Publications of the University of Texas 
Publications Committee: 
F. W. GRAFF R. H. GRIFFITH 
G. C. BUTTE J. L. HENDERSON 
D. B. CASTEEL E. J. MATHEWS FREDERIC DUNCALF C. E. ROWE 
The University publishes oulletins six timel!I a month, to numbered that the first two digits of the number show the year of issue ; the last two the position in the yearly series. (For example, No.1701 is the first bulletin of the year 1917.) These comprise the official publications of the University, publications on humanistic and scientific subjects, bulletins prepared by the Department of Extension and by the Bureau of Municipal Research and Reference, and other bulletins of general educational interest. With the exception of special numbers, any bulletin will be sent to a citizen of Texas free on request. All communications about Univer­sity publications should be addressed to the Chairman of the Publications Committee, University of Texas, Austin. 
681-3679-120-17h 

University of Texas Bulletin 
No. 2010: February IS, 1920 
The Texas History Teachers' Bulletin 
Volume VIII, Number 2 
PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY SIX TIMES A MONTH. AND ENTERED AS 
SBCOND-CLASS MATTER AT THE POSTOl'FICE AT AUSTIN. TEXAS. 
UNDER THE ACT OF AUGUST 24. 1912 

The benefits of education and of useful knowledge, generally diffused through a community, are essential to the preservation of a free govern· ment. 
Sam Houston 
Cultivated mind is the guardian genius of democracy... • . It is the only dictator that freemen acknowl­edge and the only security that free­men desire. 
Mirabeau B. Lamar 
The Texa.~ History Teachers' Bulletin 
Volume VIII, Number 2 
EDITORS: The History Staff of the University Of Texas 
EUGENE C. BARKER WILLIAM R. MANNING FREDERIC DUNCALF FRANK BURR MARSH 
W. E. DUNN CHAS. W. RAMSDELL MILTON R. GUTSCH THAD W. RIKER 
C. W. HACKETT W. P. WEBB 
Managing Editor 
MILTON R. GUTSCH 

CONTENTS 
W. E. DODD: Nationalism in American History .... . . . . . .. .55 
F. 	E. NORTON: A Study of the Adopted Texts in European Civilization . . . .. .. . .. .. ..... .... ......... . . . ..... . . . 67 
J. L. STOCKTON: Teaching Current Events ... .. . . . . .. . .. .76 
M. R. GUTSCH: The University Collection of War Music . . .. .82 
Proceedings of the History Section of the T. S. T. A., 1919 ... . . 99 
History in the Summer Schools of t.he University of Texas . ..102 
The Texas History Teachers' B'ulletin is issued in November, Feb­ruary, and May. The history teachers of Texas are urged to use it as the medium of expression for their experience and ideals and to help make it as practicable and useful as possible by contributing articles, suggestions,criticisms, questions, personal items, and local news concerning educational matters in general. Copies will be sent free on application to any history teacher in Texas. 
Address 
CHAIRMAN OF THE PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE 
The University of Texas, Austin, Texas 

