University of Texas Bulletin No. 1928: May 15, 1919 The Texas History Teachers' Bulletin Volume VII, Number 3 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY SIX TIMES A MONTH, AND ENTERED AS SECOND·CLASS MATTER AT THE POSTOFFICE AT AUSTIN, TEXAS. UNDER THE ACT OF AUGUST 2i, 1912 The benefits of education and of useful knowledge, generally diffused through a community, are essential to the preservation of a free govern­ment. Sam Houston Cultivated mind is the guardian genius of democracy. .. . It is the only dictator that freemen acknowl­edge and the only security that free­men desire. Mirabeau B. L·amar The Texa~ History Teachers' Bulletin Volume VII, Numbber 3 EDITORS: The History Staff of the University of Texas EUGENE C. BARKER WILLIAM R. MANNING C.H. CUNNINGHAM FRANK BURR MARSH FREDERIC DUNCALF CHAS. W. RAMSDELL W. E. DUNN THAD W. RIKER MILTON R. GUTSCH W. P. WEBB C. W. HACKETT Managing Editor MILTON R. GUTSCH CONTENTS CHARLES P. NEILL, Educ,ation and Citizenship. . . . . . . . . . . . 61 GEORGE F. ZOOK, Use of Pictures and Lantern Slides in Study of the Great War ................................... 72 DANIEL C. KNOWLTON, Current Events Through Pictures. . 77 HISTORY IN THE SUMMER SCHOOL .................... 85 The Texas History Teachers' B•ulletin is issued in November, Feb­ruary, and May. The history teachers of Texas are urged to use it as the medium of expression for their experience and ideals and to help make it as practicable and useful as possible by contribuiing articles, suggestions,criticisms, questions, personal items, and local news concerning educational matters in general. Copies will be sent free on application to any history teacher in Texas. Address CHAIRMAN OF THE PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE The University of Texas, Austin, Texas EDUCATION AND CITIZENSHIP By Hon. Charles P. Neill, Ph.D., Representative of the National Security League and Former Commissioner of Labor, Washington, D. C. Address delivered to Texas Teachers' Association meeting in Dallas, November, 1918. The National Security League was an organization start­ing during the period of the war, and it was one of the first to realize that the winning of the war was only one part of the job that we had set out to do. It has taken up already the problems that follow the war, and it is one of those problems that I want to discuss with you tonight. I appear here tonight with genuine pleasure for two reasons: one is that I still claim to be what you are, a Texan; and the second is, I also still cling to the belief that I am a teacher. I have not taught in the class-room for fifteen or twenty years, but I still cherish possibly the delusion that I am a teacher as I do that I am a Texan, and therefore it is with pleasure that I stand before a body of Texas teachers to discuss the subject that is closest my own heart and which I feel is close to theirs, and I do not believe that any man or woman capable of serious thought can stand before any audience in these days without a feeling that he is speaking in a time such as the world has rarely witnessed, at a time when we must speak and consider and discuss problems in the most serious manner and preach them with the most genuine sincerity of any period that you or I have ever lived through. We have just emerged from nearly five years of war, years of unspeakable agony of nations, as Lloyd George has called it. We are emerging from one of the greatest catas­trophes, as one writer put it, that has ever befallen the human race since man emerged from the cave. And those four years, beginning as they did, with an attempt of au­tocracy to extend itself over the world, have by the irony of fate led to the wiping out well nigh of all autocracy; and so all the way through the results of the war are the most unexpected and in many instances most diametrically op­posed to what those who began it hoped for. These four years have been years of revolution. Many of you feel that revolution is now coming as the war is closing. That is a mistake. The revolution was ushered in almost as soon as the war began, and the revolution has been going on silently and irresistably, day by day and month by month; for revolution, rightfully understood, is not necessarily ac­companied by blood and thunder. A revolution is simply a change in the way of looking at things. All human institu­tions rest on the fact for their security that the mass of the people look at things in a given way, and when they change that way of looking at them, that foundation of the institu­tions is gone. We talk about the revolution in Russia, the revolution in Germany, the revolution that may overtake some of the allied powers when their armies come home, but we seem to feel that we at least are not in danger of revolution. The fact is, we have gone through the most profound revolution. It came almost overnight. Let us take one single instance. For over a century, if there has been any doctrine upon which the Americans, irrespective of creed or party, have been united, it is that we were to keep free from all entangling alliances ; and yet today with hardly a dissenting voice the United States finds itself in this position: that she laid down recently the statement that her soldiers would remain on foreign soil and if necessary bleach their bones in France until Poland had been re­constituted, until the Czecho-Slav, of whom we never beard, and the Jugo-Slav should have the rights of free men, until Alsace-Lorraine should be returned to France; and tomor­row we are going to sit around the council table and discuss the question of where shall be the boundaries of the Balkan States, what shall be done with the Dardanelles, shall Den­mark again rule Schleswig-Holstein? And shall you say, "We have not had no revolution?" when the fundamental tenets of our foreign policy have been absolutely revolu­tionized overnight, and, mark me, properly revolutionized. We have said we proposed to do these things and fight for these things in order that there may be an enduring peace, that there may come at last a peace of justice, an abiding and enduring peace, and we all hope and pray and believe that perhaps the day of war has passed forever; we look forward to a period of united and uninterrupted peace. But this settlement is only a political settlement; it is an inter­national settlement. Even conceding as we hope that we have set at rest perhaps for all time the national jealousies and the national injustices, and that we have done away with war, we have still left a source of struggle which is not international but intranational. We still have before us in the years to come not only the age-old struggle between classes, but the very war that we have fought