakespeare's Roman Plays and Their Back­ ground, London, 1910, pp. 463-464. 50p. cit., p. 464. mirror up to a nature which would too clearly have reflected a current political situation and a royally odious political prisoner. One character, however, would well have afforded an Elizabethan counterpart. The Earl of Essex had been about as close an English counterpart of Coriolanus as one could have required. Fiery, indiscreet, unused to flatter-even the necessary flattery of Elizabeth was intermittent and brought trouble almost as often as benefit-Essex had fought for his country, had been accused of mismanage­ment, had taken arms against the state, and had lost. There was still another reason why Shakespeare might wish to emphasize his loyalty by portraying the futility of such treason. If his name had been connected with that of Essex, surely it must even more readily have been con­nected with that of another, one immediately involved in the Essex Rebellion, whose head had been spared upon the rather astonishing grounds that what he had done, he had done for love of his friend.6 Venus and Adonis and The Rape of Lucrece had both been dedicated to Southampton! Turning, now, to the question of Shakespeare's adapta­tion of a situation already developed: Lines 1-20 of Coriolanus, III, i, are Shakespeare's; Cori­olanus' speeches, beginning at line 90 and continuing throughout the scene, are taken, with slight alteration, from North's Plutarch.1 For Coriolanus' speeches between lines 20 and 90, however, Shakespeare found in North a suggestion, but no indication of dialogue: But Martius, standing upon his feet, did somewhat sharply take up those who went about to gratify the people.a Reference is to the giving of corn to the plebeians. In Shakespeare, Coriolanus is returning from the ordeal of standing for the consulship; Sicinius and Brutus, the "two 6Adams, J. Q., op. cit., p. 319. 1 Vide the author's "Two Further Notes on Shakespeare's Use of Elyot's Governour," University of Texas Studies in English, No. 10, 1930, pp. 66-69. 8W. W. Skeat, Shakespeare's Plutarch, London, 1904, p. 16. Shakespeare, "Coriolanus," and Essex seditious tribunes" of North, having already stirred rebel­lion among the plebeians, deliberately arouse Coriolanus' wrath. Coriolanus' immediate companions are the diplo­matic Menenius, the level-headed Cominius, and Titus Lartius. Upon hearing that the people are incensed against him, Coriolanus rightly suspects the tribunes of causing the trouble: It is a purposed thing and grows by plot, To curb the will of the nobility: Suffer 't, and live with such as cannot rule Nor ever will be rul'd. (37-40) Whereupon Brutus further arouses his victim: Call 't not a plot: The people cry you mock'd them, and of late: When corn was given them gratis, you repin'd; Scandall'd the suppliants for the people, called them Time-pleasers, flatterers, foes to nobleness. ( 40-44) Finally, Coriolanus can endure the baiting no longer: Tell me of corn! This was my speech, and I will speak't again. (60-61) Menenius and a senator try to calm him, but to no avail; for he thunders: Now, as I live, I will. (63) And further, when begged to utter "no more words": How! No more! As for my country I have shed my blood, No fearing outward force, so shall my lungs Coin words till they decay against tlwse measles, Which they disdain should tetter us, yet sought The very way to catch them. (74-79) And still further: Choler! Were I as patient as the midnight sleep, By Jove, 'twould be my mind! (83-85) Turning, next, to another fiery young warrior, of whose character Coriolanus more than once reminds us, we find Hotspur, in I Henry IV, I, iii, in a scene analogous to that just discussed-analogous in that it represents a soldier, young, indiscreet, of uncontrollable temper, excited to anger in the presence of older men who attempt to govern him and to save him. Henry has refused "to ransom home revolted Mortimer," and Hotspur has shouted, "Revolted Mortimer!" very much as Coriolanus (III, iii, 66) shouts, "How! Traitor!" upon Sicinius' accusation. Henry leaves, enjoining Hotspur: But, sirrah, henceforth Let me not hear you speak of Mortimer .... (118-119) Shortly after, Hotspur cries: Speak of Mortimer! 'Zounds! I will speak of him; . . . (130-131) And later, to Worcester's attempt to soothe him by assuring him that he shall keep his prisoners: Nay, I will; that's fiat: He said he would not ransom Mortimer; Forbade ?ny tongue to speak of Mortimer; But I will find him when he lies asleep, And in his ear I'll holla "Mortimer!" Nay, I'll have a starling shall be taught to speak Nothing but "Mortimer," and give it him To keep h.is anger still in motion. (218-226) Although the foregoing quotations from Coriolanus, and I Henry IV are in no sense identical or even parallel in diction, both represent men of action, inviting their own destruction, chafing at the verbal restraint imposed by older, more experienced men. May Shakespeare, in seeking to fill a gap in his source, not have inserted in Coriolanus, III, i, a plan of dialogue he had used at least a decade before in I Henry IV, I, iii? The italicized portions of the quota­tions given seem especially to strengthen this suggestion. But Mr. G. B. Harrison, writing in The London Times Literary Supplement on "Shakespeare's Topical Signifi­cances,"9 finds a strong parallel between Essex's refusal to 9Harrison, G. B., LTLS, No. 1503, November 20, 1930, p. 974. Shakespeare, "Coriolanus," and Essex surrender prisoners to Elizabeth and Hotspur's behavior in this very scene, I Henry IV, I, iii, warning us, however, against the assumption that Hotspur is Essex. That Shakespeare did refer to Essex in one play is known to all familiar with the chorus to Henry V, V, wherein, describing Henry's reception into England, he wrote, As by a lower but loving likelihood, Were now the general of our gracious empress,­ As in good time he may,-from Ireland coming, Bringing rebellion broached on his sword, How many would the peaceful city quit To welcome him! (29-34) Mr. Harrison's parallel, which appeared some time after I had begun my study of the Coriolanus-Essex problem, shows, certainly, that an Elizabethan audience could scarce­ly have missed seeing in Hotspur's behavior a reflection of Essex's behavior toward the queen. Shakespeare did refer to Essex in Henry V. He had, moreover, as I have at­tempted to show, ample motivation for recalling the Essex Rebellion at a later date, when a Groom of the Chamber. Hotspur and Essex are very similar; so also are Hotspur and Coriolanus. The play, although founded mainly upon the material in North's Plutarch, may well have derived at least a significant and important part of its hero's conduct from his Elizabethan counterpart. THE INFLUENCE OF SHAKESPEARE ON BYRON'S "MARINO F ALIERO" BY LUCILLE KING It is a well-known fact that Byron underrated Shake­speare and was so bad a critic as to predict his decline. Writing of Sardanapalus, Byron asserts: You will find all this very unlike Shakespeare; and so much the better in one sense, for I look upon him to be the worst of models, though the most extraordinary of writers.1 Later, however, he likens the character of Sardanapalus to Richard the Third.2 It is Lady Blessington who said that she had "rarely met with a person more conversant with the works of Shakespeare than was Byron."3 Ernest Zabel, a German scholar, notes in Byron's poetry and journals 69 references and echoes from Hamlet, 9 from Julius Caesar, 17 from Lear, and 103 from Macbeth.4 Miss Hazel Edwards, in an unpublished M.A. thesis in The University of Texas library, tabulates 236 echoes from Shakespeare in Byron's writings, the highest number from any source, the next being the Bible with 78 echoes. It seems almost certain, then, that Byron read his Shakespeare assiduously. The purpose of this paper is to discover whether in Marino Faliero Byron was influenced by Shake­speare and incidentally to discover how well he knew the older dramatist and which plays he knew best. It cannot, of course, be said that Byron uses Shakespeare as a definite source for Marino Faliero; but it is unlikely that Byron, saturated with a great work similar in type to that which he himself was attempting, would fail to give 1Letters and Journals of Lord Byron, ed. Thomas Moore, London, 1838, pp. 516f. 2/bid., p. 517. 8Conversations of Lord Byron with the Countess of Blessington, London, 1834, p. 358. 4Zabel, Ernest: Byrons Kenntnis von Shakespeare und Sein Urteil ilber Ihn, Leipzig, 1904, pp. llff. Shakespeare and Byron's "Marino Faliero" back some part of that which so deeply impressed him. For his Marino Faliero Byron did not use Julius Caesar or Macbeth or Hamlet as the direct source; it is clear that he used an Italian chronicle, the Cronica di Sanuto. Yet there are some similarities in plot that may or may not have occurred to Byron as he wrote. There is an unmistakable similarity in characterization, in that Israel Bertuccio is a lineal descendent of Marcus Brutus, while Faliero combines characteristics of both Caesar and Macbeth. The most prominent parallel between the two, however, is in the diction. In both dramas-to present first the similarities in plot -a man is seeking royal power ; in each there are proph­ecies of disaster for the aspirant; and in each there is dissatisfaction among the people concerning the reigning administration. Suggestion for revolt comes in Shake­speare's drama from Cassius, who is not afterwards the leader; in Byron's work the suggestion is made to the Doge by Israel Bertuccio, who gives up his leadership, as Cassius gives his to Brutus. The murdered man in both plays has been a great and ambitious soldier whose ancestors have held high offices in the state. The scene between Calpurnia and Caesar and the scene between the Doge and Angiolina are similar in the anxiety that each wife shows for her husband and in the affection for him which she expresses. One of the most striking points of resemblance is the effort of Calpurnia, in the one play, to prevent Caesar's leaving the house on the day of his murder, and the effort of Bertram, in the other play, to keep his patron and child­hood friend from going out on the morrow, when he is sure to be killed. In each case the pleas are of no avail. The popularity of Caesar with the common people is revealed in the first scene of Shakespeare's play. That Faliero, too, is popular the following lines attest : I, at whose name the million's caps were flung Into the air, and cries from tens of thousands Rose up, imploring Heaven to send me blessings, And fame and length of days.5 6Marino Faliero, IV, ii, 151-154. Surely Byron is again thinking of his Shakespeare in these lines: It is the cause, and not our will, which asks Such actions from our hands; we'll wash away All stains in Freedom's fountain!