NATIONALISM IN AMERICAN HISTORY 
"Men love gain, but they sometimes love each other"-Woodrow Wilson in New Princeton Review, 1887. 
The President has learned during the last twelve months how much men love gain; how little they love each other. The one thing Woodrow Wilson sought to put uppermost in the minds of his countrymen in March 1913, was the idea that men must love each other, if this world is not to prove a charnel house for the human race. Wilson sought to make all men abate their personal interests and claims on behalf first of a truer nationalism and second on behalf of a wholesome and a sane internationalism. The Presi­dent's failure in his great undertaking is the register of our own failure in the development of a true national spirit. 
We set out in 1776 to make of ourselves a nation of brethren seeking first our own common freedom and sec­ond., the freedom of all men everywhere. The beginning was ausp1c10us. Our people were. almost without exception poor. They had no great cities, no highways of commerce, little accumulated wealth and almost no money. The real money they had flew to British coffers; and the paper'money they clandestinely circulated was in violation of law. Pov­erty is not a guarantee of democracy; but it is a wonderful solvent of aristocracy and social pretense. Our ancestors were poor; they could afford to be democratic. 
But they could not make their independence real without uniting all their communities into one. This they did in spite of many misgivings. But this very unity begot the opportunity of special groups to exploit the rest. The Revolution was not over till the idea of exploitation was strongly developed. Men love gain always, sometimes they love each other. Upon this rock the enthusiastic idealists of 1776 wrecked their little ship of state. The war with England cost them seven years of toil and blood and a debt of a hundred millions in gold. The very interest on their debt was enough to crush a much greater people. An interest charge of eight millions a year, when their total returns from exports were nothing like so great! They owed a third of the interest to French and Dutch capitalists or directly to the French and Dutch governments ; the other two-thirds they owed to American merchants, tradesmen, slave-holders and tories, who had been against them in their struggle. Freedom came dear; wars are always costly hu­man experiences. Under these circumstances our ancestors became almost desperate; they thought of repudiating the cost of their freedom ! A remedy quite as disastrous as the disease. 
They managed finally to set up a stronger national organ­ization which was designed to bind the enormous burden firmly upon the backs of all. Through common and mu­tual endeavor the people hoped to pay their obligations and maintain their sense of honor. But a true nation can only exist when all or nearly all its members labor for the com­mon good, not for their own individual profit. There was immediately after 1789 the conflicting dualism that was the negation of nationality. A11 men pretended to be asso­ciated for the good of all; yet each man avowed that he sought only his own personal advantage. Is it surprising that states soon set up claims for their own supremacy and that groups of individuals quickly associated together for the purpose of exploiting both state and national govern­ments? You can not have a nation upon such a conflicting dualism. 
There must be a supreme social and political power and those who administer that power or regulate the common interests must give evidence daily that they are servants of all, not abettors of any groups who wish profit~ or seek power over the machinery of government to protect or ad­vance special interests. We had then in the early effort of our ancestors to establish a nation only now and then conscious purpose to make all men serve the common na­tional ends. Washington, the aristocrat, thought for a time to do it and then yielded to the stronger impulse to let the strongest take charge of the state. He could not do other­wise in a country so composed. The first tariff was de­signed to raise a revenue. In every paragraph it demon­strated the fact that the body of the public was to be mulcted, that every single group of beneficiaries was set upon getting from the public more than it was willing to contribute. And only twice since 1789 has a tariff been written that showed a regard for the common tax-paying public. 
There can not be a nation in the true sense when all the groups of articulate interests within it regard the pub­lic as proper pickings. Only the sense of nationality was so weak in 1789 that any just and equitable system of public taxation would have overthrown the government it­self. Madison, the author of the first Federal tariff tax, said plainly that he must deceive the people into paying their taxes and hence hit upon the method of jockeying which I have described. The only just and equal system of taxation for any country is the direct method. But if the effort at nationality itself must be defeated by a just system then an unjust system must be resorted to. 
Itwas so when Washington set up the first national bank. The treasury itself was the proper agency for the manage­ment of all financial concerns of the infant confederacy; only the well-to-do of 1791 would not for a moment allow such a concentrated, social control of the public finance. The first national bank was created. It became the center at once of anti-national influences and its managers proved hostile to democracy, that second great ideal of the people. Washington could not do otherwise. Who else could have surpassed him? 
What we have had since the death of Washington only illustrates my point, namely, that our people have come very slowly, if at all, to recognize that a common national ideal involves the sacrifice of all for all, not the exploitation of all by such groups and combinations of groups as may be able to secure a majority of the votes at any given elec­tion. What is a nation set up for? 
First, to protect its membership and constituency from outside foes that might seek to take its resources or sub­ject its people to tribute as, for example, the Germans sought to do in the recent great war ; second, to protect its membership from the selfish instincts of its most power­ful citizens or subjects, that is to compel men to be social; and third, to educate its young and develop the culture of its people, that is, to cultivate the arts, facilitate discovery and ameliorate the ills and evils to which men are heirs. That is the state, the nation. And when these ends are suserved, the next step is by friendly association, corre­spondence and cooperation to bring these good things home to their neighbors, that is to become a part of the great world and help solve its problems and prevent the evils of conflict and war. That is, true nationalism merges unavoidably into true internationalism. The Christian religion, for ex­ample, was intended to be a light upon a hill ; it was to be world-wide, not by conquest but by persuasion. 
But we have come hardly to the first point of our evolu­tion as the experience of the President at Paris shows. We have been a nation only temporarily and at long intervals. Our people have not learned that the .intersts of all take precedence of.any individual rights. What do our consti­tutions show but the disposition always to protect individ­uals against the whole. They should protect all against unruly and avaricious individuals. Why, for example, is the Government unable now to take over the packing in­terests-'-great private monopolies? It is the view of so many of our people that private interests take precedence over public needs. Was there ever such a philosophy? 
If I iilustrate my meaning by citing well known facts in our history, I shall make myself clear. From the day when Jefferson undertook to make America one vast farmer republic, a democracy, with all men essentially equal <me to another and then tried in his embargo to teach the world the ways of peace, for that was the sole aim of the embargo, till Lincoln, our fathers sought to convince them­selves that the United States was a nation. Henry Clay and his devoted followers, from 1823 to 1850, sought to make a nation by organizing the different groups of articu­late men and then associating those groups so that they might gain and keep control of the powers of government. 
The idea was to organize the manufacturers of cotton into one group, the makers of iron and steel implements into an­other and the growers of wool into still another. That is, New England, Pennsylvania and Ohio were to compose the base of his system. To this he sought to add the hemp farmers of Kentucky and the bankers of the East. These, working together, would draw to them, like iron filings to a magnet, the outward fringes of these communities and control seekers of office. Thus a majority would be found. When this majority was found the rest of the country, the Southerners, who shipped cotton abroad, the workers who labored in mills and the clerks who after all make a larger element in society than do the stockholders in corporations, was to be taxed at will. Concessions might be made to powerful minorities, as in the tariff of 1833 ; but they were to be concessions, gifts of the combination of groups. That was the statecraft of Henry Clay. 
A similar system was attempted by John C. Calhoun, only, planter groups of the South were to be united with farmer groups of the West and mercantile groups of the East-pla11ters, provisions-makers, who supplied planters with foodstuffs, and shippers, or middle-men, as we call them. When Calhoun's groups were sufficiently organized, they were to take control and govern. Concessions might be made to strong minorities, as in the tariff of 1846 ; but they were concessions. There was the same effort to con­trol the great central, social agency in Washington, to im­pose upon the mass of inarticulate folk an economic regime that was designed to serve a part of the public. It was both ends against the middle. The idea of serving the great public first and pressing all personal interests into the back­ground did not enter the minds of the statesmen of the forty years which preceded the Civil War. Was that statesman­ship? The result of that sort of statecraft was the blood­iest war America has ever seen or is likely to see. 
But the war definitely determined that Clay's grouping was to succeed. Lincoln thought for a while, even to the end of his short and fitful career, of the rriass of men who really made the basis of what was to be set up as a nation. 
But it ended in thought. When Lincoln, for example, sug­gested, in 1864, that it would be more humane and also much cheaper to buy the freedom of the slaves and stop the terrible bloodshed of that year and, moreover, that a peace of good will would be a better foundation for the future than a peace of victory, his cabinet rejected his plea brusquely. When Lincoln urged business men in Decem­ber, 1861, to lend their money to the Government at the same rate of interest that they loaned to one another, the idea was scoffed. The national idea made small appeal. Business men must have their profits. Before the war was over they took nearly a billion dollars in the form of excess profits, literally took the money of the people without an equivalent. 
And when the South lay prostrate and open to exploita­tion, the business men of the East reaped a harvest that was up to that time absolutely unparalleled in history. The minority of the North controlled Congress and Congress controlled the country, North and South alike. The price of what nationalism we got out of the Civil War was mi­nority government. There was no thought of making the organization, for which common men paid the bills and fought the battles, a social structure serving first the whole public. If there had been such thought, there had not been such disasters as we have seen these last years. 
I shall not explain these facts further here than to state them. Human history is a sorrowful tale which historians themselves seldom understand and which common men will not take the time to study. It is a pity, for if common men knew history, history would cease to tell such tales­if they knew history and could rise to the level of putting the community first and their personal interests second! But that if is not yet a fact. Let me explain once again. 
When the American Civil War closed business men took the attitude that the Union had been preserved for their especial benefit. Their great industry received the cod­dling attentions of the Government till the year 1913. Regardless of the future they imported millions of foreign­ers to do their rough work; they made cities greater than it is good for the country for cities to be; they headed all the railroads for New York; and made Wall Street the banking capital of the whole nation. For nearly half a century captains of industry refused to pay their just taxes, state or national and the Government actually returned the income taxes that it had timidly collected during the Civil War. These men came to confuse their own personal in­terests with patriotism. They thought they were patriotic because they exploited the mines and forests and thus de­stroyed prematurely the treasures of future generations. They thought great concentrations of poor people speaking foreign tongues were proofs of business men's patriotism They were really proof of the bankruptcy of statesmanship. If there had been some wise patriotism, these vast manu­facturing centers like Chicago or Pittsburgh would have been today only moderate-sized cities, the remainder of the interests and peoples being gathered at the falls of rivers or in other regions of mineral deposits. That is, we would have had a thousand cities and thousands of thriving towns 
all over the South and West. Our industrial life would have permeated our country. But a treble concentration has put the great railroad centers, the great manufacturing centers, and the great financial centers in a narrow belt of the country and any great organization of railway workers or industrial workers, if they really meant business and knew their strength, could wreck the nation and bring us all to starvation any winter they chose. That is the pa­triotism and statecraft of business left to its own devices ! Was there ever such short-sightedness. And now business men in every great city literally tremble in their boots lest the laboring elements of their own cities fall upon them. The only hope of business now is the rural, farmer com­munities whom business has exploited for sixty years! 
Yet the very men who have brought about this unhealthy and dangerous situation, have fought the only President the country has had in sixty years who knew what was the matter with the country. They fought his every measure of reform from the Federal Reserve Banking Law to the Farm Loan Act. They opposed his going to Paris ; they defeated a treaty which aims at healing som~ of the wounds business has done the world; and they hiss when his name is mentioned. Their one demand now is that they or their kind of a man be put again in high office! 
This is but one of the developments of the last sixty years that tended to break down what little of true nationalism there was generated in the heat and strife of the Civil War. There are others. 
The well-to-do who made profits during the war and were called upon to pay some income taxes quickly per­suaded the Government to change its method. The sol­diers who had gone away to save the Union, that is, the part of it which served their fortunes, came back to or­ganize into a vast union whose purpose for fifty years was to bring pressure upon the Government to pay them and their widows pensions that mounted to sums unheard of hitherto in history. It cost the people of the United States more to pay pensions to soldiers fifty years after the war closed than it cost the Government of Germany to train an army that came near to conquering the whole of Europe. Forty-five years after the war closed, the number of pen­sioners, under the old-soldier organization of Captain Tan­ner and his kind, was still increasing! Not even death it­self could defeat the raids on the treasury and a candidate for the presidency in 1912 went out of his way to aid such an unnational organization as the Federal pensioners lobby. No, that is not nationalism. There is no national senti­ment in holding up the people of the country for high profits on business ventures, through tariffs and banking devices; there can be no patriotism in driving through Congress un­worthy pension bills which the suffering public must pay. Men mistake personal or sectional benefits for a national patriotism. The flag that covers our armed camps, that flies at the head of our marching columns, that floats above our school houses should never cover the personal ends of individuals. A profiteer can not be either a nationalist or a patriot. 
If industrial leaders and old soldiers labored for fifty years following the Civil War to get the business advan­tages or the personal profits which common politicians helped them to extract from the pockets of the great public, how may labor organizations be condemned for setting up machinery designed to take first from their employers every advantage that could be extracted and, finally, take from the public its very food and fuel in order to secure advan­tages to themselves? There is no ground to condemn labor­ing men if they do what by law we have permitted others to do without law. Everybody was encouraged to get hold of the main chance and work it for all it was worth. That was called success! It was what William Hohenzollern's early ancestors did when they set up their fortified castle on the banks of the Danube and robbed every merchant that passed. We have got to bring men to think of the nation, of all the people that compose the nation first before there is any true nationalism, before the flag can fly over a real commonwealth. 
From 1866 to 1913, the process went on. Business or­ganizations boasted of a nationalism that served their ends ; soldier organizations rejoiced in a great nation that asked few questions ; and labor organizations perfected a ma­chinery which might be employed today to paralyze every legitimate business and calling of a hundred million people. Labor might today, if it chose, bring every railway train in the country to a dead standstill and there are few or no other laborers in the country who could set them going again. What should we do, if the railway trains were all to stand still one month? 
These great business and labor successes led others to form similar organizations and to set about their personal ends in similar ways. There is little of anything in the country that is not organized. Publishers associate together and determine what every man shall pay for a new book. The news of the world is organized so that even what we read at the breakfast table is sold to us at prices set in a few offices and adulterated by a few hands to suit the wishes of any group of society that is strong enough to break into news service sanctums. You do not expect to read the truth in a newspaper, only a certain amount of the truth which the wise are expected to interpret and apply while the rest believe lies to be the truth. 
Not even education has escaped the blight. Universities and colleges and secondary schools are all organized and associated so that an Emerson or a Shakespeare would have a hard time getting through our system into a university class. We standardize what is known in the universities; we standardize what is unknown; we determine the shades 
.	of learning in would-be teachers of the young and then we pay all according to a certain age or a certain schedule. Every interest seeks its own ; few interests are made sub­ordinate to any public need. I once asked a distinguished teacher of law why he did not train young men for careers in legislatures or other public service. He replied: "We train young lawyers to win cases, That is all they want. It is our business." That is, we train young minds to thwart justice and defeat the very ends of the laws we make ·in Congress and at state capitals. Train men to "beat" the public. Does nobody ever think of the public? Is there no nation whom it would be an honor to serve, the highest honor to be won in this life, to serve gratis or for a mere living? 
That is the problem which I think must be brought home to teachers. This country of ours can not go on forever with every man seeking his own ends and organized intc groups with the one purpose of "beating" the general pub­lic. Somebody said the other day, "there is no general con­sumer," no great public whose well-being is the first con­cern of all. Such a statement is the logical outcome of the evolution I have described. We have made a poor thing of this country of ours if men are forever to live upon the model of every man for himself, and "the devil take the hindmost." It is certainly chaos that way. 
If there is any remedy it will be found in the schools. President Wilson once said, men sometimes love each other and I believe it. It may be at rare intervals; but men do love one another at times. They would love one. another more frequently if they had not been taught a thousand years to love themselves so ardently. If we deliberately set about making a new model for a natipn, a model on which all young minds should be moulded, a model of self-sacrifice or at least service to others, a few decades hence we should not find it so difficult to get things done for the community and without the hope of private and backstairs profits. 
The schools have not been open to all the children very many decades. While they have planted ideas in young minds and made great improvements in these short years, they have not been expected to teach public service first and personal service second. It is better to give than to receive. There is not a wise man in the country who does not agree to that. Suppose we try it in the schools. For a hundred and forty years we have confused sectional in­terests with national interests. We have mistaken per­sonal business success for patriotic distinction. We have as a result a country hopelessly confused, a population which hardly knows the a b c of national service or real nation­alism. 
There is no expectation that great corporations will 
speedily change their methods ; but big business men are 
already on the uneasy seat. They know a change of ideal, 
of method is necessary or we and they shall be plunged into 
chaos. They are even contemplating possible friendliness 
toward Mr. Wilson! Some of them say, perhaps he was 
right when he said the Golden Rule should be applied to 
diplomacy. Great labor groups now hesitate to try their 
scheme of making the public pay the last dollar for the 
least possible service. They begin to see that they are the 
public. We are all in the same boat and the sea is stormy. 
Let teachers of young minds turn pilots. Let school houses 
become training places for public service and let school 
teachers know that they are the vital means of saving the 
next generation from the chaos that the preceding genera­
tion has prepared for it. Let colleges train young lawyers 
to do some good thing and not to thwart the law which they 
should honor or make worthy of honor. 
The time has passed when a nation can be built upon the 
idea that every man serves himself. The doctrine of Adam 
Smith has been misunderstood. The interpretation we have 
put upon him is that he in his wisdom urged that every man seek his own aims and nothing else. That won't do when the resources of the race are fast running low and when men have got themselves crowded into vast hives that might be set on fire by a single spark. The new age re­quires men to serve first their neighbors and thus serve themselves. No man who needlessly cuts ·down a tree is a patroit. The man who allows the soil to be washed away by the rains is false to his state and country. A thousand generations ought yet to dwell upon the scarred mother earth. Let us conserve it, leave its soil as fruitful as when we came upon it for our short sojourn. 
The time is passed when civilization can be advanced and sustained in the old way. There are certain riches of lit­erature, of art and of government which we must hand on to our successors; there are many habits we must slough off. It is time for men to make up their minds what civili­zation is, what nations are set up to preserve and then set about preserving and improving. Wealth extracted from the earth aforetime is criminal waste ; forests cut down be­fore timber is absolutely necessary are criminally destroyed; young children whose lives are hardened by toil aforetime and whose minds are filled with avarice and materialism at any time are not assets. And the generation guilty of do­ing or permitting these things will in the years to come have a curse heaped upon the heads of its unworthy leaders. 
If one look about this country, if one read the history of its upbuilding, the conclusion forces itself upon the mind that never was a fairer land more ruthlessly exploited, never was a vast natural storehouse so rapidly depleted and even squandered. It was all done in what our fathers called building the nation. Building by destroying the founda­tions ! Let us as teachers begin a new generation ; and set men a new example; teach young minds a new philosophy. Love first your neighbor, your country, make your flag cover a race of men who seek common ends first and per­sonal ends second and we shall make a new era, a new nationalism. 
W. E. DODD. 
A STUDY OF THE ADOPTED TEXTS IN EUROPEAN CIVILIZATION 
In our survey of these books, we have tried to measure them in relation to several things which deserve considera­tion in forming a judgment on this particular book. In the first place, it is necessary to bear in mind that history in schools has been subject to the influences of social and other changes. Let us then consider our book with sev­eral things in mind : 
1. 
The present day attitude toward history as set forth in recent writings. 