& In Julius Caesar we read: . . . like a fountain with a hundred spouts, Did run pure blood; and many lusty Romans Came smiling, and did bathe their hands in it.1 And is not the first of these lines quoted from Byron an echo of Othello, V, ii, 1: It is the cause, it is the cause, my soul? Here the similarity in plot ceases. Indeed, it would hardly seem worthy of mention if the same facts were in the chronicle on which Byron principally bases his story. The absence of most of these incidents in the history makes it seem all the more probable that Byron, consciously or un­consciously, had his Julius Caesar in mind. In characterization there are several similarities. The Doge is as ambitious as Caesar and as vacillating as Ham­let. Like Macbeth he is nervous and is agitated by "the jarring of a distant door, Or aught that intimates a coming step."8 Faliero himself asserts the similarity between his attitude towards his wife and that of Caesar: ... the high Roman Said 'Caesar's wife must not even be suspected,' And put her from him.9 Israel Bertuccio and Faliero both assume many of the qualities of Brutus, for each has the interests of freedom at heart. But when Bertuccio induces the Doge to partici­pate in the conspiracy, he resembles Cassius; and Faliero, 6Jbid., III, ii, 79-81. 1Julius Caesar, II, ii, 77-79. BMarino Faliero, I, i, 11-12. 9Jbid., I, ii, 166-168. Shakespeare and Byron's "Marino Faliero" Brutus. On the other hand, the following lines are remi­niscent of Brutus : We must forget all feeling save the one- We must resign all passions save our purpose-­ We must behold no object save our country­ And only look on death as beautiful, So that the sacrifice ascend to heaven, And draw down freedom on her evermore.10 The softness of Bertram is called "less treachery than weak­ness": ... he has .•. no wife To work upon his milkiness of spirit.11 Compare this with Lady Macbeth's reference to her hus­band: Yet do I fear thy nature; It is too full o' the milk of human kindness To catch the nearest way.12 In one of his own speeches Bertram again shows his like­ness to Macbeth : I am no brawler; but can bear myself As far among the foe as any he Who hears me.is Macbeth replies to his wife's taunts thus: I dare do all that may become a man; Who dares do more is none.u In characterization, again, there is a difference between Byron's work and the Cronica di Sanuto. In the Italian work Bertruccio is called "exceedingly wily and cunning."15 In the drama, like Cassius, he has skill in plenty but not in the derogatory sense implied in the history. That Byron 10Jbicl., II, ii, 91-96. 11Jbicl., 11, ii, 83-84. 12Macbetk, I, v, 17-19. iaMarino Faliero, III, ii, 60-62. HMacbetk, I, vii, 46-47. UTke Poetical Works of Lord Byron, VIII, Philadelphia, 1839, p. 218. Studies in English had Julius Caesar in mind in his characterization he him­self admits in the Doge's speech concerning Bertuccio and Philip Calendaro: Ah! the plebeian Brutus, is he gone? And the quick Cassius of the arsenal?16 In several instances in Marino Faliero Byron uses almost the exact phraseology of Shakespeare. The first close parallel is : There's blood upon thy face-how came it there?17 In Macbeth we have the words: ... There's blood upon thy face.1s Byron uses "rapt" in the sense of "transported"19 and "still" for "always"20, as Shakespeare does. Another close parallel in diction appears in the passage: Calendaro. But if we fail? Bertuccio. They never fail who die In a great cause.21 Shakespeare has a more impassioned answer: Macbeth. If we should fail,­Lady Macbeth. We fail! But screw your courage to the sticking-place, And we'll not fai}.22 A less obvious parallel lies in the Doge's statement as to the newness of his position: the state's ducal robes Sit newly on me.2a 16Marino Faliero, V, i, 177-178. 17Ibid., I, ii, 335. 1BMacbeth, III, iv, 12. Manfred's strange illusion that there is blood on the brim of the glass of wine which the Chamois Hunter offers him (Manfred, II, i, 21 and 24) is also parallel to Macbeth's panic under like circumstances. 19Marino Faliero, I, i, 10. 20Ibid., II, i, 172; II, i, 446. 211bid., II, ii, 97-98. 22Macbeth, I, vii, 59-61. 2sMarino Faliero, III, iv, 364-365. Shakespeare and Byron's "Marino Faliero" In Macbeth the statement is one of more universal applica­tion: New honors come upon him, Like our strange garments, cleave not to their mould But with the aid of use.24 The Doge's desperation leads him to say: ... and these [robes] But lent to the poor puppet, who must play Its part with all its empire in this ermine.25 Macbeth has a similar passage: ... a poor player That struts and frets his hour upon the stage, And then is heard no more.2s Jaques' famous speech in As You Like It is similar: All the world's a stage, And all the men and women merely players ... And one man in his time plays many parts, His acts being seven ages.21 The words of Bertuccio remind us of Hamlet's father: ... But still their spirit walks abroad.2s When the hour strikes, the Doge feels as does Macbeth: ... On--on­lt is our knell, or that of Venice.-On.-20 Macbeth, too, is nervous : ... the bell invites me. Hear it not, Duncan; for it is a knell That summons thee to heaven or to hen.so 2'Macbeth, I, iii, 144-146. 25Marino Faliero, III, iv, 414-416. 26Macbeth, V, v, 24-26. 21As You Like It, II, vii, 139-142. 2sMarino Faliero, II, ii, 106. 20Jbid., III, i, 118-119. soMacbeth, II, i, 62-64. Studies in English Surely Byron has Macbeth in mind when he has Calendaro say: . . . we will not scotch, But km.s1 It is Macbeth who says : We have scotch'd the snake, not kill'd it.s2 Again Macbeth is almost paraphrased in the Doge's words: ... calmly wash those hands incarnadine.as Macbeth's words are: No, this my hand will rather The multitudinous seas incarnadine.u With contemptuous tone Lioni says that he will not stay at home "like a sick girl."83 Cassius complains of Caesar in the same terms, calling him "a sick girl"86 because he has asked for water when he was ill. It seems not unreasonable to conclude, then, that Byron, knowing his Shakespeare well, borrowed from Shakespeare certain details for his plot, but even more of material for his characters. Some of the characters have been materi­ally altered from those in the Cronica; and since there are many parallels between them and the corresponding char­acters in Julius Caesar especially, it seems logical to sup­pose that Byron had that play in mind as he wrote. Simi­larities in diction are in several instances obvious; in other instances one statement simply suggests another. Byron may or may not have been affected by Shakespeare in the latter case. Similarities that I have noted show that Byron was influenced by Julius Caesar and Macbeth more than by s1Marino Faliero, III, ii, 268-269. a2Macbeth, III, ii, 13. &&Marino Faliero, III, iii, 509. &'Macbeth, II, ii, 62-63. &5Marino Faliero, IV, i, 253. aeJuliua Caesar, I, ii, 128. Shakespeare and Byron's "Marino Faliero" other Shakespearean plays. I have drawn attention to 15 parallelisms with Julius Caesar, 10 with Macbeth, 2 with Hamlet, 1 with Othello, and 1 with As You Like It. For incident and characterization Byron was influenced by Julius Caesar, but most of the similarities in phraseology, especially the most obvious ones, are from Macbeth. POE AS A POET OF IDEAS BY FLOYD STOVALL The opinion is current that Poe was a clever melodist, an artist in words, but not a poet of ideas. This opinion, at best, is based on a half truth, which, if closely examined, proves to be no truth at all. It may be argued that his poems do not submit readily to analysis; yet ideas are there, nevertheless, for those who will take the trouble to seek them. His manner of presenting them may be made a subject of debate, but their presence in the poems is an indisputable fact. But those who hold that Poe excluded ideas from his poetry will cite his own theory as evidence. In his critical essays we read, it is true, that "Beauty is the sole legitimate province of the poem,"1 and that it is impossible to "recon­cile the obstinate oils and waters of Poetry and Truth."2 These generalizations are sometimes, unfortunately, de­tached, from their contexts and interpreted as affording affirmation of the doctrine of art for art's sake. Nothing was further from Poe's intention. Other passages may be cited which apparently contradict these; for example, in his earliest critical essay, the "Letter to B______," he described poetry as music combined with an idea,8 and in one of his latest, Eureka, he declared that "Poetry and Truth are one."4 The fact is that he used these words, particularly the word "Truth," rather loosely, and one cannot hope to understand his meaning without taking into consideration the whole body of his criticism. If that is done, I think it will be found that when he opposes poetry to truth he uses the word "truth" as a synonym of "knowledge" or "science." He was led to make such ambiguous generaliza­tions by his desire to check the didactic tendencies among his contemporaries. If we take Eureka seriously we must lPoe's Works, ed. Harrison, New York, 1902, XIV, p. 197. 2Jbid., XIV, p. 272; XI, p. 70. 8/bid., VII, p. xliii. 4Jbid., XVI, p. 302. Poe as a Poet of Ideas 57 acknowledge the fact that, with the transcendentalists, he held intuitive truth to be the highest and surest of all, and the most suitable for poetic treatment. In short, what Poe really believed was that poetry, like all the other arts, may depict or suggest truth, but may not preach or reason of it. 5 With this belief his practice is everywhere consistent. Similarly, his definition of poetry as "the Rhythmical Creation of Beauty" is misleading if taken alone, because it attempts to generalize an entire theory in a single phrase. Poe conceived of beauty and truth as complementary aspects of harmony, the one being form and the other principle, the one concrete and the other abstract; hence in creating beauty the poet necessarily reveals truth. For the poet, therefore, beauty is the primary object, truth a secondary, whereas for the philosopher the reverse is true. The poet discards science or mere knowledge as prosaic because it leads to no perception of harmony. There is in Poe's theory also the important idea that poetry and passion are discordant, that passion degrades whereas poetry elevates the soul. The higher love, how­ever, the Uranian as distinguished from the Dionaean is an excitement of the soul rather than of the heart, and hence is of all themes the most poetic. 6 All of these ideas, besides many more, appear in his poetry, but in accordance with his theory of the indefinite he usually veils them in symbols, illusive images, and shadowy adumbrations. The idea of beauty predominates, as it does in his critical essays. I propose in this brief essay only to trace this idea of beauty through the body of Poe's poetry and to show how through it he reaches out to draw in such other ideas as may be made to harmonize with it. The origin of Poe's idea that poetry and passion are dis­cordant is to be found, I believe, in his early struggle for emotional tranquillity. He was a man of passionate tempera­ment, but in his art as well as in his personal conduct he 5Poe's Works, XI, p. 71; XIV, p. 275. 6/bid., XIV, p. 290. Studfos in English attempted to impose on the liberty of impulse the restraint of law. Out of this struggle grew his theory. Tamerlane is a veiled account of his effort to adjust himself to a new set of circumstances following the disruption of his love affair with Sarah Elmira Royster and his foster father's termina­tion of his career at the University of Virginia. The hero of the poem, his pride broken, finds himself possessed by another passion-despair. Poe, too, felt for a while the weight of despair, and attempted to save himself in the mood of reverie, as we may see in the two poems Dreams and A Dream Within a Dream. That failing, he sought relief by imagining a region of darkness, solitude, and terrifying mystery, where the person who has wronged him is reduced to humility and remorse. This mood produced Spirits of the Dead and inspired another poem, Bridal Ballad, conceived at this period but not published until ten years later. But neither of these moods satisfied his need. Eventually he found in the contemplation and artistic creation of beauty the solace for which he yearned. The germ of this idea of beauty is to be found in Stanzas, one of the poems of 1827. In a mood of spiritual exaltation he becomes conscious of a sudden but momentary illumination in which familiar objects assume a beauty and a meaning hitherto unsuspected. This experience, he asserts, is giv'n In beauty by our God, to those alone Who otherwise would fall from life and Heav'n, Drawn by their heart's passion. Poe evidently means that poets are endowed with a sensi­tiveness and a power of insight not vouchsafed to ordinary men; for them beauty is an open sesame to truth and a protection divinely ordained against those passions which would otherwise destroy them. As he explains in Al Aaraaf, there are two kinds of beauty, the terrible and the fair,7 symbolic of the power TAl Aaraaf, Part I, I. 84. Poe as a Poet of Ideas and the love of God as they are manifested in nature. Of the fair we can only catch glimpses in Evening Star, To Helen, and a few other poems, but the terrible is vividly revealed in many. We see in Tke Lake (1827) how through loneliness, mystery, and terror we are led from the idea of beauty to the idea of death, the ultimate solace for pain. This association of death and beauty accounts for nearly all that is most characteristic in Poe's poetry. In several of the poems of 1831 life's melancholy is represented as revived in death for those who are no longer mourned by their survivors on earth. The idea is most clearly stated in Irene, the 1831 version of The Sleeper, but is strongly sug­gested also in The City in the Sea and in The Valley of Unrest. The City in the Sea is Poe's most perfect example of the poetry of somber beauty. Al Aaraaf deals more fully than any other poem with the various aspects of the idea of beauty. It describes a starry realm ruled by an angelic spirit, Nesace, the special mes­ senger of God and the personification of beauty, whose subjects, the spirits of those who in life were lovers of beauty, aid her in transmitting by means of fantasy and imagination the wisdom of Heaven to all parts of the uni­ verse. These spirits represent artists, who, like Plato's inspired poet, reveal the divine truth in forms of beauty without themselves being conscious of its full significance. Thus they are pictured as existing on Al Aaraaf in a state of perpetual dream. In Fairy-Land poets are symbolized in the butterflies that, seeking heaven, catch on their wings fragments of those dissolving moons which, settling over earth at night, transform its daylight reality to a fairyland of beauty. In The City in the Sea the poet finds a melancholy pleas­ ure in scenes of death and decay, the somber beauty of which seems to spring from the romantic impulse in his genius. The fair and wholesome beauty of To Helen (1831), however, has its source, apparently, in an impulse to classi­ cism. This little poem well illustrates the power of beauty to unify and control the diverse faculties of the poet. Studies in English In lsrafel the two impulses are fused. In the angel Israfel is typified the poet's ideal, but at the same time the poem explains why he can never hope to attain this ideal. Where Israfel dwells, beauty is perfect and universal, but on earth it is imperfect and evanescent. In Heaven, moreover, deep thoughts are a duty, and Love is a grown-up God. Truth and beauty, love and passion, are there perfectly har­monized; hence Israfel is not wrong in despising an unim­passioned song. The poet of earth, however, struggling with half-truths and degrading passions, finds no security but in beauty, which does not deceive. I have already intimated that Poe's tendency in his later criticism was to expand the limits of the province of poetry so that it might include within the general idea of beauty such other ideas as truth and love. The same tendency is to be noted in the poems. This change is best illustrated in Lenore. In its original form as A Paean,8 written in 1831, the emphasis is placed on the beauty of the dead lady, whereas in the version of 1843, the first with the title Lenore, the emphasis is on her innocence. Here is an obvious change in motif from the aesthetic to the ethical. In keeping with this change there is a corresponding altera­tion in the tone of the poem from the pagan to the Chris­tian. The Conqueror Worm, also composed in 1843, is a frankly philosophical allegory that can by no effort of the imagination be confined within the province of beauty. In Dre.am-Land, which revives the romantic terror of The City in the Sea, he confines himself to picture and symbol again, not of death this time, but of the chaotic realm of the opium dream. The Raven is in perfect accord with Poe's theory. It sur­passes Lenore, an earlier study of the same mood, in the uniformity of its tone of sadness, in the subordination of the ethical motif, and in the greater intensity of its effect. The Raven is obviously the picture of a bereaved lover who finds a melancholy satisfaction in torturing his grief-stricken heart with thoughts of his deceased mistress. But the 8Poe's Poems, ed. Campbell, Boston, 1917, p. 68. Poe as a Poet of Ideas tragedy lies deeper than that. Aesthetically it lies in the knowledge of the irrevocable decay of beauty, and philo­sophically it lies in the growing certainty as the poem pro­gresses that there is no life after death. The transience of beauty and the eternity of separation make the thought of death insupportable. In Ulalume the situation is essentially the same, but the lover's point of view is different. Here the picture is that of a lover bound unalterably to his be­loved in spirit, but hopelessly deprived by her death of the companionship he needs. He hopes to find solace in a new love; but the very desire defeats itself, for the more eagerly he seeks the new, the more poignantly he remembers the old. His future is therefore as barren of hope as that of the lover in The Raven. In Annabel Lee the situation is again the same, but the tone of the poem is not sorrowful because the lover's passion is here sublimated and so be­comes a spiritual bond that is unaffected by death. Even The Bells is not without its idea. The immediate aim of the poem is to reproduce the music of the four types of bells and to suggest the respective moods which they induce in the listener. Each stanza is longer, more complex, and more intense than the one preceding, giving the poem an effect of climax and tragedy. Its secondary object is to symbolize the four main stages in the emotional life of man: childhood, marriage, maturity, and old age ending in death; to this extent it is a philosophical poem. Another philosophical poem, Sonnet--Silence, written earlier, encourages us to face the death of the body with­out fear, but warns us to beware of its shadow, which we may take to mean the death simultaneously of the spirit. Here, as in The Raven, the poet shrinks from the idea that death is the end of all. Eldorado is a very wise commentary on idealism. From it we learn both the futility of pursuing the ideal and the impossibility of happiness without pur­suing it. It is beauty, delusive, tantalizing, forever escaping yet forever leading on its pursuer in the path which, eventually he must follow, either guided by its light or else blindly and alone. Studies in English Throughout most of his poetical career Poe had sought in beauty a solace for passionate strife and disappoint­ment. But as time passed it seemed less satisfying than at first. For Annie is his confession that, after all, there is no perfect solace except death; no tranquillity but that pas­sionless, half-sensuous but quiescent existence that he some­times imagined would succeed the life on earth. One wonders whether Eldorado is his last word, or whether that is to be found in For Annie. Their conclusions are different, but not really contradictory. Eldorado states his philosophy, a philosophy of cheerful resignation based on the reasoned decision of his intellect; For Annie, on the other hand, is the wail of the vanquished, the cry of a weary heart, long buffeted by storms within and without, for that perfect rest of both mind and body which he is now willing to believe can be found only in death. However that may be, after reading all of Poe's poems in the light of our knowl­edge of his life and his philosophy, we are left with the melancholy thought that, as it was for him, so, perhaps, for all seekers of Eldorado there is no alternative but to ride, boldly ride, or else accept the cure of that cold hand whose touch alone allays the fever of life and soothes the spirit to dreams of perfect love and beauty. LANIER'S READING BY PHILIP GRAHAM Few American writers have associated themselves more closely with the world of books than Sidney Lanier. Indeed of recent years some critics have felt so keenly his relation to the literature of the past that they would cut him off from his contemporary world, dub him a mere book-worm, and ignore him as an original literary force. This is per­haps going too far; yet he certainly did view his environ­ment largely through the wisdom and experience of the book world. I. Early Period (1842-1859)1 The home in which Lanier grew up (Macon, Georgia) was one of culture. His mother loved music and literature, and his father was a lawyer of considerable literary acquirements, who gathered more rare books than clients. He was fond of Shakespeare, Addison, and Scott, with the literary taste of the gentleman of the Old South,-the original of Lanier's portrait of John Sterling in Tiger­Lilies. Sidney spent his boyhood with the traditionally excellent English authors, of whom his orthodox choice was Shakespeare, if we are to judge by the number of later references. This must have been the period, too, of the Arabian Nights,2 and Froissart's Chronicles (probably Berners's translation). With all its culture, his was also a Presbyterian home with a Presbyterian mother,-a fact that in those days assured Sunday School and Bible stories, with habits of Bible reading, the thoroughness of which is tThe biographical units (Early Period, 1842-1859; War and Recon­struction, 1860-1872; Baltimore Period, 1873-1881) I have only roughly observed, taking the liberty, in following an influence, to ignore these divisions. 