2. 
The historical accuracy of facts and inter­pretations. 

3. 
The teachableness as compared with other books. 


4. The value as a functioning attribute in the 
life of the child: 
To do this, we must get acquainted with: 

1. 
The Author. 

2. 
The plan, scope, and purpose of the book. 

3. 
Comparisons with other books. 

4. 
Special features of the book. 


That you may know something of the author, I shall preface my remarks with a sketch of him. Mr. Ashley is a teacher of history in the Pasadena, California High School. For a number of years he has been quite active in the social science field. But we judge that he is pri­marily a teacher, and not a specialist in any one field of history. If we read his books, we find approaching pro­fundity of knowledge only in the field of civ1cs. 
Nevertheless, he has been a strong force in the develop­ment of social science teaching in the secondary schools of California. Besides writing a number of text-books, the gentleman has done considerable research work on the status and future of history teaching ; also, he has contrib­uted a number of articles on the teaching of history and c1v1cs to various historical publications. In addition to this commendable work, he has written a number of in­teresting book reviews. 
This varied interest and experience should enable him to understand modern demands and to offer something worth while and up to date. It is in this modern demand that we find the basis of his ideal. This ideal has found its expression in the books that he has offered us. 
The new history texts are undoubtedly the outgrowth of the author's experience and research. In 1915, he set him­self to the task of bringing forth a text that would make history function as a dynamic power in the life of the in­dividual. He had found that but very few pupils ever took the entire four years of high school history. With him, the problem finally reduced itself to the question of finding out how to give what we may term the minimum essentials of good history in a minimum of time. 
Apparently dissatisfied with the results of his own ex­periments, he sent out a questionnaire to a large number of history teachers in various sections of the United States. Due to the responses to this questionnaire, the author came to the conclusion that a majority of teachers wished to put the burden of e~phasis on English history, but that 73 per cent of them wished to eliminate it as !:l special unit.. It appeared further that 83 per cent favored a division date for a two years course at a date later than 800 A. D.; of these a large plurality favored 1648~ These facts had a rather powerful influence in shaping the content and form of Early European Civilization; this in turn exerted pres­sure ~n the volume that was to succeed it. We may say then that the author's purpose was to write a text that would (1) emphasize English History; (2) make a divi­sion point at 1648. And, furthermore, if we may quote his own words, he wished to keep in mind three things : 
"(1) The importance of any change as a part of the development of Early European Civilization; (2) the con­nection between these changes and modern life; (3) the interest and capacity of high school students." 
These things determined the form and conte:::it of the first book of the series, which treats Early European Civil­ization to 1648. To this the author has kindly added two supplementary chapters for those who prefer 1715 as a proper division point; these same chapters occur also in the second volume. The second volume, or "Modern Euro­pean Civilization," did not appear until 1918. 
Early European Civilization is divided into six parts, and a supplement. Each part forms the basis for J:l. large top­ical treatment. The arrangement of the book follows pretty closely the report of the Committee of Eight on a course in the European Background of American History. 
The discussion of the early ages is brief indeed ; to the Asiatic nations and to Egypt and the Greece of antiquity, he devotes just one hundred and twenty-five pages. And, too, the major portion of this is taken up with social and economic institutions. By this process of elimination, se­lection, and substitution the author has attempted to focus attention on those things that bear on the development of civilization; we are of the opinion that much of this will go far toward interesting the pupil in the evaluation of his own institutions. 
All other texts, however, devote much more space to the political phases. Webster gives approximately twice as much space to the historical narrative, and the former adop­tion is much fuller, but scarcely as interesting. Of the one hundred and twenty-five pages in Ashley a little more than two-thirds, we think, is devoted to purely social and eco­nomic questions; and, of the remainder, half is devoted to institutions. To Greek and Roman History, Ashely uses only half the space that Webster, West, and Myers use. We may add that Webster considers his own treatment meager. 
It is without question a remarkable feat to reduce such a mass of history to so small a compass; we fear that much valuable information has been sacrificed to achieve this. However, it is not likely that much objection will be raised to this particular feature. 
We fear, however, that a large number will object to the elimination practiced on the period from 476 to 1500. The fact can not be gainsaid that it is to this period that we must look to discover the roots of Modern Civilization. It is this period that seems to contain the most serious omis­sions. The treatment of the influence of the German Inva­sion and the Church is wholly inadequate. And we find the Rise of Nations and the Renaissance even more lacking in detail. We should, however, say that in connection with the Renaissance the author has contributed an exceptional chapter on trade, commerce, and exploration. We are like­wise impressed by the vigorous treatment of the economic system of feudalism, and of the English manorial system. These two topics seem to be splendidly adapted to high school pupils, at least, to the more mature ones. We might make further comparisons, but space will not permit. We shall now call your attention to the second volume of the series. 
This volume has, presumably, the same aim as the pre­ceding one; but to us it seems quite different. Three ideals seem to have been in the author's mind, when he wrote this 
volume.  
(1)  The need for Americanization.  
(2)  A clear comprehension of war issues.  
(3)  The socialization of secondary school curricula.  

Of the second proposition, we are certain that our judg­ment is correct. After a careful investigation of the book, we feel justified in saying that the great war may be used as a starting point in the historical narrative. And we are not at all sure but that great and lasting interest could be aroused in pupils by making some such arrangement. In this volume we find the same attention devoted to social and economic phases as in the preceding one. In fact, we find that no tnore than half of the text is devoted to the narra­tive of history. Approximately, one-half of the book deals with contemporary history; the emphasis here being upon the great war. Furthermore, we wish to pomt out that there is a decided emphasis upon English History. 
The author apparently, has in mind the elimination of English History as a special unit of work. We shall then make our test for this volume on some phases of English History. First, let us notice his treat­
ment of cabinet government in England. Beginning with the Revolution of 1688, we find five pages devoted to: 
(
1) The Bill of Rights. 

(2) 
The Influence of the Glorious Revolution. 

(3) 
Supremacy of Parliament. 

(
4) Union of Scotland. 

(5) 
Development of Cabinet Government. 


(6) The Lack of Representation in English Government. The treatment of these is such that their relation to each other stands out clearly; here, we think, the writer has seized his opportunity. One serious omission, however, must be noticed. In so far as we can discover, the author has nowhere recognized the religious element of the Revo­lution of 1688. Although, from a standpoint of accuracy, there is little criticism to make, it is our opinion that the pupil may leave the chapter without gaining the slightest idea of the rights of Englishmen. A belated attempt has been made, however, to correct this lack of motivation by the insertion of a paragraph that shows something of the relation of these things to our own government. The next topic we wish to consider is the Commercial and Territorial Rivalry of England and France. The text discusses this in a manner that is rather interesting and satisfactory. The discussion is, nevertheless, marred by the fact that the author apparently ignores the full signifi­cance of the Seven Year's War. The sum of his interpre­tation of this event is embodied in one sentence, viz., "The Seven Years' War brought England not only huge territo­ries in North America, and important possessions in India, but compelled Great Britain to reorganize her Empire." Nothing is said about the spread of the English language and British ideals, or of the supremacy of the naval power of Great Britain. Following this, the causes of the Revolutionary War in America are taken up. Predicated on his former discus­sion, he assumes that the reorganization of the British Empire was the cause of that struggle for independence. 
We shall not enter into a discussion of this, but can not re­frain from saying that we should not want any student to 
University of Texas Bulletin 
leave our class room with this impression. Further, we must add that we are convinced that the author has here missed a great opportunity to make the student realize that the cardinal principles of free government will stand, al­though mighty empires may be disrupted. 
We believe, however, that from the standpoint of his­torical accuracy and completeness that the series is as nearly accurate as a book of this type can well be. From this, we must pass to a question that is probably of more interest to the teacher. It has been especially noted that a considerable number of teachers consider the text too difficult for the grades in which it is used. This, objec­tion, we think, is well founded. We may say that there are three reasons for such a conclusion : 
(1) 
The emphasis has been shifted from historical narrative to social and economic results. There can be no question that this is apt to be disturbing to teachers, inasmuch as it forces them to assume a new point of view. And there can be no doubt that this will be particularly baffling to the students who have started European History through the study of another text. 

(2) 
The intention of the author seems to have been for the books to be used in grades .that are one year in advance of those in which the majority of Texas High Schools use them. 

(3) 
The author has not made sufficient use of short paragraphs with broken line (1), (2), (3), order summaries within the paragraph. 


But there is nothing to do about it except for the individual teacher, to overcome these defects by her own ingenuity. And, too, we think that these defects may be overcome by the free use of supplementary texts with which the teachers are already familiar; such as, Webster's Ancient History, West's Ancient World, Harding's, The New Mediaeval and Modern History, West's The Modern World. 
For a study of the teaching qualities of the book, we feel that it will be interesting to institute a comparison between the news books and the former adoption. For this com­parison we shall take Chapter Six of Ashley's Early Civil­ization and compare it with chapter two of Myer's Ancient History. These chapters deal with The Development of the Athenian Empire. We have chosen this particular point; first, because it lends itself to good treatment; sec­ond, because your attention has already been attracted to it by the excellent lesson plan suggested in the late issue·of 
The Texas History Teachers' Bulletin. 
Before beginning the discussion, we must call your at­tention to the four things that we should expect a good text to develop in the discussion : 
(1) 
The unconquerable will of the Athenians; 

(2) 
The steps by which Athens was changed from a city state to an empire. 

(3) 
The relation of Athens and Sparta as rivals for supremacy in Greece. 

(4) 
The development of political parties in Athens. 


Before taking these up in detail, we must state that, in our judgment, Myers has given a more unified" treatment than is given in the present text. He has confined himself to the development of the empire. Ashley has attempted to show not only this, but the system by which the Athenian Government was carried on. Had this been given the place of a subheading of the chapter, the offense against unity would not have been committed. We may add here that the author of the new text has, in several places, fallen into this particular error through his commendable desire to develop only the large topics. For this reason, we fear that in many instances the proper emphasis will not "GET ACROSS" to the immature student. With this general criti­cism we shall return to the comparison of the details. 
Myers points cut very definitely the situation in Athens at the close of the Persian Wars, and by so doing has mnde a clear picture of the feeling of love of country that must be the basis for founding and sustaining any great govem­ment; the other author has failed to make the discussion function at this point. Although, we think that the new text does not show very clearly the development from city 
University of Texas Bulletin 
state to empire. Again, we fear that the student would never guess from the treatment in Ashley, that the control of the fleet was the real key to the situation; Myers has made this so simple that an average eighth grade child ca'Il understand it clearly. 
Both bring out clearly the ascendency of Athens in the Delian League. At this point, the new text makes a good comparison between the Delian League and the American Confederation. His observation that a loose confederacy can not stand is a good one ; of such a comparison as this, Myers probably never had a thought, although his treat­ment is such that the conclusion is easily drawn. But the new text leaves to the teacher the task of showing that Cimon and Pericles were party leaders rather than personal antagonists. The discussion of this should, in our judg­ment, be such that the pupil by no chance will be able to get through without definitely understanding the important elements that tend to make political parties. Here again we must observe that the text fails to function in inter­preting an important problem of today. This particular point, too, is the fundamental idea of the text. 
· Thus far our diScussion has shown several instances of incompleteness from an historical and interpretative stand­point. And we have attempted by reference to a few top­ics, to point out the characteristics of the book. But before concluding, we must say a few words about what we may term the author's treatment of applied history. 
The book is full of information concerning social ques­tions. In the discussion of these, the author has done well. For instance in dealing with the Industrial Revolution, he has dealt extensively with standards of living, conditions and hours of labor, relations of the classes, and other things that made the Revolution inevitable; likewise, he has given much time to the inventions and machinery that made it possible. The discontent and organization of labor receives a broad and sympathetic treatment, and is, apparently' much better done than in other history texts. This same problem is discussed with vision and insight for all Euro­pean countries. 
Here we wish to call your attention to Part V of Modern European Civilization. We have three chapters that deal with the development of the relation of the people to their government; to commerce, industry, and labor; and to prog­ress and settlement. This part of the work finds the author at his best. To him this is the thing of utmost importance in training for citizenship; and it is upon this phase that the series must "rest its case." 
In conclusion, we wish to say that our study has con­vinced us that the teacher must make extensive use of sup­plementary texts, as well as of source material and general topics, which must not be neglected. We feel that quite enough material is contained in the text to give the student a broad social point of view. But it remains for the teacher to develop the fact that back of each change producing event there stands a man or a woman, and we trust that the teacher will not neglect to show the life and character of many of these and their relation to the numerous social changes that have brought us to our present status as a civilized nation and world. 
F. E. NORTON. 
TEACHING CURRENT EVENTS1 
INTRODUCTION 
In 1912, the teaching of current events was revived at the Wadleigh High School. An extra period was devoted to the teaching of the events of the day in all American history classes in the fourth year of the high school course. This work has expanded so that in May, 1919, there were fifteen classes consisting of about six hundred and twenty students devoting one period of forty-five minutes a week to the special study of current news. The subject is con­sidered unprepared, and is optional with third-year stu­dents. The pupils take the study for what they can get out of it, as it does not count toward graduation. It rests, therefore, wholly on its merits. This work is directed only by teachers of the history department. 
The aim is to put the pupil in touch with the problems of the day and to teach parliamentary procedure. An at­tempt is made to get the students to speak to the class with­out notes, to answer questions asked by members of the class, and to lead the discussion on important questions, such as: the Italian claim to Fiume, the Republican attack on the League of Nations, the proposed incinerator method of dis­posing of garbage, and the Brooklyn rent strike. Each member of the class also learns how meetings are conducted, and gains practice in parliamentary methods. Each stu­dent is given an opportunity to preside, to make motions and receive them, to amend, to serve on committees, to make reports and discuss matters brought before the class so that the members will be imbued with the spirit of decorum which dominates Anglo-Saxon assemblies. 
We expect when the course has been completed that the students will know how to read the newspapers intelligently. The reading of current news, we hope, will have become a habit that will bring about an enlightened citizenship. 
1Reprinted from the Historical Outlook. 
METHOD 
The methods of teaching current events are many. The following have been tried in Wadleigh with varying de­grees of success. That we have not yet reached the point where we think our methods can not be improved upon is shown by the fact that at the April meeting of the History Department, Miss Wood appointed a committee to criticize the methods in use at Wadleigh and suggest improvements. The work of the committee is embodied in this report. One of the recommendations is that the socialized lesson having proved a success is to be followed in all classes teaching the subject. 
Method I 
The work is conducted almost entirely by the students. During the first session the class organizes temporarily as a Current Events Club under the direction of a temporary chairman, a committee consults with the teacher, and dur­ing the second lesson a report is made and the constitution is adopted. The officers, president and secretary, are then elected and make their speeches of acceptance. Each officer serves one month. The president presides over the club, while the secretary keeps the minutes and the attendance of the members. 
The constitution provides that there shall be four com­mittees appointed during each lesson to make reports the following week : 
1. 
Committee on National Affairs. 