2Lanier, Music and Poetry, 112; hereafter, in lieu of a note con­cerning Lanier's mention of a book, reference is made to the appended alphabetical list. Studies in English attested by his constant reference to both the New and the Old Testaments. s During the years of elementary schooling, under such teachers as Jake Danforth, Lanier found much time for his own browsing. Even before entering college he had read, according to his roommate, Scott, Froissart, Le Sage, Mayne Reid, Cervantes, and Reynard the Fox.4 The course of study at Oglethorpe followed the traditional plan of the day. In one of Lanier's first letters home he asked for Olmsted's philosophy, Blair's rhetoric, Cicero's De Oratore, and an analytical geometry. He read Virgil, Livy, and a little later Lucretius and Epictetus, the influence of the last appearing most frequently in his works. He shows some familiarity also with the Greek classic writers­H om er, Aeschylus (Prometheus Bound), Aristotle (Physics), and Plato (The Republic). In later years he used Pope's translation of Homer and Jowett's translation of Plato. His training in the classics, though leaving its marks upon him, did not have the detrimental effect appar­ent in the works of some of his contemporaries: though Lanier freely borrows ideas from classical sources and occasionally even a Diana or an Achilles, yet, in spite of his love for imagery and in spite of the American revival of classical art about the middle of the nineteenth century, he does not clutter his work with mythological allusions. His escape from this vicious practice is typified by his pre­ferring in sculpture Roger's domestic groups to the conven­tional Psyches of the time. His college course almost surely included also some read­ing in English literature. As early as 1847 A Compendium of English Literature had been published, consisting of biographical sketches and selections, and designed, as the editor explains, "for junior classes in colleges as well as 31 have counted four hundred and six biblical allusions in Lanier's writings. •Newell's letter is printed by Baskervill, Southern Writers, I, 149. for private reading."5 The editor speaks of "the hundreds of students that have used similar books," and in his preface to the second edition (1848) says that the first printing was exhausted in less than a year. A third edition appeared in 1851. It is highly probable that Lanier during the years at Oglethorpe (1857-1859) used as a text just such an anthology, and from it got his wide, though not altogether thorough, knowledge of English literature. At any rate, he and his roommate, the latter says, spent many an evening with Robert Burton, Jeremy Taylor, Spenser, Shakespeare, Chatterton, Keats, Shelley, Coleridge, and Byron. Landor was an especial favorite, and parts of Ten­nyson the two friends knew by heart. Of this list Byron alone is strikingly absent from Lanier's later work, and even Byron's influence is apparent in the earliest poems, which Clifford Lanier characterizes as "Byronesque if not Wertheresque." Later when Lanier ceased to worship at the shrine of Byron, he suppressed these first attempts as "not hale, hearty, breathing of sanity." After Shakespeare, the most lasting influence during Lanier's college days was Carlyle. He read Sartor Resartus, Heroes and Hero Worship, Past and Present, and a number of the essays, especially those on Burns and Richter. Later he added to the list Specimens of German Romance and Remin'iscences of Thomas Carlyle. It is to this source that Lanier owes much of his idealism. II. War and Reconstruction (1860-1872) Lanier's last year at Oglethorpe College (1859) brought close association with James Woodrow, the scientist of the faculty, and out of this friendship came a love for science enduring long after contact between teacher and student had ceased. At this time the seed was sown for that later interest in Herbert Spencer, John Tyndall, Helmholtz, and the Darwins. Woodrow, just returned from Germany, was 5A Compendium of English Literature, Chronologically Arranged, from Sir John Mandeville to William Cowper, edited by Charles D. Cleveland. E. C. and J. Biddle, Philadelphia, 1851 (third edition). largely responsible, too, for Lanier's plan to go to the Uni­versity of Heidelberg, and also for his determination to learn the German language. His former reading of Carlyle certainly strengthened this impulse: Newell says, "without a doubt it was Carlyle who first enkindled in Lanier a love of German Literature and a desire to know more of the Language."6 Whether due to Woodrow or Carlyle, the effect was the same: Lanier, like many another young American scholar of his time (Basil Gildersleeve, for example), began looking toward Germany as the ideal place for further study. Though the war and his subsequent marriage made the trip abroad impossible, at odd moments throughout his years of military service he was studying German,-his most important intellectual activity in this period. In 1863 while the headquarters of his signal corps were at Petersburg, he had the advantage of a small local library, and here translated parts of Heine, Herder, Goethe, and Schiller. After the enemy had surprised his camp, he listed a German glossary among the lost treasures. At about this time he wrote from Fort Boykin to his father "to seize at any price editions of the German Poets Uhland, Lessing, Schelling, and Tieck." And if we are to judge from the allusions in Tiger-Lilies, we may very well add Richter and von Hardenberg ( N ovalis) to the list. Even as late as 1868 he wrote to his father: "I shall go to work ... on a course of study in German and in the Latin works of Lucretius." Thus while most of his countrymen were re-reading their classics, Lanier was adventuring into German philosophy, a new field to the Southerners of his time. His continued allegiance to Lucretius is characteristic of the man. Yet it is extremely doubtful whether Lanier ever acquired any ease or even a reasonable facility in reading the German language. He translated a few poems from Heine and Herder, it is true, and later actually wrote a sonnet in German ("To Nannette Falk-Auerbach") ; yet in 187 4 he wrote in a letter to his wife: "I have spent the 6Baskervill, Southern Writers, I, 149. Lanier's Reading whole Sunday in my room in reading, with slow labor­for my German is but limited-Wagner's Rhein-GO"ld."1 And his English version of the German sonnet suggests labored translation. As late as 1877, only four years before his death, in the letter in which he applied for a fellowship at Johns Hopkins, he mentions French and German as two of the studies which he wished to pursue for himself. Nevertheless, his initiation into German thought had its results, becoming perhaps most apparent in his interest in research; in his championing of science (an influence coming through Woodrow); in his reading, in a more philosophical spirit, of Coleridge, and such metaphysical poets as Donne, Waller, and Cowley; in his serious study of Spencer, Huxley, and Darwin.8 Most of the spirit of things German probably came to Lanier, not through his direct contact with German literature, but through his reading of Carlyle and, to a less extent, of Emerson. There is no evidence that Lanier's knowledge of French was any more thorough than his knowledge of German. In his early life he had read Hugo (Les Miserables), Froissart (Chronique), Le Sage (Gil Bl,as), and Monstrelet (Chro­nique). All of these were available, however, in English: Lanier mentions two translations of Froissart,-Lord Berners's and Thomas Johnnes's; an English edition of Les Miserables, Johnnes's translation of Monstrelet, and Smol­lett's translation of Gil Blas were in the possession of the Charleston Library Society (Charleston) as early as 1811.9 In 1876 Lanier referred to Laudioniere's chronicle of Flor­ida, but the fact that his quotations from this work are all in English suggests a translation. In this connection it may be noted that his quotation from Charles Estienne10 is misleading. Lanier specifically states that the passage TLanier, Letters, 106. S"l have seen a copy of the Origin of Species owned by Lanier,­the marks and annotations indicating the most careful and thoughtful reading thereof" (Mims, Si,dney Lanier, 313). VA Catalogue of Books Belonging to th.e Charleston Library Society (Charleston, 1811). ·lOLanier, Sh.akespeare and His Forerunners, II, 196. Studies in English quoted "occurs in Liebault's edition of Charles Estienne's Farming and the Country House," and adds in parenthesis the French title (L'Agriculture et Maison Rustique). Now Estienne's original work was a colllection of tracts, in Latin. This was translated into French by John Liebault, and the French edition, in turn, translated into English by Richard Surflet. In 1616 Gervase Markham revised and enlarged Surftet's translation.11 Lanier's quotation comes from this English edition by Markham, and does not, therefore, indicate that he was reading French. Such a consistent dependence on translations is strange if he could read French easily. His fondness for such words as villein, devoir, debonair, pardie, sans should not be construed as an indication of first-hand acquaintance with the language, any more than his one quotation in French, from Danton (in a letter to Mrs. Lanier). His familiarity with this French revolutionist suggests the "Jacquerie," however, as furnishing a strong motive for his learning the French language, which, when coupled with Lanier's habits of thoroughness and conscientious approach, seems to form the only foundation for the belief that Lanier knew French. The fact that French literature and French thought, if we except Froissart, left little imprint on Lanier's works may be explained, at least in part, as a result of his Calvinistic prejudice against Zola. Outside his smattering of German and perhaps of French, Lanier seems to have known no modern foreign language. His mention of Florio's dictionary implies some dabbling in Italian, but he knew Dante through Longfel­low's translation. His mention of the Spanish Nicholas Monardes is coupled with the name of a translator. Though it has been stated that Lanier could read Spanish,12 no evidence to that effect has been produced. Certainly he was never at home in any foreign literature in the same sense as was Lowell or Margaret Fuller. 11 C. T. H. Wright and C. J. Purnell, Catalogue of the London Library, Sup. 1913-1920 (London, 1920), 238. 