2. 
Committee on Foreign Affairs. 

3. 
Committee on State Affairs. 

4. 
Committee on City Affairs. There is only one member on each committee. It is the particular business of the chairman to get all the important events of the week and make a brief summary of them so as to be ready to report at the next meeting of the club. The rest of the members must be prepared to supplement 


the work of the committees, and to be ready to discuss the important topics that are brought before them. 
The third lesson and those given thereafter usually pro­ceed as follows : The president calls the meeting to order, the secretary calls the roll and reads the minutes of the preceding meeting, which, if no corrections are made, are approved as read. Old business being finishes!, new mat­ters are brought to the attention of the club. It is here that the students are taught how to address the president, and how to make, amend and discuss motions. Motions are made to subscribe to the Literary Digest, to set a date to discuss the League of Nations, and to amend the constitu­tion or by-laws. Then follow the reports of committees, which is the program of the day. The president calls on the chairman of the National Affairs Committee to report. The student steps to the front of the room, and, facing the class, names the topic and explains it. The president then asks, "Is there any further information or discussion on the sub­ject?" Any member may then ask for further information or discussion on the topics. When the chairman has re­ported fully (and these reports must not be read from news­paper clippings or from written statements prepared be­forehand) the president asks if there are any important items of national news that have been omitted. This gives the other members a chance to show the important events they have garnered. 
The three other chairmen are then called in order, and the same procedure followed as above. The president then assigns the chairmen for the following week. Before the close of the period a summary of the important topics re­ported is either placed on the board or given orally by a member of the club. The students copy this in their note­books. The class then adjourns. 
This procedure is varied once a month by the election of new officers. The fault in this method is that only the chairmen feel responsible, and the shirkers depend on them for information and news. 
Method II 
This method differs from the first in that the class does not have a formal written constitution, but, like the English and French governments, enacts legislation which serves as a constitution. The first law is one organizing a Current Events Club, the second provides for the choosing of offi­cers, the third for committees. The officers serve only one week so as to give each student an opportunity to preside and get parliamentary practice. In place of a committee of one there are three members that report on national af­fairs, on foreign, state and city. Two of these gather news items for the chairman who reports to the class. The rest of the members discuss and add information as in the pre­ceding method. 
There is more parliamentary law taught under this pro­cedure. This method is faulty in that time is wasted in weekly elections and in having inexperienced presiding of­ficers. 
Method III 
The organization is the same as in plan one, except that the officers elected serve all term. Things run more smoothly as the officials become more and more exper­ienced. Assignments instead of being given to one stu­dent, or three, are given to each row of students, which reports on each topic. The president of the club calls on the students of the national affairs row to report, and then asks for discussion or further information. This method has the advantage of having each member assigned to some definite work, and the whole class recites during the meet­ing. It is faulty in that too many items of news are re­ported on, and the more important ones can not be fully discussed. 
Method IV 
Method IV has not yet been tried, but has been formu­lated by a committee of teachers. It is a combination with certain additions of the best from the three foregoing meth­ods. 
No ,formal constitution is adopted, but the procedure of law-making as explained in Plan II is followed. The presi­dent serves all the term, but selects a different U-mpornry chairman each week, so that each member of the club has an opportunity to preside. The club gets its parliamentary practice when laws are passed, committees formed and re­ports made. Once a month the club meets as a Committee of the Whole when the two or three important questions before the nation are thoroughly discussed or debated. The topics to be discussed are assigned to the class beforehand from among those brought before the body at the previous meetings. 
The row committee system of assignments is carried out, and a student in each row is designated as chairman anrl reports before the class. Other students in the row are asked by the president to give additional information or lead the discussion. 
A Criticism Committee is appointed each week from an­other row of students. This body reports at the close of the period commenting favorably or unfavorably on the contributions of the chairman. They criticize the use of English, the posture, tone of voice, and whetner enough in­formation was given so as to make it intelligible to the class. 
RESULTS 
The results attained warrant the time given to the study of Current Events. The students are alive to the things going on in the world. They realize that history is being made in every day occurrences. Confidence is gained in speaking before the class. They learn to think on their feet. Their vocabulary is increased and oral English is much improved, as they must speak distinctly and make others understand what they have in mind. 'I'upils acquire a working knowledge of parliamentary law and procedure. They learn the value of organization. 
HOW RESULTS HAVE BEEN TESTED 
Students are given formal examinations at the end of the term. They keep notebooks containing clippings ar­ranged under headings, National, Foreign, State and City Affairs, also cartoons. These books are collected at the end of the term and marked. Pupils studying current events have been able to do much better work in history, economics and English. They can see the application of these subjects to the affairs of the day. We have also noted that in assemblies and at clubs the lessons in parliamentary practice have not been lost, and it is here that students have shown that they can make formal speeches, can discuss questions understandingly, and can think on their feet. We feel that they will carry these habits with them and apply them to the affairs of the world outside the school. 
The subject of current events can not be dismissed with­out definitely stating from what source the students .have obtained their news of daily affairs. They read newspa­pers. It is no uncommon sight to see all the members of a current events class coming to school with newspapers not only the day they recite, but on other days. Miss Dow­den, the librarian of the Wadleigh High School, has aided in this work by having a large bulletin board in the library where clippings from newspapers and magazines are placed by members of current events classes. Pupils also sub­scribe to weekly periodicals, such a Literary Digest, Leslie's Weekly, Independent, and the Outlook. These make spe­cial rates for high school students. 
We feel that this work has been worth while, and that its value can be further enhanced if some college, newspa­per or the Board of Education, would arrange a Current Events Bee, once a term, like that conducted by the Brooklyn Daily Eagle. 
Preliminary competitions might be held in current events classes, and the best student in each would compete in open assembly. The two winners in each high school in the city could then meet and prizes be awarded to the city high school champion. 
Such a spirit of rivalry would certainly result in bring­ing the schools more in touch with the affairs of the world and make for a better and more enlightened Americanism. 
J. LEWIS STOCKTON, 
Wadleigh High School, New York City. 
UNIVERSITY COLLECTION OF WAR MUSIC 
The University of Texas is now in possession of about 2000 pieces of sheet music and 1100 war posters and broad­sides.1 
The University of Texas will very much appreciate the contribution of any sheet of war-inspired music or any war poster or broadside not included in its collection. Undoubt­edly there are many war posters in the state of Texas which are not found in duplicate in this central collection. It should be the object of every Texan to make this collection as large and extensive as possible. The Texas War Records Collection organization, therefore, solicits the cooperation of every Texan in building up a first class collection of such illustrative material. The name of the donor will be at­tached to the contribution. 
Read this list. If you have any music or posters, either European or American, not included in these lists, send them to your state collection. If you know of anyone who has any posters or music not included in these lists, urge himto contributethem to the Texas War Records Collection. If you have any letters sent from the war zone or camps, any camp newspapers, diaries, photographs of camps, war scenes, military groups or civilian war work, or any other records of the war (coins, stamps', German helmets, imple­ments, etc.) , send them to the Texas War Records Collection where they will be taken care of and will be accessible to the entire state. 
COMPOSER TITLE 
Abbey, K. E. Battle Hymn of the Republic. 
Abbott, Samuel Sleep, soldier sleep. 
Ager, Milton France we have not forgotten you. 

Tom, Dick and Harry and Jack. Ahlert, Frede Don't forget the boys. Aide, H. The call of the flag. Allen, Edgar I'm a regular daughter of Uncle Sam, Ames, Francis Our souls are thine, America. 
On our war. Andino, J. E. Since the boys are home from France. 
lSee Texas History Teachers' Bulletin, Vol. VIII, No. 1. 
COMPOSER Anthony, Clifton S. 
Atkinson, Douglas 
Anderson, Will R. Andino, J. E . Armstrong, Robert Ashford, Robert Aubel, Geo. and 
TITLE 
The whole world is calling you. 
That's what we're fighting for. 

T. 	Have you seen the lad called slacker? Bring me a letter from my old home town I'll soon be coming back to you. A long fight, a strong fight. Good-bye, my laddie! 
Aubel, G., Kei.th, Mme. Over the top with Old Glory. 
Avery, S. R. Bacon, A. G. Barry, Thos. J. Behrend, A. H. 
Benton, Thos. 
Baker, Geo. C. 
Baker, Clara L. 
Baker, Mabel B. Ball, Ernest R. Bantock, O. 
Bartlett, Horner N. Bartmess, Emma H. Baskette, Billy 
Bauer, F.mih F. Bauer, .Tune 
l3ea~.J;i, Mrs. H. H. A. Beatt:.•, Al. Beckwith. Fred C. 
B<'lohlavek, Frances 
B~nnGt, C. W. B~nn,!t, Dr. W. II. Bencit, L. and Garton Benoist, Andre Bergen, Alfred H. 
Bergen, C. U. Bergh, Arthur Berlin, Irving 
Billings. Clarence E. ~\ake, Thaleon Bock, Wm. E. 
Bonney, Walter Botefuhr, Carl 
Boyden, Geo. L. 
Brady, Mae T. Braham, Edmund The sign of mercy. 
Yankee Doodle Do. 
Faugh-A-Ballaugh. 
Bon Jour, Ma Belle! 
Guard of the U. S. A. 

America, awake! 

Uncle Sammy's boys. 

Soldier boys. 

We will follow our flag. 

A light in the window .. 

America's slogan. 

The inotto of Uncle Sam. 

Dear little boy of mine. 

Men cif America (mixed voices). 

Old Glory. 

The service flag. 

Good-bye Broadway, hello France. 

Each stitch is a thought of you, dear. 
Our flag in France. 
Good-bye my soldier boy. 

Perfect peace. 
Our Uncle Sam. 
A song of liberty.
Kafrer Bill. 