12New Engl,a,nder, XLIV, 28. See also Ward's "Memorial" in Lanier's Poems, xv. Tiger-Lilies, published in 1867, furnishes a convenient summary of Lanier's reading during his first two periods. In this book the rather boyish author mentions twelve of Shakespeare's plays, the influence usually taking the form of mere quotation rather than a more substantial borrow­ing of thought or spirit. Tennyson is much in evidence, while Browning (one of the strong later influences) scarce­ly appears at all. Coleridge and Keats are present, but the absence of Wordsworth is noteworthy. Lanier's interest in the older English writers was a later development, since in Tiger-Lilies no reference goes farther back than Spenser. French influence is nowhere discernible. But throughout the book there is the enthusiasm of one just lately initiated into German thought: the character Riibetsahl is a symbol of this new-found world, in both music and philosophy. III. The Baltimore Period (1873-1881) After Lanier went North (1873), in spite of his very busy life his zest for reading increased. During this period, however, he most frequently had in view in his selection of books an immediate end. Each of his projects involved wide reading by way of preparation. One of the earliest of these, his "Jacquerie," had determined one channel of his reading for years before he went to Baltimore. With this poem in mind he had read Froissart during his college days with a double interest; and after the war we find him writing from San Antonio to his father: "I have also managed to advance very largely my conceptions of the Jacquerie through a history which I secured from the Library of the Alamo Literary Society . .. of which I have become a member."13 This was probably Michelet's History of France. When he decided to go to Baltimore, he wrote to his wife: "Then I can finish my darling Jacquerie midst of the great libraries."14 Unfortunately when he reached his new surroundings, he had to lay aside his long-cherished isLetter quoted by Mims, Sidney Lanier, 118. HLanier, Letters, 82. plan for more remunerative persuits. In fact, he never com­pleted the "Jacquerie," though it is likely that he continued his reading for it to the end of his life. Each successive interest brought its own train of reading. While Lanier was preparing his "Sketches of India," deal­ing with a country which he had never visited, he wrote: "The collection of the multitudinous particulars involved in them costs me ... a world of labor among the libraries of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore."15 And it seems that before he began his Florida he was familiar with such books as Fairbank's H'istory of Florida, Ashe's The Compleat Discovery, and Holmes's The Phosphate Rocks of South Carolina. A deeper reading impulse than any growing out of these "pot-boilers" came to him in his new environment when he entered upon a systematic study of English literature. Even as early as 1870 in his letters to Paul Hamilton Hayne he had quoted Chaucer and Langland. With the same eager­ness with which he had studied German, he now took up "Beowulf," the Anglo-Saxon battle pieces, the Riddles, Caedmon and Cynewulf, Aelfric, Lydgate, the old Scotch poets, and the early miracle plays. Lanier loved the past, and a certain antiquarian interest combined with the purely academic desire to master the literature of these early periods. It was the same interest that had led to his love for the Rowley Poems of Chatterton, the Paston Letters, the Gesta Romanorum, and the originals for his boy's books. It was the same impulse that led him to dig out copies of the Georgia Gazette more than a hundred years old.16 A series of lectures planned in 1877 for a class of women furnished additional stimulus for reading in the Eliza­bethan field. Though Lanier characteristically went back to the earlier periods of English literature, he chose Shake­speare as the focal point of his lecture course (later pub­lished as Shakespeare and His Forerunners). We get here 15/bid., 113. isLanier, Florida, 248. evidence that he was familiar with every one of Shake­speare's plays, as well as with his non-dramatic poems. It is true that much of the reading done by way of preparation for these lectures had a purely academic interest. Yet an unusual thoroughness at certain points suggests a more personal connection between Lanier and his subject matter; for instance, he treats rather completely the Elizabethan sonnets as "being of peculiar interest to his lady-students." He is familiar with Spenser's "Amoretti," Drayton's "Idea," Daniel's "Castara," Griffin's "Fidessa," Drum­mond's "Sonnets," as well as with such collections as Tottel's Mi.scellany, the Gorgeous Gallery of Gallant Inven­tions, and the Handful of Pleasant Delites. He shows a rather eccentric interest in John Hall (a physician and Shakespeare's son-in-law), taking apparent delight in Hall's Cures and Expostulation Against the Beastly Abuses. His familiarity with Sir Henry Wotton's letters is further evidence of an intimate, half-gossipy interest in this age. With his love for elaborated figures and far-fetched con­ ceits, Lanier must have experienced a peculiar sense of comradeship as he became better and better acquainted with the Elizabethans, with their quaint and extravagant literary fashions. Certainly, however, it would be a mistake to lay at the door of these sixteenth-century writers Lanier's unpruned imagery; for in his early works, pro­ duced when he knew intimately among the Elizabethans only Shakespeare, his imagination ran riot no less than in his last poems. The Science of English Verse was the product of a long­ growing interest in literary form, particularly poetic form. Much of Lanier's reading in 1879 and 1880 eddied about this project. As early as 1875 his careful study of the science of music, stimulated in part by Helmholtz's work and further stirred by Richard Grant White's articles,17 served as a prelude to his later enthusiasm. Concerning his reading in the musical field at this time he wrote in 1875: "I am working hard at all the books I can find in the library 11Galax71, XVII, 779; XVIII, 688. [Peabody] on the subject, and I am going over ... to spend the balance of the evening there."18 In this library he unearthed books on the subject that had not before been unpacked. With the writing of the "Centennial Cantata" in 1876 and the resulting harsh criticism, "the physics of music" became in Lanier's mind "the science of poetry." Before the writing of The Science of English Verse, which was his attempt in 1879 to formulate his ideas on this sub­ ject for use in a series of lectures at Johns Hopkins, he did thorough reading in the field. He consulted, among the older works on this topic, Aldhelm's Epistola ad Acircium, Bede's De Arte Metrica, Gascoigne's Certayne Notes ... Concerning the Making of Verse, Puttenham's The Arte of English Poesie (mentioned by Mr. H. W. Lanier as one of his father's favorite books), Chapman's Music of Language, and Mitford's Inquiry Into the Harmony of Language. Among contemporary works he read Poe's "Rationale of Verse," Sylvester's Laws of Verse, and Fleay's "On Metrical Tests as Applied to Dramatic Poetry." Lanier's last important book-project is represented by the lecture material which, two years after his death, was published as The English Novel and the Principle of its Development (later revised as The English Novel: A Study in the Development of Personality). The very title suggests wide reading, and we find here all the old stand-bys in the history of the novel,-Richardson, Fielding, Smollett, Sterne, Ann Radcliffe, Fanny Burney, Maria Edgeworth, Godwin, Jane Austen, Scott, Charlotte Bronte, Dickens, Thackeray, and George Eliot, with mention of Le Sage, Hugo, and Zola. Though Lanier shows first-hand knowledge of these novelists, their influence on his own writings is negligible.19 In fact, Lanier was not concerned so much 1sLanier, Letters, 108. 190ne noteworthy exception, however, is the borrowing of the theme of "The Revenge of Hamish" (1878) from William Black's novel Macleod of Dare. See Select Poems of Sidney Lanier, ed. Morgan Callaway, Jr. (New York, 1895), 79. Dr. Callaway also calls atten­tion to Charles Mackay's Macla,ine's Child as a possible source of Lanier's poem. Lanier's Reading with these novelists and their thought as he was with explaining the novel as an illustration of his favorite thesis of the development of personality. He considered George Eliot the climax of progress in individuality. But as far as any real influence on Lanier's thinking is concerned, the main springs of his thought during the course of this study must have been Carlyle and Huxley rather than the novelists themselves. The later interests of Lanier-the Shakespeare lectures, verse-technique, the novel-were too academic to furnish evidence of much reading of contemporary literature. Furthermore, his belief that judgments concerning con­temporaries are always reversed by posterity20 may account in part for his not having more to say about his fellow laborers. But evidence of such reading is not lacking. The old ledger in which Lanier wrote some favorite quotations in 1868 shows that he was reading the work of contem­porary Americans. His letters also throw considerable light on this portion of his reading; and it is significant that Florida, a book intended for more popular consumption than some of Lanier's works, contains mention of numerous contemporary writers. He read, among other books, Mayne Reid's novels and the poems of Guy Vernon, Henry Jack­son, James Ryder Randall, and Richard Henry Wilde. A. B. Longstreet (Georgia Scenes) and C. F. Browne (Artemus Ward) were his favorite humorists, and Richard Malcolm Johnston was his favorite living story-writer. He thought enough of George W. Cable to include The Grandissimes in his lecture course on the novel. In addition to the news­papers he read regularly the Atlantic Monthly and Scrib­ner's Magazine. His letters furnish ample evidence that he knew well the work of such intimate associates as Bayard Taylor and Paul Hamilton Hayne. Lanier frequently quotes or discusses Whitman, usually for the purpose of finding fault with him. He was acquainted, too, with his older contemporaries-Bryant, Longfellow, Lowell, Whit­tier, Emerson, and Holmes,-whom he mentions always 20Lanier, Shakespeare and His Forerunners, I, 268. Studies in English with the greatest respect, but never (except in the case of Emerson) with any enthusiasm. Lanier was familiar, also, with English contemporaries besides Tennyson, the Brownings, George Eliot, and Swin­burne. His interest in Huxley and Spencer has been men­tioned. He watched closely the publications of the New Shakespeare Society. Along with most of the American and British reading-public of the '70's he was praising the poems of Jean Ingelow. His enthusiastic reference as early as 1875 to Fitzgerald's "Rubaiyat"-the third edition ap­peared in England in 1872-not only furnishes an excellent illustration of Lanier's acquaintance with his English con­temporaries, but also gives to him the distinction of being one of the first in America to recognize Fitzgerald's genius. Though much of Lanier's reading moves in eddy-like swirls around his various literary projects, yet, if viewed as a whole, it seems to follow four rather distinct channels. First, from boyhood he steeped himself in what was then considered the inheritance of every properly reared boy,­chiefly the English classics from Spenser to Keats, with a lively interest in the greater of his contemporaries. Per­haps this orthodox trend of reading-his reaching back­ward, so to speak-beginning with enthusiasm for Shake­speare, covering then most of the great names in English Letters, and at last doubling back to take in Anglo-Saxon poetry, had much to do with nourishing the conservative part of Lanier. It was this conservative element in his nature which turned into an inner struggle any effort to enter into the newer thought of his day. Second, entering his life later but from that point flowing along beside the conservative stream of reading is a parallel current,-his interest in philosophy and science, his gesture forward, showing itself chiefly through Carlyle, Emerson, Browning, some of the German thinkers (limited first-hand acquaint­ance), Huxley, and Charles Darwin. It is significant that John Locke, with his more skeptical tendencies, if read at all, left no impress upon Lanier's work. (Something is to be learned from a study of what Lanier did not read.) This second reading interest, on account of its friction with the Lanier's Reading more conservative element in his nature, becomes a symbol of the continual struggle in Lanier between past and future, between Calvinism and a thoughtful consideration of the problems of his day. Third, Lanier's interest in poetic form -the point at which, in his opinion, poetry and music touched-accounts for a great mass of his reading: here is the motive for his study of such books as Puttenham's Arte of Poesy and for his constantly recurring interest in Keats, Poe, Swinburne, and Whitman. Last, what is per­haps Lanier's most personal preference in reading is clearly reflected in his love for such books as Reynard the Fox,21 Geoffrey of Monmouth's History, Malory's History of King Arthur, Pepys's Diary, and the Paston Letters,-a gossipy love, partly historical, partly antiquarian, partly social. As a natural consequence of Lanier's rather extensive reading in certain fields critics have found in his work many echoes of other writers. He has been compared to Chaucer,22 to Milton,28 to Shelley and Keats,24 to Southey,25 to Emerson,26 to Browning,21 to Tennyson,28 to Ruskin,29 to Rossetti,80 to Swinburne,81 and even to Taine.82 Yet there is comparatively little direct or evident imitation in 21Mr. H. W. Lanier writes to me in a letter concerning his father's reading: "I have in my own library only three or four volumes of which he was particularly fond: Anatomy of Melancholy, Reynard the Fox, Froissart, and Puttenham's Arte of Poesie." 