U.S. A. American Crusaders. Yankees on the Rhine. When the Stars and Stripes unfold. My Belgian Rose. The freeman's hymn. Flanders' fields. Flag song. Red, White and Blue. Oh. how I hate to get up in the morning. Good-bye, France. America, America. The ballad of Hiram O'Swatter. Freedom for all forever. Glory. Men of America. The flag of Liberty. Your Uncle Sam is mighty proud of Sammy. If I'm not at the roll call, kiss mother good­
bye for me. We're off today for the mighty fray. When the war is over. Do your little bitty-bit. 
COMPOSER 
Branscombe, Gena 

Breitenfeld, Emil 
Brennan, James A. 
Brennecke, Ernest 
Brennen, Robt. H. 
Breuer, Ernest 
Briscoe, J. H. 
Bristow, Arthur 
Brobst, Sam 
Brockton, Lester 
Brown, Al. W. 
Brown, J. A. 
Brown, J.E. 
Brown, K. C. 
Brown, Wi~lis C. 
Browne, J. L. 
Browning. H. B. 
Brier, E.T. 
Bryce, Catherine T. 
Buford, J. W. 
Bullard, Carrie 
Burdett, Geo. A. 
Burg, C. 
Burnham, Christine 
Burns, Margaret
Burke, Jos. A. 
Burtch, Roy L. 
Caddigan and Story 
Cahoon, Earl G. 
Caithness, Jeanne 
Calhoun, J no. C. 
Callo, Stanislao Campbell, Chas. R. 
Campbell, Mrs. Ella Campbell, Henry M. Cannon, Ed. C. Capen, Edmund M. 
TITLE Every town is your home town. Gi>d of the nations (duet}.
Dear lad o'mine. The last long mi1e. We're all gc;ng calling on the Kaiser. The rose of No-Man's-Land. Salior !<td. T:Pe flag of liberty. All hail to our flag so grand.When, the boys from Dixie eat the melon... There's a vacant chair in every home. It's a long way to dear old Broadway.Private Jerry Jones. America now and forever. I'm proud to serve the land that gave... Somewhere back there. My soldier boy. The bravest battle of the war was fought... There's a service flag in our home. The Dixie hymn .• America, hope of the world. We're coming millions strong. We hear you, Uncle Sam. 
U.S. A. 
Our slogan, U. S. A. 
It's up to you. 
Carry on. 
To arms for liberty. 
Over the sea to Black Jack. 
The flag goes by. 
The flag of freedom. 
Everybody has his troubles and I'm having 

mine. 'Tis your country calling you. On to victory. America, land of my adoption. A sondker's rosary.Home-land. Angels guard thee, I pray. Peace on earth and liberty. When the bugle calls. Sunbeam. Salvatfon lassie of mine. Take off your hat to the Sammies. Awake, America! The beast of Berlin, we're going to get him. War brides. Sound, trumpet. When it's night time here in day time. He gave us Wilson. I'm sure I wasn't raised up to be a soldier. The U. S. A. is here to stay. We're all alike in khaki. That Red Cross girl of mine. We are going, Father Woodrow. Three cheers for the grand old flag.Back home I'll come. 
COMPOSER Carp, Andrew 
Carroll, Earl 

Carson, Cleman R. 
Carter, May Jackson 
Carty. N. A. W. 
Case, Anna 
Case, C. C. 
Casey, James W. 
Chadwick, Geo. W. 

Chase, C. A. 
Childs, E. H. 
Clark, K. S. 
Clarke, H. A. 
Clarkson, Ruth K. 

Clifton, Chalmers 
Cline, J. D. 
Chimet, Tommoe S. 
Coates, Archie 

Coerne, L. A. 

Cohan, Geo. M. 

Cole, R. G. 
Coleridge, Taylor S. 

TITLE I have come to say good-bye. For freedom's cause. So long, Letty. When I'm through with the arms of the army__ In the ranks of the U. S. A. Song of victory. The nation's call. Our America. Up with the flag. Egypt!and. Land of our hearts. Here comes the flag. The fighting men. These to the front. Flag of my soul. America, prepare. Going back h--0-m-e. The battle song of peace. That makes a good American of me. A suit of 0. D. A vec Le'Urs Fusils. Men of freedom. Can, can, can. Bury the Hun. Night sea song. Sing for the dawn has broken. Song of victory. You're a grand old flag. When you come back. Over there. Ycur lad and my lad. Song of deliverance. 
Collette and Chalmers If I only knew. 
Colvin, David Congrove, Laura W. Converse, F. S. 
Corliss, E. M. Cortelyou, W. Courville. Victor Cowles, Eugene Cowles, HarryCox, Ralph Cramer, Maxene Crane, B. Crause, W. A. Crawley, A. B. Crosse, Mentor Cryan, J . H. Cuffee, Jean C. Daniels, Mabel W. 
Freedom's victory. For the freedom of the sea. Covenant (mixed voices). Under the stars and stripes. The answer of the stars. The service stars are shining. The girl that he loves best. Soldiers of the sea. Three big cheers for Uncle Sam. Laureals. The farewell message. The song of the defenders. You can count on Uncle Sam for victory. Grab a gun, put the Hun on the run. J.iberty song. Soldier boy. The trust; in Flanders' Fields. On, on, to Berlin. We will win. Soldier-cap. Peace with a sword. 
Dart, Addison A. America, lead the way. 
COMPOSER Dart and Auten 
Davidson, Ltl Wm. B. 
Davis, Cliff 
Davis, G. H. 
Davis and Brobst 
Davis, Mary S. 
Davis, Wm. E. 
Davis and Bossert 

Deagon, Arthur 
De Costa, Harry 

TITLE 
We're here, Lafayette, we're here. 
Good-bye, William, good-bye. 
I work for Uncle Sam. 

I want to go back to blighty. 
Keep the old. flag flying. 
Now that the war is over. 
Somewhere--back there. 
Hurrah for Uncle Sam. 
A funny old Heck. 
When the boys come marching home 
Faces in the camp fire. 
The new America. 
When the band plays Dixie in France. 
Never try to steal a soldier's sweetheart. 
He draws no color line. 
If you fight for your country like you... 
Hello central, give me France. 

De Lachau, Contess A. Li'l Liza Jane. 
Delcal, Leo 
Demarest, Clifford 
Dennee, Chas. 

Densmore, 

Dettling, J. and Cox 
Dickinson, Clarence 
Dickson, B. M. 

Dillinger, H. G. 
Dolen, Tade 
Donald, David 
Donaldson, Walter 

Donegan, Kate C. 
Doran, Jack 
Dorr, E., Porter, L. 
Dozier, N. E. 
Drennen, J. F. 
Driskill, C. H. 
Duffey, Wm. R. 
Dykeman, Peter W. 
Dulmage, Will E. 
Earl, Mary 

East, Ed. 
Ebling, E. F. 
Edouard, Emil 
Edmiaston. B. B. 
Edwards. Gus 
Elbert, Chas. 

Happy Sammies. America triumphant. Anglo-Saxons of today. For the flag and America. The unfurling of the flag. Friends of France. The U. S. A. will lay the Kaiser away. For all who watch. Carry me ack to my home across the sea. Promises. Our country's call. The old U. S. we're fighting for. Marching song. How ya gonna keep 'em down on the farm? Don't cry Frenchy. The army's full of Irish. Our boys of '17. Your boy and my boy. Dear o' d pals. Freedom's Flag. When the devil gets the Kaiser... Good-bye~farewell! Seventy-fifth artillery song. Patriotic songs and hymns. Say, you haven't sacrificed at all! Cheer up, mother. Lafayette, we hear you calling. There's no need to worry at all. I'm proud to be the sweetheart of a soldier. Gee, what a wonderful time we'll have.... My sweetheart is somewhere in France. Your mother's a soldier. We'll be true to the Red, White and Blue. The spirit of the U. S. A. Right wins every time. Mothers of men. We want a mighty navy. 
COMPOSER 	TITLE 
Eldridge, Harry C. 	She wears a cross upon her sleeve. The U. S. A. will find a way. America, my homeland. 
Ellsworth, H. C. Come, join the cause. 
Emmett, Dan D. Freedom land. 
Engel, Carl The people's anthem. 
Enzenberg, Max America first. 
Estabrook, Paul Then I'll march right back to you. 
Evans, Everett J. Stick by your Uncle Sammy. 
Fairman, Geo. I don't know where I'm going but I'm on..• 
Fairweather, J. F. Peace songs. 
Faris, Helen B. My boy and your boy. 
Fay, Ryan and Dreyer When I send you a picture of Berlin. 
Feiber, Jess What's the matter with Uncle Sam. 
Fenner, R. The greatest song of all. 

Send us away with a 	promise. 
A soldier's farewell. Ferguson, Chas. E. The boys of the U. S. A. Ferrari, G. Flag of my heart. Fiorito, Ted How the wedding bells will ring. Fisher, Fred They go wild, simply wild over me. Fisher, Wm. A. There's a great day coming. 
Zero minus one. 
Hymn of peace and good will. 
Our flag and motherland. 

Fitzsimons, H. T. Our colors. 
Flatow, Leon It's a long way to Berlin but we'll get. . . 
Flynn, Allan J. Oh, moon of the summer night... 

There's a green hill out in Flanders. Flynn, Norah Tim Tooney's at the fightin.' Foote, Arthur The Munster Fusiliers. Forsyth. Cecil Oh, red is the English rose. Foster, E. B. A song of peace. French. Emma W. The ffag of liberty. Frey, Harry Look out for squalls, Kaiser Bill. Friedman, Leo Here's my hand Uncle Sam. .. 
The boys of Uncle Sam. 
The re.d triangle. 
The devil dogs. 
Did you ever stop to think.. . 
United States, America. 
Far away o'er the deep blue sea. 
The Allies welcome to the states. 
The flag of the U. S. A. 
Let's all fight with all our might... 
America's call. 
Leaving the old home. 
Our banner. 
Uncle Sam has called his boys. 
A soldier of Uncle Sam. 
The brave boys of the U. S. A. 
The boy in blue. 
Somewhere in France. 
Brave boys somewhere in France. 
Uncle Sam is asking for your hand today. 
Let's cheer the boys along. 

COMPOSER TITLE 
Boys of the grand old U. S. A. 
Never let America desert her post. 
Sweet land of liberty. 
Let's smoke the ;Kaiser out. 
Hurrah for our Sammies. 
Sammie of the U. S. A. 
Three cheers. 
I raised my boy to be a soldier. 

Frisbee, G. R. Hurray for the great U. S. A. 
Frost, Jack Diddy-Giddap, go on, go on. 
Fuller, C. W. My soldier boy. 
Furth, Seymour When the clouds have passed away. 
Gardiner, James Old Glory is the sign. 
Garretti, Henry Stand by the President. 
Gaskell, Clarence I thank you, Mr. Hoover. 
Gebhardt, Dr. R. W. The raisies and the bluebells. 

A soldier boy's farewell to mother. 
My love and I will fly. 
A call across the ocean deep. 

Gertts, Mae If the U. S. flag could speak. 
Gerrish, H. G. Led by the Red, White and Blue. 
Gibbs, S. Give three loud cheers. 
Gifford, Harry E. The love of yesterday. 

When my boy meets the Kaiser. 
Gilbert, I. Wolfe I've got the army blues. Let the flag fly. Set aside your tears. 
Gillham, Art Smile as you kiss me good-bye. 
Gilliland, Carrie B. Our Sammies; 
Gilpin, W. L. Our o~d glory. 
Glazier, I. 0. The call of the Sammies. 
Glogau, Jack Here comes America. 

They are the stars in the service flag. 
Wake up, America. Goble, Margaret M. I know they are waiting for me. Goetz, Fay and Dreyer When you get back to Illinois. Goodman and Franklin The hut of the K. of C. Gottler, Archie Keep the home push up for Pershing. Gould, Billy Answer Mr. Wilson's call. Gould, Herbert Up, up, America. Gourley, Roy When the boys come home. Grady, Bart E. We're building a bridge to Berlin. Grant, Bert The worst is yet to come. 
The tale the church bell told. My barney lies over the ocean. Grant, Frank W. This message your mother sends you. 
That's whose little girl am I. Greely, Philip On to France. Green, Andrew True stars of blue. Grey, Frank H. Be a true American. Green and Easterbrook Just .luay it to Herb. Grey, Lawrence Come on boys. Gridley, Clarence Over the sea to Germanee. Grimm, C. A. When do you go over there. 
Good-bye mother, so long dad, hello Uncle Sam. Gross, Mary Viola The other over there. 
COMPOSER 
Grover, F. 
Grumpelt, Wm. H. 
Grunn, H. 
Guard, Wm. J. 
Hadley, Arthur 
Hadley, Henry 

Hamell, Emma S. 
Harkey, Sidney L. 
Hassan and De Luca 
Hatch, C. 
Halloran, Wm. A. 
Hamilton, Burton 

Hamilton and Marion 
Hamilton, Tommy 
Hanley, James F 

Harrison, E. E. 

Hartley, W. B. 

Bassett, B. 
Hatch, Chas. H. 
Hathaway, F. E. 
Haven. W. Gilman 
Haynes, Cmiper G. 
Hediger, M. 
Heinrich, Dick 
Helms, Perley M. 
Henry, S. E. 
Henry, M. V. 
Herbert, J. B. 
Hervert, V. 
Herbert, Victor 
Herman, R. L. 
Hill, Alex B. 
Hilbert, Harry 
Hilliam, B. C. 
Hitt, Will 
Hodges, C. A. 
Holbrook, Paul 
Hosmer, E. S. 
TITLE 
Better let Sam alone. On our way to Germany. Uncle Sam has his arms around the world. Our flag. Defend America. The new earth-An ode. To victory. · The sabbath day. Unfurl the flag. Good-bye and good luck, boys. It's your flag and mine. My little loving baby mine. I'm going back to Mobile, Alabam.' My heart belongs to the U. S. A. Bring back that Yama dance to me. Garden of love for two. I want the boys around me. The flag that wi"l never know defeat. The ragtime volunteers are off to war. Good-bye, my little lady. I wonder what he's doing tonight? We'll be there, on the land, on the sea... Three wonderful letters from home. A little it of sunshine from home. My little Red Cross girl. Victory won. The boys are coming home. P '>wer to save. Our glorious nation. We'll conquer in the end. The song my mother sung. Good-bye, Sammy, dear. We're coming Uncle Sam, to you. Old Glory. The battle hymn of peace. My country U. S. A. The soldier's gcc<l-bye. You'll be there to meet them. 
0. it's Bill, Bill, murderer Bill. 
We're going over seas to whip the Kaiser. 
Indianola. 
I'm on my way to Berlin. 
God bless the soldier boy. 
Songs of the soldier boys. 
Can't you hear your country calling. 
When Uncle Sam is ruler of the sea. 
The ca!l to freedom. 
Soldier men. 
Freedom, our .queen. 
"258" 
Some-day they're coming home again. 
Freedom for all forever. 
Apres la Guerre (After the war). 
Sammees. 
Come on you Yankee, Oh come on you boy. 
We're on the way to France. 
When the world is new. 

COMPOSER 
Howard, J, E. 

Hubbard, Susan W. 
Hughes, Jos. H. 
Hughes, Lillian B. Huhn, Bruno Hulse-Petrillo, Carrie 
Humphries, H. R. Hutchison, E. B. Iddings, C. M. Idlor, W. A. James, S. W. Jentes, Harry Jerome, J. K. Jervey, J. W. Johnson, Marjorie 
Johnson, Rllsamond 
J ommelli, Niccolo 
Kampman, Hobt. S. 
Kaylor, F. M. 
Keene, Bert 
Keiser, Rev. L. E. 
Keith, Clah·e C. 
Keithley, E. C. 

Keller, Chas. E. 

Kelly, M. E. Kennedy, Leora Kernell, W. B. King, A. King, Jos. N. King, Stanton H. King, Stoddard Knight, G. H. Koerner, H. T. Kohn, Dave Kraft, Wm. J. Kranz, Julius Krebs, Eric Krewson, J no. Kutzleb, J. A. Lambert, Louis Lamont, Arthur Lampe, M. Lane, Arthyr 
TITLE Somewhere in France is a lily. When our boys come marching home. Marching song. In Flanders' F'ields. I'll come marching back to you. I love my homeland. One gladsome day. Mother o'mine. Violets of Picardy. My boy. Rejoice! America thou victorious one. Our boys. I will fight for the red, white and blue. Hel~o. red, white and blue. R.eflecticns. Please, Mr. Blacksmith, listen. Knit girls, knit. Down in the lane and home again. Kankee Doodle Dixie. 0, America, America, we hail thee. Where do we go from here. The old flag never touched the grouni Praise the Lord, all ye Nations. Lullaby of war. Eyes of Uncle Sam. Peace reigns on earth. A mother's good-bye to her· soldier boy. Over the top with Old Glory. Somewhere tonight! I'll be there, laddy boy. If the Kaiser had his way. Yes, I'll help bring peace again. We'll never let our flag fall. Sammy boy. Buy a bond. Soldiers of America. Victory. Book of chanties. There's a long, long trail. Trust in God at all times. My country. The ocean must be free. Fall in, U. S. A. Just leave it to your Uncle Sam. Broadway girl. Uncle Sam needs you. 'Twas the Yankee Doodle Do. 
When Johnny comes marching home. 
Wake me early, mother, dear. 
Hats off to our soldier and sailor boys. 

What'll we do with him, boys. 
You 21 and you 53. 
There'll be a hot time in the U. S. A. 
Raus mit der Kaiser. 
A mother's prayer for her boy out there. 

COMPOSER 
Lauder, Harry Lawrence, Ray LeBlanc, Mitch 
Lee, Vincent Leighton, Zella E. Lemme!, Helen H. Leonard, W. B. 
Leslie, L. L. S. Lester, Wm. Lewis,--­Lewis, Johnson, and 
Frisch Lloyd, Evans 
Lloyd, Robert 
Loeser, Constance Loomis, Clarence Love, James B. Lowden, C. Harold 
MacArthur, David J. Mccampbell, A. D. Mccarron, Chas. 
TITLE 
America, here's my boy. Look out for the Irish tonight. Let's all do something. From the north, south, east and west. For every tear you've shed I'll bring... Ccrne on back to Dixie Land. Nigger war bride blues. Dream's consolation. Stand up for the soldier boy. My dear-0. The brave and free. The sons of liberty. Tuscania calls. Our native land. Answer your country's ca11. I'd like to,see the Kaiser with a lily ... 
They've won a million battles with ... 
When the sun goes down in Normandy. 
Good morning, Mr. Zip-Zip-Zip. 
Artillery song. 
Gcod-bye Ching Ling Woo. 
Hymn to America. 
Her sweetheart went across the sea. 
What do you say, boys? 

America, 0 land beloved. 

Patriotic selections. 
Take me across the sea. 
Wearing the red cross. 
I'm crazy about my daddy. 
Mammy's Pickanniny, don't you cry. 

Mccarron and Morgan Our country's in it now..• 
Mccarron, Chas. R. Liberty Statue is looking right at you.

Keep cool! The country's saving fuel. McCarty, Jno. J. Lookout over there. McClenahan, Mrs. C. I. Spare our homes, spare our fire-sides. McConnell, Geo. B. The heart of the world. McCosh, D. S. Do your best. McCullough, Earl Dixie Doodle you're the land for me. McCurrie, Chas. H. My ~oldier sweetheart. 
Good-bye sweetheart. MacDermid, James G. Land of Mine. McFadden, Elizabeth Cincinnati, we are proud of you. McFarland, Francis M.Hurrah! for the boys in khaki. McFarlane, Will C. America the beautiful. 
Up and on; marching song for men's voices. McKenna, Wm. J. The captain of the boy brigade. McKinley, Mabel March on, Americans! Machugh, Edward Our god, our country, and our f'ag. McPherson, Frank G. The fighting Sammie of the U. S. A. 
Mack, Andrew Mackenzie, Malcolm Macmi!len, Francis Magine, Frank 
Dear little Mary soldier's nurse. 
Fight! like Danny Kell. 
America made a man. 
My bit-of-a-girl. 
American consecraticn hymn. 
Bring back my soldier boy to me. 

COMPOSER TITLE 
Mann, Jos. D. Manney, Chas. F. 
Marr, Alex 
Marshall, Leonard B. Mason, S. E. Matthews, Pearl M. Mathewson, F. E. 
Mays, Anette H. Maxwell, Elsa May and Tally, and 
Caskell, C. Mendelsohn, Jack Merz, Otto 
Metcalf, John W. 
When the war is over, over there. The three republics. The little flag on our house. Here we come, America! Shout aloud in triumph (mixed voices). The ocean shall be free. They that trust in the Lord. When we get there. Only a rose in No-Man's-Land. Say a prayer for the boys out there. The American flag. Fight on! Uncle Sam's call to arms. Red, white and blue I'll live and die for you. Sweetheart, I'll come back to you. Mr. Kaiser, you'll be wiser. Battle hymn of conservation. My star (service flag). That's a mother's liberty loan. 
Salvation rose. 
Keep the old flag flying. 
There's a cross in my window tonight. 
Honor's call. 

Meyer, Daisy Theresa Power divine. 
Meyer, Geo. W. 
Van Dyke, Dr. and Miles Miller, C. C. 
Mills, Godfrey and 
Scott Mincer, Harry H. Mitchell, Sidney 
Mitchell, Albert C. Mitchell, Gottler and 
Morse Mitchell. H. Mohr, Halsey K. 
Monaco, James V. 
Moon, Nina Moore, Edward Moreland, Randal Morgan, Jimmie Morse, Theodore 
We hail from the U. S. A. 
You'll find old Dixieland in France. 
If he can fight like he can love, good-night, 

Germany. Like Washington crossed the Delaware, Gen. Pershing will cross the Rhine. America for me. 
We'll rag our way through Germany. 
My pretty maid of dreams. 
Take me back to dear old blighty. 

ln the good old United States. 

Would you rather be a colonel with an eagle on your shoulder or a private with a chicken on your knee? 
Over the top with the best of luck. Mother, here's your boy. 
The clarion call. Paul Revere, won't you ride for us again? Liberty Bell, it is time to ring again. Don't you go and worry, Mary. The dreams of a soldier boy. I'm going to follow the boys. She is just a girl that's serving Uncle Sam. The flag of us all. Will the girl I left behind be true to me? Uncle Sammy, take care of my girl. 
If they'd only fight the war with wooden soldiers. 
COMPOSER TITLE 
I want to be a soldier like my dad. We'll knock the Heligo-into Heligo out of••• Esrom, D. A. and Hail! Hail! the gang's all here. 
Morse Morse, Theo When I get back to my American blighty, Murchison, Kenneth M. The Kilties' march. 
Murphy, C. W. and 
David, Norton 
Murray, J. M. and 

Morgan 
Nairn, Ralph 
Neander, Harold Nelson, Ed. 
Nevin, G. R. Nevin, Geo. B. Noel, Juanita Norton, Geo. A. Novello, Ivor 
O'Hara, G. O'Hara, Geoffrey 
Olds-Haight, N. Olman, Abe 
O'Neil, Dannie Paley, Herman 
Parenteau, Z. J. 
Parks, J. A. 
Patton, W. Peck, Gerald Penn, E. C. 
Come on, America! 
Keep your head down, Fritzi boy. 

The spirit of 'l.7. 