22Kent, P.M.L.A., VII, 61. 28Gates, The Presbyterian Review, VIII, 701; McCiintock, The Critic, XXIII, 95; Kent, P.M.L.A., VII, 61. 2•Stedman, Gilman's Memorial, 26; McClintock, The Critic, XXIII, 96. 25Gates, The Presbyterian Review, VIII, 693. 2eFrances Willard, The Independent, XXXIII, 3. 21Thayer, The Independent, XLVI, 743; Kaufman, The Methodist Review, LXXXII, 101. 2sBrown, The Dial, V, 244. 2sKent, P.M.L.A., VII, 61. sosladen, The Independent, XLII, 806. s1Kent, P.M.L.A., VII, 61. a2.The Dial, IV, 40. Studies in English Lanier's work; the earnestness of his message saved him from that. A Partial List of Books Read by Lanier It was my original plan to include in this article a list of the books owned by Lanier; but his library has, to some extent, been scattered, and existing conditions have made it impossible to furnish a complete catalogue. Furthermore, such a list would ignore entirely his reading in public libra­ries, which was extensive.au A better plan has seemed to be to list those books which appear in Lanier's works as influences on his thought or are directly mentioned. This procedure, though necessarily bringing incomplete results, adapts itself well to the real purpose of such a study, since the interest is primarily in that part of an author's reading which reappears in some form in his work. The list follows, each item being accompanied by at least one reference to Lanier's writings in which the given book appears. The letters "F," "Q," "P," "C," and "A" have been used to indicate in each case the nature of Lanier's reference, as follows: "F" indicates an influence on subject matter or form (usually unconscious) ; "Q" an acknowl­edged quotation; "P," an acknowledged paraphrasing; "C," a literary criticism or evaluation; and "A," other allu­sion, usually illustrative in nature. Aelfric. Homilies. Engl. Novel, 12, A. Aeschylus. Prometheus Bound. Engl. Novel, 79, Q; Poems, 110, A. Agassiz, Louis. (Title uncertain.) Tiger-Lilies, 110, A. Aldhelm. Episto"la ad Acircium. Sc. of Engl. Verse, v, A. Alfred the Great. (Title uncertain.) Poem Outlines, 24, A. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Engl. Novel, 12, A. Anglo-Saxon Riddles. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 81, A. 33 Mr. H. W. Lanier writes in a letter concerning his father's read­ing: "Of course, when he came to Baltimore he did an immense amount of work in the Peabody Library there, reading for lectures afterwards published as 'Shakespeare and His Forerunners'; and for some time he specialized on Arthurian legends, Froissart, Mabinogion, and the Percy 'Reliques' (with a tremendous amount of collateral reading)." Lanier himself mentions eight public libraries from which he obtained books. Lanier's Reading Arabian Nights. Music and Poetry, 112, P. Aristotle. Phrysics. Engl. Novel, 126, P. ----Problems (Quaestiones Mechanicae). Sc. of Engl. Verse, 267, A. Arnold, Matthew. Essays in Criticism ("Wordsworth"). Engl. Novel, 45, A. "On the Study of Celtic Literature." Mabinogion, xvi, A. ----"On Translating Homer." Ibid., xvi, A. Ascham, Roger. The School Master. Engl. Novel, 22, A; Retrosp. and Prosp., 132, Q. Ashe, Thomas. The Compleat Discovery. Florida, 228, Q. Asser. Life of Alfred. Sc. of Engl. Verse, v, A. Bacon, Francis. Essays. Music and Poetry, 1, Q; Poem Outlines, 39, Q. ----Instauratio Magna. Music and Poetry, 2, A. Bacon, Roger. (Title uncertain.) Engl. Novel, 138, A. Barbour, John. The Bruce. Music and Poetry, 212, Q, P, C. Barnes, Barnaby. Divine Centurie. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 200, A. "Battle of Maldon." Sc. of Engl. Verse, 141, A. Beaumont, Francis, and John Fletcher (?). "Two Noble Kinsmen." Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 181, Q. Bede. De Arte Metrica. Sc. of Engl. Verse, v, A. ----Ecclesiastic.al History. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 161, A. Beethoven. Letters. Engl. Novel, 58, Q. Bell, Melville. Bell's Visible Speech. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 289, Q. Beowulf. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 55, Q; Engl. Novel, 175, A. Berners, John. Sonnets. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 166, A. Bible, Old and New Testaments. Tiger-Lilies, 114, F; Poems, 30, F. Black, William. Macleod of Dare. Poems ("Revenge of Hamish"), 33, F. Blair, Hugh. Rhetoric. Letter in Baskervill's Southern Writers, I, 149, A. Blasius. Travel Book. Florida, 12, A. Bronte, Charlotte. Jane Eyre. Engl. Novel, 189, Q. Brooke, Stopford. Primer of English Literature. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 143, Q. Browne, Charles F. (Artemus Ward). Humorous Sketches and Lec­tures. Tiger-Lilies, 94, A. Browning, Elizabeth. Aurora Leigh. Letters, 224, Q; Engl. Novel, 181, Q. ----Drama of Exile. Engl. Novel, 211, Q; 244, Q; Early Letters (Clarke), 17, F. ----Sonnets from the Portuguese. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 173, Q. ----Vision of Poets. Engl. Novel, 218, Q. Studies in English Browning, Robert. Poems. Tiger-Lilies, 111, Q; Engl. Novel, 198, F; Early Letters (Clarke), 20, A. ----The Ring and the Book. Letters, 227, C, Q. Bryant, William C. Poems ("O Fairest of the Rural Maids"). Poems ("My Springs"), 71, F. Bulwer-Lytton, Edward. Pelham. Engl. Novel, 187, A. Burney, Fanny. Cecilia. Engl. Novel ... Personality, 190, C. ----Evelina. Ibid., 190, C. Burns, Robert. Poems. Engl. Novel, 37, A. Burton, Robert. Anatomy of Melancholy. Engl. Novel, 71, A; 137, Q; see also Baskervill, Southern Writers, I, 148. Butler. Gramm,ar. Sc. of Engl. Verse, xii, A. Byron, George Gordon. "Manfred." Engl. Novel, 37, A; 83, A. ----PoemtJ ("Destruction of Sennacherib"). Tiger-Lilies, 194, F. Cable, George W. The Grandissimes. Letter in Mims, Sidney Lanier, 294, c. Caedmon. (Title uncertain.) Engl. Novel, 11, A; Poem Outlines, 24, A; Poems, 31, A. Carew, Thomas. Sonnets. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 184, A. Carlyle, Thomas. Essays (especially on Richter, Burns, and Schiller). Retrosp. and Prosp., 16, Q, F; Engl. Novel, 57, Q; Letter in American Literature (Durham, N. C.), I, 37, Q. ----Heroes and Hero Worship. Letter, Baskervill, I, 149, A. ----Past and Present. Ibid., A. ----Reminiscences of Thomas Carlyle. Engl. Novel, 182, Q; 186 (note), Q; 216, A; Florida, 10, P. ----Sartor Resartus. Letter, Baskervill, I, 149, A; Engl. Novel, 7, F; Early Letters (Clarke), 20, A. ----., editor. Specimens of Germ,an Romanc.e. Engl. Novel, 187, A. Carroll. His1Jorical Collection of South Carolina. Florida, 227, A. Caxton, William. Preface to Malory's History of King Arthur. Boy's King Arthur, xviii, P, F. Cervantes. Don Quixote. Bob, 2, F; ibid., 21, A; ibid., 36, A. Chapman, George. The Music of Language. Sc. of Engl. Verse, xii, A. Chatterton, Thomas. Rowley Poems. Letter, Baskervill, I, 154, A. Chaucer, Geoffrey. Canterbury Tales. Shaksp. and his Forerun., I, 56, A; 146, Q; Engl. Novel, 14 Q; 248, Q; Poems, 146, F. ----"Flower and the Leaf" (attrib. to Chaucer). Engl. Novel, 55, A. ----"Former Age." Engl. Novel, 89, Q. ----"Romance of the Rose." Letters, 220, A. ----"Troylus and Cryseyde." Sc. of Engl. Verse, i, Q; 238, A. Cheke, John. De Pronuntiatione Graecae. Shaksp. and His Forerun., 286, A. Lanier's Reading Chesterfield, Philip Stanhope. Letters. Poems, 48, A. Chettle, Henry. Kindhart's Dream. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 150, Q; 186, Q. Cicero. "De Oratore." Letter, Baskervill, I, 149, A. Clark, Charles Heber. Out of the Hurly-burly. Letters, 12, A. Coleridge, Samuel Taylor. Biographia Literaria. Tiger-Lilies, 106, F. ----''Christabel" (1816). Sc. of Engl. Verse, vi, A; xiii, C; 197, c. "Zapolya" (Act II, sc. i, 65-80). Poems ("Song of the Chattahoochee"), 24, F. Constable, Henry. Sonnets. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 178, Q. Conybeare, John Josias. Anglo-Saxon Literature. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 143, A. Cowley, Abraham. (Title uncertain.) Mims, Sidney Lanie.r, 56. "Cuckoo-Song." Eng. NQ'Vel, 12, A; Sc. of Engl. Verse, 141, A. Cuttenius, John. (Title uncertain.) Shaksp. and His Forerun., I. 173, A. Cynewulf. "Elene." Ibid., I, 100, P. ( ?) "Judith." Ibid., I, 100, P. "Juliana." Ibid., I, 100, P. "Phoenix." Ibid., I, 60, Q. Daggett. Guide Book. Florida, 12, P. Daniel, Samuel. Delia. Musio and Poetry, 127, C, Q; Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 7, A; 185, Q. ----History of the Wars Between York and Lancaster. Ibid., I, 213, A; 236, Q. Dante, Alighieri. De Vulgari Eloquio (transl.). Sc. of Engl. Verse, i, Q. ----Divine Comedy (Longfellow's transl.). Engl. Novel, 281, A; Poems, 31, F; 153, A. Danton, Georges Jacques. Speeches (in Robinet's Memoir). Letter, Baskervill's Southern Writers, I, 208, Q. Darwin, Charles. The Origin of Species (1877). Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 73, F; II, 305, Q. Darwin, Erasmus. The Loves of the Plants. Engl. Novel, 47, A; 184, Q. "Death of Byrhtnoth." Sc. of Engl. Verse, vii, A. "Debate of the Body and the Soul." Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 162, Q. Dickens, Charles. Martin Chuzzlewit. Retrosp. and Prosp., 35, A. ----Pickwick Papers. Engl. NQ'Vel, 187, A; Music and Poetry, 158, A. Sh.y Neighborhoods. Engl. Novel, 215, Q. Donne, John. (Title uncertain.) Mims, Sidney Lanier, 56, A. Douglas, Gavin. The Palice of Honour. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 62, Q. Dowden, Edward. Shakespeare Primer. Music and Poetry, 178, A. Studies in English Drayton, Michael. Idea. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 7, A. ----Polyolbion. Ibid., 213, Q. "Dream of the Rood." Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 162, A. Drummond, William. Sonnets. Ibid., 186, Q; Music and Poetry, 121, c, Q. Dryden, John. "Ode for St. Cecilia." Engl. Novel, 37, A. Du Bartas, Guillaume Salluste. Semaines (transl. by Joshua Sylves­ter). Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 213, A. Dunbar, William. (Title uncertain.) Ibid., 163, A. Edgeworth, Maria. (Title uncertain.) Engl. Novel, 183, A. Eliot, George. Adam Bede. Ibid., 17, Q; 157, A; 195, A. ----Daniel Deronda. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 100, A; 208, P; Engl. Novel, 255, P. ----Felix Holt. Letters, 12, C. ----Letters. Engl. Novel, 159, Q. ----Mill on the Floss. Engl. Novel, 10, A; 165, A; 222, Q. ----Scenes of Clerical Life. Ibid., 151, Q; 193, Q. ----Silas Marner. Engl. Novel, 250, P. ----Spanish Gypsy. Music and Poetry, 110, C. ----Theophrastus Such. Ibid., 213, Q. Ellis, Alexander J. Early English Pronunciation. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 277, P. Emerson, Ralph Waldo. Essays. Engl. Novel, 71, Q; 191, Q. ----Poems. Engl. Novel, 95, Q; 278, Q; Sc. of Engl. Verse, 141, A; Poems, 32, C; 142, F. ----Representative Men. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 208, Q; Poem Outlines, 13, F. Epictetus. Discourses. Poem Outlines, 47, Q; Poems, 31, A; Engl. Novel, 60, F. Estienne, Charles. Farming and the Country House: Markham's Revision of Surflet's translation (English) of Liebault's transla­tion (French) of Estienne (Latin). Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 196, Q. Estill, J. H. Historical Record of Savannah. Florida, 238, P. Eucken, Rudolph Christof. Fundamental Philosophic Thought. Engl. Novel, 120, Q. Fairbanks, George R. History of Florida. Florida, 49, P. Fielding, Henry. Amelia. Engl. Novel, 177, P. ---Jonathan Wild. Ibid., 177, C. ----Joseph Andrews. Ibid., 175, C. ----Tom Jones. Ibid., 177, C. Fiske, John. "Sociology and Hero Worship" (Atlantic Monthly, XLVII, 75-84). Engl. Novel, 5, Q. Fitzgerald, Edward. "Omar Khayyam." Poems, 21, A; 45, A: Poem Outlines, 28, A. Fleay, F. G. "On Metrical Tests as Applied to Dramatic Poetry" (Transactions of the New Shakespeare Society, 1874). Sc. of Engl. Verse, 206, Q, F. Fletcher, John (see Beaumont). "The Little French Lawyer." Sc. of Engl. Verse, 206, Q. Florio, John. Dictionary (of English and Italian) . Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 286, A. Froissart, John. Chronicles. Boy's Froissart, xiv (transl. by Berners); Music and Poetry, 141 (transl. by Thomas Johnnes), C. F. Fuller, Thomas. Worthies of England. Engl. Novel, 23, A. Gascoigne, George. Certayne Notes ... Concerning the Making of Verse. Sc. of Engl. Verse, v, A; viii, Q. ----Posies. Ibid., v, A. ----The Steel Glass. Retrosp. and Prosp., 133, Q. Geoffrey of Monmouth. Historia Britonum. Boy's King Arthur, iv, A; Mabinogion, v, A. Gesta Romanorum. Letter, Baskervill's Southern Writers, I, 221, F. Gilder, R. W. Sonnets. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 184, A. Godwin, William. Caleb Williams. Engl. Novel, 183, A. Goethe, Johann Wolfgang. Faust (Taylor's transl.). Ibid., 281, A. ----Letters. Engl. Novel, 182, P. Goldsmith, Oliver. "The Art of Poetry on a New Plan." Sc. of Engl. Verse, xii, A. ----Vicar of WakefieUl,. Engl. Novel, 182, C. Gorgeous Gallery of Gallant Inventions. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 200, A. Gosson, Stephen. School of Abuse. Ibid., II, 115, Q. Gower, John. (Title uncertain.) Letters, 220, A. Greene, Robert. Menaphon. Shaksp. and his Forerun., II, 283, P. "Groatsworth of Wit." Ibid., II, 150, Q. Greg, William Rathbone. Rocks Ahead. Florida, 78, F. Griffin, Bartholomew. Fidessa. Music and Poetry, 118, C, Q; 124, C, Q; Sc. of Engl. Verse, 184, A. Guest, Lady Charlotte E., editor. Mabinogion. Boy's Mabinogion, iv, A. Guest, Edwin. History of Engl. Rhythms. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 143, Q. Habington, William. Sonnets to Castara. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 216, Q. Hall, fohn. Hall's Cures. Ibid., II, 291, A. ----"An Historical Expostulation Against the Beastly Abuses." Ibid., II, 180, Q. ----Treatise of Anatomie. Ibid. II, 181, Q. Hamilton, Sir William. Discussions. Music and Poetry, 17, F. Handful of Pleasant Delites. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 200, Q. Hardenberg, Frederic von (Novalis). (Title uncertain.) Retrosp. and Prosp., 7, F; Early Letters (Clarke), 20, A. ----The Pupil at Sais. Engl. Novel, 124, Q. Harris, Joel Chandler. Uncle Remus Stories. Retrosp. and Prosp., 133, c. Harvey, Gabriel. Letters. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 202, Q. ----"Foure Letters and Certaine Sonnets." Ibid., II, 281, Q. Hayne, Paul Hamilton. Legends and Lyrics. Letters, 237, C; Music and Poetry, 197, C; Florida, 255, Q. Heine, Heinrich. Poems. Poems, 232, F; Letter, Baskervill, I, 166, A. Helmholtz, Hermann Ludwig. Sensations of Tone (1863). Sc. of Engl. Verse, 267, F. Herder, Johann Gottfried. Poems. Poems, 233, F. Herodotus. History. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 78, Q. Herrick, Robert. Poems. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 295, Q. Herve, Aime M. Edouard. (Title uncertain.) Poem Outlines, 28, A; Poems, 155, A. Heywood, John. The Four P's. Shaksp. and His Forerun., 102, Q, C. Hickes, George. Grammatica Anglo-Saxonica. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 143, A. Hogg, James. Poems. Letter, Baskervill's Southern Writers, I, 149, A. Holmes, Francis S. The Phosphate Rocks of South Carolina (1870). Florida, 221, Q. Holmes, Oliver Wendell. The Professor at the Breakfast Table. Engl. Novel, 213, P. Homer. "Iliad" and "Odyssey" (Pope's transl.). Engl. Novel, 281, A. Cf. Mims, 3,45. Hood, Thomas. Poems. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 205, Q. C. Hooker, Richard. Ecclesiastical Polity. Engl. Novel, 22, A. Horace. Odes. Tiger-Lilies, 48, Q. Hugo, Victor. Les Miserables. Engl. Novel, 63, A; cf. Baskervill, I, 166, A. Humboldt, Alexander von. (Title uncertain.) Tiger-Lilies, 110, Q. Hunt, Leigh. The Book of the Sonnet. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 245, C; Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 176, C. ----Essays. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 176, C. Huxley, Thomas. Evolution and Ethics and Other Essays. Letters, 59, P; Engl. Novel, 33, A. lngelow, Jean. Poems. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 228, Q; Retrosp. and Prosp., 9, A. Jackson, Henry R. Poems. Florida, 245, Q, C. James I. "The King's Quhair." Sc. of Engl. Verse, 238, A. ----"Reulis and Cautilis." Ibid., i, Q; xi, Q; 315, Q. James, Henry. Daisy Miller. Engl. Novel, 232, Q. The American. Ibid., 3, A. "Jayadeva Gita-Govinda" (part of a Sanskrit religious epic of India). Music and Poetry, 106, Q, C. Johnston, Richard Malcolm. Stories. Letter in Mims's Sidney Lanier, 295, c. Lanier's Reading Jonson, Ben. English Grammar. Sc. of Engl. Verse, xii, A. ----"Every Man in His Humour." Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 148, Q. ----Poems. Letters, 214, A; Engl. Novel, 37, Q. Keats, John. "Endymion." Sc. of Engl. Verse, 173, Q; Engl. Novel, 72, Q. ----"Ode on a Grecian Urn." Tiger-Lilies, 24, Q; Poems, 142, F; Engl. Novel, 88, Q; 273, Q. ----"Ode on Melancholy." Engl. Novel, 92, Q. ----Poems. Engl. Novel, 37, A; 94, Q; Poems, 19, F. Kempis, Thomas a. (Title uncertain.) Poems, 31, A. Kyd, Thomas. "Spanish Tragedy." Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 149, c. Lamb, Charles. Essays of Elia. Tiger-Wies, 136, A. Tales from Shakespeare. Engl. Novel, 187, A. Landor, Walter S. Imaginary Conversations. Retrosp. and Prosp., 125, A. Langland, William (?). "Vision of Piers Plowman." Poems, 31, C; Sc. of Engl. Verse, vii, A. Latimer, Hugh. Sermons. Engl. Novel, 10, Q; Shaksp. and His Fore­run., II, 127, Q. Laudonniere, Rene de. Chronicle of Florida. Florida, 59, Q. Layamon. Brut. Boy'8 King Arthur, xii, A; Shaksp. and His Fore-run., I, 163, Q. Le Sage, Alain Rene. Gil Blas. Letter, Baskervill, I, 152, A. Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim. Mims's Sidney Lanier, 56, A. Lewes, George. Problems of Life and Mind. Florida, 78, F. Liszt, Franz. Life of Chopin. Letter, Mims's Sidney Lanier, 74, C. Longfellow, Henry W. Poems. Engl. Novel, 77, A; Sc. of Engl Verse, 141, A; 226, A. Longstreet, Augustus B. Georgia Scenes. Florida, 257, P. Lowell, James R. Among My Books. Letters, 208, C. Lucretius. De Natura Rerum. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 228, C; Poems, 22, A; 31, A; Letter, Mims's Sidney Lanier, 96, A. Lydgate, John. (Title uncertain.) Sc. of Engl. Verse, vii, A. Lyly, John. "Campaspe." Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 298, C. Macaulay, Thomas B. Essays ("Milton"). Tiger-Lilies, 109, A. ----History of England. Mims's Sidney Lanier, 12, A. Macdonald, George. (Title uncertain.) Engl. Novel, 3, C. Mallet, David. Northern Antiquities (ed. by Thomas Percy). Boy's Percy, xxiii, A. Malory, Thomas. History of King Arthur. Engl. Novel, 20, Q; Boy's Froissart, xv, A; Boy's King Arthur, xvi, A. Mandeville. Travels. Engl. Novel, 12, A; Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 79, Q. Map, Walter. La Queste del Saint Graal. Boy's King Arthur, x, A. Studies in English Marlowe, Christopher. Edward II. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 149 (attrib. to Greene), A; 168, Q. Maury, M. F. Physical Geography of th.e Sea. Florida, 159, Q, C. ----Report to the Navy Department. Florida, 48, A. Michelet, Jules. History of France. Letter, Mims's Sidney Lanier, 118, A. Millet, Jean Francois. Autobiography. Engl. Novel, 35, Q. Milton, John. "Paradise Lost." Sc. of Engl. Verse, 173, C; Poems, 31, c. "Smectymnuus." Letters, 6, Q. Mitford, William. "Essays on the Harmony of Language." Sc. of Engl. Verse, vi, A; xiii, Q. Monardes, Nicholas. Works (transl. by John Frampton, 1877). Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 182, A. Monstrelet, Enguerrand de. Chronicles. Letter, Baskervill's Southern Writers, I, 221, F. Moore, Francis. "Historical Sketch of Savannah" (Collections of the Georgia Hist. Soc.). Florida, 238, Q. More, Thomas. Utopia. Retrosp. and Prosp., 128, Q; Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 166, A. Morley, Henry. English Writers. Boy's Mabinogion, xvi, A. ----First Sketches of English Literature. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 144, A. Morris, William. Poems. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 158, Q. Letters, 236, C. Nash, Thomas. Pa,mphlets. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 281, A. Newton, Sir Isaac. (Title uncertain.) Tiger-Lilies, 110, A. "Nut Browne Mayde" (ballad). Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 166, Q. Olmsted, Frederick Law. A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States. Mims's Sidney Lanier, 118, F. ----Philosophy. Letter, Baskervill's Southern Writers, I, 149, A. Orm. Ormulum. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 141, A; Music and Poetry, 213, A. Pa,ston Letters. Letter, Baskervill's Southern Writers, I, 221, F. Peacham, Henry. Compleat Gentleman. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 9, Q. Peele, George. Sonnets. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 88, A. Pepys, Samuel. Diary. Engl. Novel, 135, Q. Percy, Thomas. The Household Book of the Earl of Northumber­ land. Boy's Percy, xxiv, A. ----, ed. Reliques of Ancient English Poetry. Boy's Percy, vii, A; Sc. of Engl. Verse, iv, C. Petrarch. Sonnets. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 173, Q. Pherecydes of Leros. (Title uncertain.) Poem Outlines, 24, A. Plato. Phaedo. Engl. Novel, 122, Q; 133, P. ----The Republic (Jowett's transl. and introduction). Music and Poetry, 113, C; Engl. Novel, 90; 123, Q; 125, Q. Plutarch. Lives. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 78, Q. Poe, Edgar A. Eureka. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 328, P, F. ----Poems. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 141, A. ----"Rationale of Verse." Sc. of Engl. Verse, vi, A; xiv, Q. Poole, Joshua. English Parnassus. Sc. of Engl. Verse, xii, A. Pope, Alexander. "Essay on Man." Engl. Novel, 37, A. Prior, Matthew. Ballads. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 167, Q; Music and Poetry, 141, Q; Boy's Percy, xiii, A. Prynne, William. Histriomastix. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 115, Q. Puttenham, George(?) Richard(?). The Arte of English,. Poesie. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 12, Q; 164, Q, C; Sc. of Engl. Verse, i, Q; v, A; 239, Q; x, Q. Quintilian, Marcus F. Institutes. Res-trosp. and Prosp., 17, Q. Radcliffe, Mrs. Ann. (Title uncertain.) Engl. Novel, 184, A. Randall, James R. Poems. Florida, 255, Q. Rankin, William. Mirror of Monsters. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 116, A. Reclus, Jacques E. (Articles on Climate in Revue des Deux Mondes, 1859)? Florida, 12, Q. Reid, Mayne. (Title uncertain.) Letter, Baskervill, Southern Writers, I, 152, A. "Reynard the Fox." Ibid., 152, A. Richardson, Samuel. Clarissa Harlowe. Engl. Novel, 178, A. ----Pamela. Ibid., 7, A; 172, Q, C. ----Sir Charles Grandison. Ibid., 176, C. Richter, John Paul (Jean Paul). (Probably only through Carlyle). Tiger-Lilies, 60, A; 173, Q, F; Letters, 107, A. Rossetti, Christina. Poems. Retrosp. and Props., 9, A. Rossetti, D. G. Poems. Ibid., 9, A. Ruskin, John. Lectures. Florida, 71, A; Retrosp. and Prosp., 9, A. Sackville, Thomas (and Thomas Norton). "Gorboduc." Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 63, A; Ibid., II, 168, Q, P, C. ----"Mirrour for Magistrates." Ibid., II, 64, Q. "St. Catharine" (miracle play). Ibid., I, 297, C. Schelling, Friedrich W. (Title uncertain.) Mims's Sidney Lanier, 56, A; see also Carlyle. Schiller, Johann C. (Title uncertain.) Baskervill's Southern Writers, I, 166, A. Scott, Walter. Heart of Midlothian. Tiger-Lilies, 77, A. Legend of Montrose. Ibid. 83, A. ----Waverley. Engl. Novel, 183, A. Sensier, A. Biography of Jea,n Francois Millet. Engl. Novel, 36, A. Shakespeare, William. "All's Well That Ends Well." Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 166, A; 188, Q. ----"Antony and Cleopatra." Tiger-Lilies, 68, Q. ----"As You Like It." Ibid., 164, Q; Poems, 30, A. ----"Comedy of Errors." Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 188, A. ----"Coriolanus." Ibid., II, 218, A. ----"Cymbeline." Ibid., I, 297, A. "Hamlet." Tiger-Lilies, 77, Q; Sc. of Engl. Verse, 172, Q. ----"Henry IV" (I). Poems, 30, A; Shaksp. a71d His Forerun., I, 280, Q; Engl. Novel, 150, A; 212, Q. "Henry IV" (II). Retrosp. and Prop., 30, A. ----"Henry V." Shaksp. a71d His Forerun., II, 218, A. "Henry VI." Tiger-Lilies, 11, Q. "Henry VIII." Sc. of Engl. Verse, 208, Q. "Julius Caesar." Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 212, C. "Ki°iig John." Ibid., 208, A. "King Lear." Tiger-Lilies, 76, Q; Poems, 58, A. ----"Love's Labor's Lost." Tiger-Lilies, 148, Q; Shaksp. a71d His Forerun., II, 208, A. ----"Lucrece." Sc. of Engl. Verse, 240, A; Poems, 30, C. ----"Macbeth." Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 187, Q, C. ----"Measure for Measure." Ibid., II, 208, A. "Merchant of Venice." Tiger-Lilies, 77, Q; 239, Q; Poems, 30, A. ----"Merry Wives of Windsor." Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 188, A. ----"Midsummer Night's Dream." Tiger-Lilies, 5, Q; Engl. Novel, 103, A; Retrosp. a71d Prosp., 19, A. ----"Much Ado About Nothing." Shaksp. a71d His Forerun., II, 208, Q. ----"Othello." Tiger-Lilies, 90, Q; Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 190, A. ----"Pericles." Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 166, P. "Richard Ill." Tiger-Lilies, 192, Q; Poems, 30, A. ----"Romeo and Juliet." Tiger-Lilies, 3, Q; Shaksp. a71d His Forerun., II, 189, Q; Poems, 30, A. ----Sonnets. Letters, 220, A; Engl. Novel, 39, Q; 53, Q; Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 213, Q. ----"Taming of the Shrew." Ibid., I, 281, A. "The Tempest." Poems, 13, F; Music a71d Poetry, 107, Q. ----"Timon of Athens." Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 190, A. "Twelfth Night." Ibid., 282, Q; Poems, 30, A. ----"Two Gentlemen of Verona." Shaksp. and His Forerun., 295, P; Poems, 30, A. ----"Venus and Adonis." Poems, 30, C; Sc. of Engl. Verse, 240, A. ----"Winter's Tale." Shaksp. a71d His Forerun., I, 297, A. Shelley, P. B. "The Cloud." Poems, 24, F. "Prometheus Unbound." Engl. Novel, 76, Q. Sheridan, Thomas, Jr. Art of Reading. Sc. of Engl. Verse, xii, A. Sidney, Philip. "Apologie for Poetrie." Ibid., i, A; Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 182, Q. ----Arcadia. Ibid., I, 254, C; Engl. Novel, 169, A. ----Astropkel a71d Stella. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 8, Q. Lanier's Reading ---Lady of the May. Ibid., II, 287, A. Works (Grosart's ed.) Ibid., I, 253, A. Skeat, W. W. "Essay on Alliterative Meter." Sc. of Engl. Verse, xiv, P. Smith, Sidney. Essays. Shaksp. and Hi,s Forerun., I, 3, A. Smith, Thomas. (Title uncertain.) Ibid., 296, A. Smollett, Tobias. Adventures of an Atom. Engl. Novel, 178, A. Adventures of Ferdinand. Engl. Novel, 178, C. ----Humphrey Clinker. Ibid., 179, Q. ----Peregrine Pickle. Ibid., 178, A. ----Roderick Random. Ibid., 178, A. "Song of Ever and Never" (ballad). Sc. of Engl. Verse, 171, Q; 141, A. Spencer, Herbert. Principles of Psychology. Engl. Novel, 299, F; Bob, 11, P. ----Synthetic Philosophy. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 250, P. F. Spenser, Edmund. Amoretti. Shaksp. and Hi,s Forerun., I, 7, A. ----Faerie Quecne. Poems, 242, A; Sh.aksp. and His Forerun., I, 7, A; Baskervill's Southern Writers, I, 148. Starkey, Thomas. England in the Reign of King Henry VllI. Retrosp. and Prosp., 125, Q. Steele, Joshua. Prosodia Rationalis. Sc. of Engl. Verse, xii, A. Sterne, Laurence. Tristram Shandy. Tiger-Lilies, 1, Q; 175, Q; Engl. Novel, 180, C. Stowe, Harriet Beecher. (Title uncertain.) Florida, 124, A. Surrey, Henry Howard, Earl of. Sonnets. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 166, A; 197, Q; Sc. of Engl. Verse, 243, Q. Swedenborg, Emanuel. Angelic Wisdom Concerning Divine Provi­ dence. Tiger-Lilies, 73, F; Poems, 31, C. Sweet, Henry. Angl-0-Saxon Reader. Sc~ of Engl. Verse, 143, Q. C. Swift, Jonathan. Gulliver's Travels. Retrosp. and Prosp., 35, A. Swinburne, A. C. Poems (especially "Atalanta in Calydon"). Letters, 208, C; Sc. of Engl. Verse, 141, A; 158, Q. Sylvester, J. J. Laws of V erse. Sc. of Engl. Verse, vi, A; xv, Q. Sylvester, Joshua. Sonnets. Shaksp. and Hi,s Forerun., I, 227, Q. ----Tobacco Battered. Ibid., I, 227, Q. Taliesin (Welsh). Songs. Boy's Mabinogion, xiii, P. Taylor, Bayard. Poems. Poenui, 39, F. ----"Prince of Deukalion." Engl. Novel, 76, Q; Poems, 40, A. Taylor, Jeremy. Holy Living and Holy Dying. Engl. Novel, 22, A; Boy's Percy, xxiii, A. Tennyson, Alfred. "The Brook." Poems, 24, F. ----"Dream of Fair Women." Engl. Novel, 244, A. ----Idylls of the King. Tiger-Lilies, 62, Q. ----"In Memoriam." Engl. Novel, 38, Q; 76, Q, F; Letter, Baskervill, Southern Writers, I, 149, A. ----"Locksley Hall." Sc. of Engl. Verse, 239, Q. Studies in English ----"Maud." Letter, Baskervill, Southern Writers, I, 149, A. ----"Northern Farmer." Engl. Novel, 15, Q. ----Poems. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 141, A; Letters, 236, C; Poems, 32, C; Engl. Novel, 8, Q. ----"The Princess." Tiger-Lilies, 103, Q; Engl. Novel, 187, A. ----"Queen Mary." Letter, Mims's Sidney Lanier, 188, C. ----"The Sisters." Tiger-Lilies, 43, Q. Thackeray, William M. Vanity Fair. Engl. Novel, 187, A. Thompson, A. C. "Song of the Night at Dawn." Sc. of Engl. Verse, 239, Q. Tieck, Johann Ludwig. (Title uncertain.) Mims's Sidney Lanier, 56, A. Timrod, Henry. Poems. Florida, 235, Q, C; Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 170, Q. Tottel, editor. Miscellany. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 188, C. Towneley Cycle of Plays. Ibid., II, 317, A. Tupper, Martin Farquhar. (Title uncertain.) Letters, 224, C. Tusser, Thomas. Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandrie. Shaksp. and His Forerun., II, 152, Q. Tyndall, John. Lectures (on sound). Sc. of Engl. Verse, 29, P, F. Tyrwhitt, Thomas. "Essay on Language and Versification" (in ed. of Chaucer). Sc. of Engl. Verse, 143, P. Udall, Nicholas. "Ralph Royster Doyster." Skaksp. and His Fore- run., II, 145, A; 151, Q. Uhland, Johann Ludwig. Poe-rns. Mims's Sidney Lanier, 56, A. Vaux, Thomas. Sonnets. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 188, A. Vernon, Guy. Masque of the Poets. Letters, 58, C. Virgil. Aeneid. Music and Poetry, 106, Q. Wagner, Richard. Rheingold. Letters, 106, C; Florida, 77, A. Waller, Edmund. Poems. Mims's Sidney Lanier, 56, A. Wallis, John. Grammar. Sc. of Engl. Verse, xii, A. Walpole, Horace. Anecdotes of Painting. Mims's Sidney Lanier, 10, A. Walsielewski, Wilhelm J. von. The Life of Robert Schumann. Letters, 103, A. "Wanderer, The." Engl. Novel, ii, A; Sc. of Engl. Verse, vii, A. Warner, William. Albion's England. Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 213, A. Warton, Thomas. History of English Poetry. Music and Poetry, 140, Q. Watson, Thomas. Hundred Passions. Skaksp. and His Forerun., I, 200, A. Wehbe, William. "Discourse on English Poetrie" (preface to Noble Poets of England). Sc. of Engl. Verse, i, Q; vi, Q. White. Historical Collections of Georgia. Florida, 195, Q. Whit.e, Richard Grant. "Richard Wagner" (Galaxy, XVII, 779; ibid., XVIII, 688). Musi.c and Poetry, 49, C, Q. Lanier's Reading Whitman, Walt. Leaves of Grass. Letters, 208, C; Engl. Novel, 44, A; 60, Q; 60, C; 118, C; Poem Outlines, 64, F. ----Specimen Days. Skaksp. and His Forerun., I, 8, Q. Wilde, Richard Henry. Poems. Florida, 267, A. William of Malmesbury. Chronicle of the Kings of England. Sc. of Engl. Verse, v, A. Willis. Vestibulum Linguae Latinae. Ibid., xii, A. Wilson, John. (Christopher North). Noctes Ambroaianae. Letter, Baskervill, Southern Writers, I, 149, A. Winter in Florida (by an invalid, 1839). Florida, 65, Q. Wordsworth, William. Poems. Sc. of Engl. Verse, 173, A; Poem Out­ lines, 84, F; 106, F; Engl. Novel, 37, A; 46, C; Skaksp. and His Forerun., I, 171, Q; Letters, 226, F. Wotton, Sir Henry. Works and Letters. Letters, 213, Q; Shaksp. and His Forerun., I, 6, Q. Wyatt, Sir Thomas. Sonnets. Skaksp. and His Forerun., I, 166, A. Wyclif, John. Bible. Engl. Novel, 12, A; Boy's Froissart, viii, A. Yoakum, Henderson K. History of Texas. Retrosp. and Prosp., 48, A. Zola, Emile. Le Roman Experimental. Engl. Novel,, 3, C; 27, Q, C; 60, C; 67, Q.