Music. and Musicians Magazine, Vol. 5, No. 5. Gome, my lad, and be a soldier. National songs of the Allies. When the Kaiser does the goose step. Ooh la la I'm having a wonderful time. Welcome home. Don't steal my Yankee Doodle Dandy. I've got· a new job. Dancing 'neath the Dixie moon. When the moon begins to shine. She'll miss me most of all. When Yankee Doodle learns to Parlez vous 
Francais. The greatest thing that came from France. When the flag goes by. Victory bells. Unc'e Sam is wiser than the Kaiser. Round her neck she wears a yellow ribbon. Laddie in khaki. Keep the home fires burning. I don't care where they send me. K-K-K-Katy. Over yonder where the lillies grow. When the blue stars turn to gold. Colleen Machree. Pick a little four leaf clover. My dreamy little lotus flower. Sammie, think of your mammy. Cheer up· father, cheer up mother. When he took a look in his little red book. Sweet little buttercup. My land, my flag. When I come back. Little gold star. Your lad and my lad. When Pershing gets hello from Kitty Reilly.Soldier boys. The old heme town. 0 my Columbia. There's going to be one grand old time. Brother of mine. When the boys come home. The land we love. Good-bye shot and shell. Right and justice must everywhere prevail. 
COMPOSER TITLE 
Perrin, J. 
Perry, Wm. A. 
Pfeiffer, C. A. 
Philippus, C. L. 
Phipps, Lilly B. 
Piantadosi, A. 
Pinkard, Maceo 
Planquette, Robt. 
Pierson, W. T. 
Porter, Lew 
Porter, W. T. 
Powell, F. 
Pratt, Paul C. 
Priest, Thos. F. 
Protheroe, Daniel 
Prowse, E. B. 
Quinn, C. H. 
Rachmaninoff, S. 
Ramsay, Eliza 
Ranson, Capt. H. E. 
Rath, Fred 

Read, Martha 
Reed, Wm. 
Richardson, Harry 
Ries, Franz 
Reynolds, Sanders 
Richmond, Jack 
Rickettes, Mrs. N. T. 
Risher, Anna P. 
Roat, Chas. E. 
Roberts, --­
Robinson, Geo. W. 
Roeckel, Jos. L. 
Rogers, J. H. 

Rollinson, T. H. 

Rooney and Emmett 
Rose, V. 
Rocen, Chas. 
Rosey, Geo. 
Ross, Gertrude 

Ross. Wm. H. 
Rowden. J. B. 
Ruby, Harry 

We're in it and we'll win. I'm fighting for you. There's a light shining bright in the... 'Tis sunrise, America's awaking. Mother and Uncle Sam. Belgium, dry your tears. All aboard for home sweet home. My Salvation Army girl. Barefoot bay. 
Those draftin' blues. 
The regiment of Sambre and Meuse. 
Sons of America (instrumental). 
Mothers of America, you have done.. . 
When the boys come home. 
Pack up your troubles in your old kit bag. 
Your daddy will be proud of you. 

America and you. 
Our f.ag and freedom. 
My land. 
Our service flag. 
My sweetheart's a sailor. 
Somewhere in France. 
Glory to Him. 
Dear old flag. 
I'll take my little rifle and go bang... 
When the moon is shining somewhere in 

France. What the Yankees will do over there. 0 God of love, 0 King of peace. The finest flag that flies. Columbia, our motherland. The Hindenburg blues. Off for France. I'm just a Sammy, a blue-blooded Yank. Knitting. Our soldier boys. Smiles. The boy that is somewhere in France. Our soldiers, welcome home. The name of France. The national songs of the Allies. When Pershing's men go marching into . . . Under the Red Cross. Patrol of the red. white and blue. Are you the O'Reilly.The riviter's rag.Fight on. Patriotic. G~d's service flag. 
Peace. 
War. 
A babe's first cry. 

O'Connor. 
In the U. S. Radio. 
You keep sending 'em over and we'll . . . 
Oh, what a time for the girlies. 

COMPOSER 
Ryan, Mrs. L. J. 
Sanderson, --­
Santly, J. 
Scarmolin. W. H. 
Schilling, W. H. 

Schmid, Johann C. 

Schmitt, Susan 

Schulz, A. T. 

Scott, Chas. P. 

Seafert, Estelle 

Seeger, Wm. T. 

Selbys, The 

Shaefer, A. J. 

Shanks, Mrs. J. 

Shannon, S. R. 

Shaw, Alva A. 

Shaw, Harold 

Sheldon, Chas. A. 
Sherwood, Ray
Shook, B. 
Silvers, Louis 

Skidmore, Will E. 

Sloane, A. B. 

Smith, H. L. 
Smith, Jno. S. 
Smith, L. W. 
Snyder, Chas. A. 
Solman; Alfred 

Solman, Joe 
Sousa, Jno. P. 
Souther, Louise 
Specht, Paul 

TITLE Come on papa. I'm raising my boy to be a soldier. God be with our boys tonight. An Irishman was made to love and fight. We'll keep Old Glory flying. Hello, there, Uncle Sammy. I'm an American, that's all. Stand by the President. Our song of liberty. Soldier, rest. The mothers of men today. Republic of destiny. Kaiser Bill, goodnight. The Stars and Stripes for me. There is a land beyond the stars. A tale of the fireside. Yankee boy. There's a red bordered flag in the window. Our flag. . Now they call it Yankee Land. Uncle Sam p!ease be good to my dad. Uncle Sam, please don't take my man away. Uncle Sam has hit the trail. For get me not my American rose. While you're over the sea. Over in ij:ero-land. I'm going to spend my vacation with a .. . When I gets out in No-Man's Land. The message in the bottle from the sea. Chat. chat, chatter on the telephone. Good-bye, dear heart, good-bye. I am a lone star girl. Nobody cares. There's something about you, dear. I've always been a lucky little guy. Give us a drink. Once again. Just to keep peace in the family. We should worry, Uncle Sam. Lonesome, just lonesome, that's all. Throwing the bull. How cruel love can be. It's not the uniform that makes the man. The flag that frees the world. The Star Spangled Banner. Sun burst across the world. I'm hitting the trail to Normandy. If this ~hould be our last good-bye. My Yankee boy. I'll come back and be your sailor boy. The Stars and Stripes forever. There's a lily field. The snirit of the U. S. A. To a lonesome heart. Somewhere tonight in Dixie. 
COMPOSER TITLE 
Spencer, A. G. 
Speroy, Robt. Spross, Chas. G. Steiner, Roman Steinert, Alex Stenenson, ~ Stephens, Emma Stepht, Sam H. 
Sterling, C. Stevens, David 
Stevens, Vernon T. Stcry, R. Strickland, Lily Stults, Rnbert M. Sturges, C. B. V. Taylor, nuth Thielke, A. A. Thomas, .Jnf). E. Thompson, IJ. Throckmorton, Alex Tice, B. 
Tierney, Harry 
Tilzer, -­Van Alstyne, Egbert 
Kahn, G. and Van 
AlstyneVan Arsde'l, D. G. Vandersloot, Carl D. 
Van Praag, Henri J. Van Sickle, Robt. S. 
Hail America. To victory.Let's keep the glow in Old Glory. In Flanders' Fields. Spirit of heroes. Star of liberty. God save America. The man in the battle plane. When we reach that old port..• WhEn the Yankee boys go marching up. We're going over the top. Carry on, Carry on. Pass the work along. Stand by Uncle Sam. God's service flag of love. To a Highlander. I want to see the old folks again. Our honor boys. Camping on his trail. The boys in navy blue. The U. S. of the world. We're the song of Uncle Sam. We must back the right. With every thought I breath a prayer for you. The cross that stands for the helping hand. They are tenting tonight in far-off France. The universal peace song, God save us all. My little S':!rvice flag .has seven stars. Jerry mon cheri. 15's time for every by to be a soldier. For one sweet day. Keep your eye on little Mary Brown. When a pretty peeping ankle peeys at you. Chasing the squirrel. I want a good girl and I want her bad. We do the best that we can. Get a girl to lead the army. Garden of liberty. If you'll be a scldier I'll be a R. C. urse. Vegetable song. I may be gone for a long, long time. 
So long, mother. 
What are you going to do to help the bo1s? 
Put your hands in your pockets and give, give. 
Kaiser Bill. 
I can't get along without you. 

For the boys over there. 

Fighting for the U. S. A. General Pershing (song). The fight is on. Our Sammies. General Pershing (one step) . A marching song for America. Biff, Bing, Bang, That's your Uncle Sam. Victory songs of the U. S. A. 
COMPOSER Vincert, Nat Von Tilzer, Harry 
W.agner, Anne Walker, Barclay 
Herschell, W. and Walker Wall, J. E. and 
Shontze, E. H. Walter, J. B. Ward, S:iman San 
TITLE 
Hike! Hike! Hike! 
Down the trail of the old dirt road. 
The dove of peace. 
The man behind the hammer and the plow.
Batter up. 
It's a long way to the U. S. A. and the girl I 

left behind. Keep the trench fires going-. Somebody's waiting for someone. Take me back to New York Town. Mama's captain curly head. Buy a liberty bond for baby. Bring back the Kaiser to me. You'll have to put him to sleep with the 
Marsellaise... Jim, Jim, don't come back till you win. I'm just an old jay from the U. S. A. The little good. for nothing's good for some­
thing after all. The makin's of the U. S. A. He's well worth waiting for. You are still my boy. BrinP' back a smile for me. Fall in boys. Long may she wave. Long boy. 
Remember boy, this land of ours. 
We're with you, boys, we're with you. Your boy is on the coal pile now. 
Bryan and Weston and Joan of Arc they are calling you. 
Wells Watson, F. Watson, Eva B. Watson, Wilbur Webb, Earl H. Wenrich, Percy Wasserman, Herman Weiss, George 
Wendling, Pete 
Weston, W. and 
Smith, Chas. Wenrich, Percy Weston, Harry 
Whitaker, I. S. 
White, C. A. 
White, Kathryn I. 
Whiting, Richard A. 

When the war is over I'll return to you. 
Lend a hand to Uncle Sam. 
God bless him! My boy. 
Take off your hat to the Stars and Stripes. 
Mothers. must pay for all. 
Back the man behind the gun. 
I'm proud to be a son of Uncle Sam. 
Somewhere, someone is waiting. 
Oh! how I wish I could sleep until my daddy 

comes home. Lily of France (a ballad). 
I ain't got weary yet. 
For the Stars and Stripes. 
United States of America. 
I'm going to leave you, sweetheart, for the 

sake of Uncle Sam. Our bugle call. We're the boys of the U. S. A. The flag without a stain. We are going back to America. Throw me a kiss from over the sea. The bravest heart of all. 
COMPOSER 
Wilder, Miss J. R. 
Wireby, Chas. 
Williams, A. L. 
Winkle, Billy 
Winne, Jesse 
Wood, Leo 
Woods, Leo 
Woods, Hayden 
Wooler, Alfred 
Werth, J. W. 
Zerfing, Pvt. H. C. Zeller, H. J. 
TITLE Dress up your dollars in khaki. The urge of the liberty loan. Coming home. The girls of the U. S. A. In Flanders Fields. It's over, over there. When Uncle Joe steps into France. Then you'll know you're home. That's what God made mothers for. Mothers of France. Roses of Picardy. Freedom's flag. 0, native land. They shall return. Camouflage. God bless our boys. 
PROCEEDINGS OF THE HISTORY SECTION OF THE 
T. S. T. A., FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1919 
The History Section met in the Sunday School room of the First Presbyterian Church, Houston, on Friday, Novem­ber 28, 1919, at 9 :30 a. m. 
Meeting called to order by the chairman, L. F. McKay, of Temple. Reading of the minutes by the secretary, after which the following program was rendered. 
First, "Our New History Text-book." 
Discussion led by F. E. Norton of Austin. 
Second; Address by Dr. Dodd of the University of Chi­cago. On motion of L. W. Newton of Denton, an assessment of fifty cents against each member was voted. 
The following resolution was passed: 
"The History and Social Science Sections of the State Teachers' Association respectfully submit for consideration the following resolutions: 
"Whereas, the function of the high school in a democracy is much more civic (that is to socialize and to train for citizenship) than was formerly realized, and 
"Whereas, the high school aims to create 'social intelli­gence' to cultivate and stimulate the social instincts, and to form cooperative habits, and 
"Whereas, these aims may be more surely achieved by teaching concrete, social and industrial facts abundantly, and such principles of economics and sociology as high school pupils are able to grasp. 
"Be it resolved that the Texas State Teachers' Associa­tion recommends : 
"First: That the high schools of Texas give four units in history, one unit in American History being required, and the others optional. 
"Second: That a half unit in Community Civics be of­fered (optional) and that this half unit be provided in the tenth grade where at all practical." 
A vote of thanks was extended to Mr. L. F. McKay, the retiring chairman for his untiring efforts in behalf of the History Section. 
·The following officers were elected for the ensuing year: 
L. W. NEWTON, Denton, Chairman. 
A. G. MALLESON, Houston, Vice-Chairman. 
MISS 	LULA M. SUGGS, San Antonio, Secretary-Treasurer. (Signed) J. R. REYNOLDS, Secretary. 
Names and addresses of those enrolling as members of the History Section : 
L. F. McKay, Temple. 
L. W. Newton, Denton. 
J. R. Reynolds, 	Trinity. 
C. C. Roeder, Maulton. 

I. Wood, Sealy. 
Lois Fitzhugh Foster, 622 W. Hopkins Street, San Mar­
cos. Edith M. Bradley, 608 Omar A venue, Houston. Mrs. E. R. Benedict, Valley View. Ora Johnson, 101 Warwick Boulevard, San Antonio. 
F. E. Norton, 2518 Guadalupe Street, Austin. 

C. F. Hootman, 1602 Howard Street, Houston. 
Millie H. Walker, 319 Trenton Street, San Antonio. 
Retta Murphy, 412 W. Hopkins Street, San Marcos. 
Minnie Coor, 534 Stillwell Boulevard, Port Arthur. 
Edith Mildrum, 492 Rosonian A venue, Houston 
Nell Huggins, Jacksonville. 

W. P. Webb, University Station, Austin. 
Mrs. E. H. Sparkman, 1200 Speight Street, Waco. 
Miss Marion Leigh, Houston. 
Miss Jonnie M. Colbert, Wichita Falls. 
Miss Agnes Bichlmon, Wichita Falls. 
Miss Helen Barber, Kingsville. 

J. E. Humphreys, Rock Island. 
Mabel De Anderson, Hallettsville. 

E. B. Storer, Orange. 
A. G. Malleson, Houston. 
E. C. Gates, 2623 Park Place, Houston. 
J. L. Clark, Huntsville. 
R. P. Felgar, 308 W. 14th Street, Austin. 
Mrs. Hallie B. Goff, 3302 L. Street, Austin. 
Mrs. S. A. Winship, 727 W. 18th Street, Houston. 

P. J. Rutledge, Pecos. 
N. B. Hendriz, Smithville. 
Mrs. Dora G. Sims, 1811 S. 5th Street, Waco. 

M. F. Kennedy, Pflugerville. 
A. C. Ellis, Freeport. 
Mrs. Otto V. Watts, 705 Trinity Street, Austin. 
Edith Jane Lamb, Jacksonville. 

J. Grace Whitsett, 1829 Harley Avenue, Fort Worth. 
W. M. Board, Oak Cliff High School, Dallas. 
T. P. Walker, Whitney. 
A. D. Ellis, Fort Worth. 
L. F. Sjiffy, Canyon. 
E. H. Patten, La Grange. 
Pettway Jones, Conroe. 
Daisy Smith, Harrisburg. 
Willie Stevenson, Box 454, Dallas. 

W. R. McCanlay, Masonic Home, Fort Worth. 
Miss Lena Burford, 1023 Jefferson Street, Waco. 
Nettie M. Leamon, 339 W. 17th Street, Houston. 
Miss Annie Donovan, Huntsville. 
Miss Alberta Poage, Bay City. 
Lula M. Suggs, 326 San Pedro A venue, San Antonio. 

HISTORY IN THE SUMMER SCHOOLS 
From the regular staff of the University of Texas Professor Riker and Dr. Marsh will teach in the first term of the Summer School and Professor Ramsdell and Dr. Gutsch in the second term. 
Visiting professors in the first term will be Professor Clarence Perkins of Mercer University, Professor James E. Winston of Sophie Newcomb College, Professor Charles H. Ambler of West Virginia University, and Mr. Tom P. Martin, secretary of the Harvard West­ern History Commission. In the second term Messrs~ Flippin, Am­bler, and Martin will continue, and, in addition, Professor Arthur C. Cole of the University of Illinois, will give courses on the history of the ante-bellum South ~nd on history teaching. . 
History 3, 5, and 74 are -0pen to all Summer School students, but History 74 is recommended for those who have not previously had a college course in history. History 3, it will be observed, can be com­pleted in the first term; History 5 in either term; History 74 in the two terms combined. The advanced courses may be counted .sepa­rately and independently. They are open to students who have credit for .two college courses in history. Students desiring graduate work may make arrangement with instructors for theses and special work not here announced. 
FIRST TERM 
3(f). TIJE ORIGINS OF MODERN EUROPE. 
The basic theme of the course is the evolution of the national state, its internal organization and external activities. After a brief dis­cussion of the transition from the Middle Ages to the Modern World, the course will be devoted to the rise of France, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, the state of politics and society in pre-Revolutionary Europe, and the pioneer work of internal reconstruction through the opening phases of the Industrial and French Revolutions. A sylla­bus will furnish the outline of the course which will extend' roughly from 1498 to 1791. 
Associate Professor RIKER. 
3(w). REVOLUTIONARY EUROPE, 1789-1848. 
The French Revolution and the Napoleonic regime; the recon­struction of Europe in the Congress of Vienna; the progress of liberation; the revolutions of 1830 and 1848. 
Professor PERKINS. 
3(s). CONTEMPORARY EUROPE SINCE 1848. 
Domestic development and international relations; causes of the Great War; the Peace Conference; and subsequent problems. Adjunct Professor MARSH. 
5 (f). THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND THE REVOLUTION, 1492-1789. 
This course deals with the planting and development of the Eng­lish colonies in America, their relations with the British government, the causes, nature, and progress of the Revolution, and the govern­ment under the Confederation. Instruction will be given by lectures, parallel reading, and frequent quizzes. 
Section 1. Professor FLIPPIN. 
Section 2. MR. MARTIN. 
5(w). NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND EXPANSION,. 1789-1860. 
In this course the class will review briefly the organization and working of the government of the Confederation, and will then study in more detail the formation and establishment of the Constitution, the growth of nationality, westward extension, and the beginnings of the quarrel over slavery. 
Professor WINSTON. 
5(s). DIVISION AND REUNION, 1860-1918. 
This course will deal chiefly with the deve1opment of the contro­versy over slavery and state rights, the Civil War, the problems of reconstruction, the subsequent great industrial, social, and political developments, and the later international relations of the United States. 
Professor AMBLER. 
74(s). HISTORY OF ENGLAND, 1763-1920. 
Survey of British imperial history; development of the Constitu­tion; foreign policy; social, economic, and political issues of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 
Adjunct Professor MARSH. 
35f. i. A. JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY. 
This course will deal with the rise and triumph of Jacksonian de­mocracy. Special attention will be given the tariff, nullification, and the rise of the abolition movement, also the influence ot the new West. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Professor AMBLER. 35w. i. A. THE UNITED STATES AND TEXAS, 1835-1845. 
A survey of public sentiment upon the independence of Texas as illustrated by the attitude of different states; a study 1,>f the annexa­tion question in its relation to political parties and to the election of 1844 in the Southern States. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. 
Professor WINSTON. 
23s. i. A. THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE, 1918-1920. 
After a review of the principal issues of the war the course will concern itself with the work of the Peace Conference and its fruits, together with the origin, course, and significance of the Russian and German revolutions. Each member of the class will be expected, at the close of the course, to form some personal judgment on the more important aspects of the work of reconstruction. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. 
Associate Professor RIKER. 
148. SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURY COLONIAL PROBLEMS. 
A study of British colonial policy with special reference to Amer­ica; the organs of imperial control and the problems of colonial ad­ministration. The political, economic, social, . and religious institu­tions in the colonies are emphasized in order to show their relation to the problems which arose. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. 
Professor FLIPPIN. 
149. ENGLAND UNDER THE STUARTS, 1603-1688. 
An advanced course conducted by lectures, discussions, and written reports. The main topics will be the rise of parliamentary govern­ment and the Puritan movement and its influence. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. 
Professor PERKINS. 
102. A. HISTORY OF THE WEST TO 1850, 
Particular attention is paid to the causes and process of westward migration; and to the economic, political, and social aspects of the occupation of the various geographic provinces of the United States, together with the results upon national development. The class··is conducted by lectures, with collateral reading, written quizzes, and one special report on a topic chosen under the advice of the in­structor. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. 
Mr. MARTIN. 
SECOND TERM 
5(f). THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND THE REVOLUTION, 1492-1789. 
For description see first term. Professor FLIPPIN. 
5(w). NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND EXPANSION, 1789-1860. For description see first term. Professor RAMSDELL. 
5(s). DIVISION AND REUNION, 1860-1918. 
For description see first term. 
Professor AMBLER. 
74(f). HISTORY OF ENGLAND TO 1337. 
A survey of the social, economic, and political development of England from the dawn of civilization to the Hundred Years War. Special attention to typical medieval institutions, such as feudalism, the manor, the guild system, scholasticism, and the "Universal Church.'' 
Adjunct Professor Gt..--TSCH. 
74(w). HISTORY OF ENGLAND, 1337-1763. 
The decline and disappearance of medieval institutions; the de­velopment of the Constitution; the English Church; the establish­ment of the Empire. 
Adjunct Professor GUTSCH. 
25f. i. A. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
The attitude of the king, the ministry and the Parliament towards the colonies during the decade immediately preceding the Revolu­tion. The establishment of the revolutionary organization. The plans of union. The C-Ontinental Congress. The movement for independ­ence. The Declaration of Independence. The formation of state governments. The Articles of Confederation. The problems con­fronting Congress. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. 
Professor FLIPPIN. 
25(w). i. A. THE FORMATION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 
This course covers in considerable detail the constitutional history of the United States from 1775 to 1804, dwelling on such topics as the formation of state governments during the Revolution; govern­ment under the Articles of Confederation; the formation, ratification, and establishment of the present C-Onstitution; and the triumph of Jeffersonian democracy. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. 
Professor AMBLER. 
45w. i. A. RECONSTRUCTION A:F1ER THE ClvIL WAR, 1863-1868. 
Lincoln's plans for .reconstruction and the radical opposition; con­ditions in the South at the end of hostilities; the question of status of the state and of the negro; Johnson's policy and his restoration of the Southern States; Johnson's contest with C-Ongress; congres­sional reconstruction in the South; Johnson's impeachment; the eco­nomic aspects of reconstruction. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. 
Professor RAMSDELL. 
108. A. HISTORY OF THE SOUTH. 
The ante-bellum South and its destruction, 1844-1865; the Civil War in the light of the forces which tended to hasten or obstruct the clash of arms; early reconstruction. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. 
Assistant Professor COLE. 
118. A. HISTORY TEACHING. 
Preparation of students for the teaching of history in the second­ary schools; discussion and consideration of problems that confront 
Texas History Teachers' Bulletin 107 
the history teacher in the definition of content of courses and meth­ods of teaching. 
Prerequisite: Two courses in Education. May be counted as an advanced one-third course in history by students who have had the equivalent of two college courses in history. 
Assistant Professor COLE. 
150 A. HISTORY o~· THE WEST, 1850-1920. A continuation of the history of the West to 1850. For descrip­tion see History 102 in the first term. Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Mr. MARTIN. 
151 A. HISTORY OF RUSSIA. 
In this course the attempt will be made to give the student a general idea of Russian history from the earliest times down to the present day, though the firrst five centuries will receive but hasty treatment. The chief emphasis will be laid upon internal develop­ment and the political and social problems of the most recent period. 
Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. 
Mr. MARTIN.
1 
1Mr. Martin spent a year in Russia during 1917-1918.