has accent­uated, intensified, and made that struggle aggressive. Why have we said that Austria should release the Czecho-Slav and the Jugo-Slav? Why has the President said no nobly and magnificently that we must have in the future as we have had in the past the accepted brutal principle that the people of the Balkans might not settle their destiny as they saw fit and thought best for their individual existence but that their boundaries should be drawn and their political evolutions should be determined by what was best for some other nations which were grasping at power? One of the outcomes of this war has been that there shall be the right of political self-determination, that no nation shall in the future have its destiny determined by the wishes or desires of another nation, that we shall recognize the right of all nations to live their own lives and there shall be no exploi­tation of one people by another people for the benefit of that second people. That js what we have fought to bring about. For that aim literally millions of men have laid down their lives at the cannon's mouth, millions of children have starved in the fight for that ideal, tens of thousands and possibly hundreds of thousands of women have submitted to what was worse than death rather than have that war stopped. We have made, in other words, every sacrifice of blood, of treasure, of everything that life holds dear, in order that we might win that principle once for all; and when the army is returned home the question will be asked by the men who made that fight: If one nation may not exploit another, then shall one class within a nation exploit another class? Shall we say that each nation must work out its destiny, that it necessarily must have the right to do what is best for it and not best for someone else, and accept within a nation the principle that one class is required to live its life in order that another class may prosper, be comfortable or be happy? Make no mistake; that question is going to be asked, and the reply is going to be as it was in this way: "No!" That revolution is going to continue. That fight is go­ing to continue within the state as it has been between states and nations. The character of that fight will be determined by the character of our institutions. Where there is no free expression for popular choice that fight will resolve itself into the upheaval you see in Russia. In Ger­many, which possibly had freer institutions than Russia, it will perhaps not go that far. In Great Britain it will be fought out probably at the ballot box; and the same in the United States; but the fight will come here, and it will resolve itself as it has in the past into two forms: one political, one economic; the political struggle reflects itself in the effort to procure legislation which shall deny eco­nomic privilege to the class as we have denied personal privilege in the past. It will insist upon legislation which shall follow out this principle: Democracy means equality of opportunity. If that is not to be an empty phrase we must make impossible and prevent exploitation by one man of another man or one class of another class. And in the economic field that struggle takes the form of industrial conflict; one class or one group believes, rightly or wrongly, that it is being exploited, that it is not getting a fair share of what it produces; the result is economic disturbances breaking out in strikes, finally violence and almost civil war, guerrilla warfare, real warfare, the kind that fills the hospitals. That struggle is going to be intensified and you are going to have more and more of a transfer of that struggle from the economic to the political field ; you are going to get more and more of a demand that these things Texas History Teachers Bulletin be settled not by open conflict but by an appraisal of values, by fixing a standard of rights and saying what is this man's right and that man's right, and this group's right and that group's right. In other words, we are going to have to settle now at the ballot box, and through the intelligence of our citizens, what we have strangely up to this time left to be fought out by the forces of anarchy. It is almost inconceivable, when we analyze it, that in nearly every other sphere of human relations we have care­fully limited the rights upon which even the relations of man and wife and father and child are predicated; all the business relations you have are carefully hedged in and covered by law; but in the one field of employment and giving employment, rendering service and giving employ­ment, we have carefully kept out, and when a controversy arises it is settled not in the courts, but, literally speaking, by the brute force of anarchy-it is within the realm of society to permit two groups to settle the question over what shall be the terms of the contract; we permit them to settle it by the actual appeal to force and the mere brute power that marks anarchy. That is not going to continue. You may say, "What has that got to do with education and citizenship?" and if you do I shall not blame you for asking the question; but that is just where we land now. In the future as never before, every individual citizen is going to be called upon to formulate his opinions and ex­press those opinions and is going to be met by the challenge that certain things must be brought within the scope of law, certain reciprocal rights must be defined in a field in which we have not been able up to this time to crystallize any view whatever; the ideas of rights within that field are still fluid; we are going to find ourselves called upon more every day to discuss those topics and finally settle them once for all; and are we preparing for that? Did we pre­pare for it in the past? What has been the relationship in the past between education and citizenship. As an edu­cator, speaking to a body of educators, in which you may not agree with me, I feel perfectly safe in saying that the relation has been extremely remote, and that if we have University of Texas Bulletin believed we were educating for citizenship we were very grossly mistaken or we have made a colossal failure. Our whole system of education has been steadily running counter to that proposition. We have been careful in our educa­tional system of the past to appraise the needs of the com­munity. In the beginning we said it was for the learned profession, law, medicine, and theology, and whenever they taught those they gave the name to the university. Later on, as industry began to develop we found we needed chem­ists and civil engineers and this, that and the other, and as science developed we specialized in this and that; in other words, we trained specialists and said, "Johnnie wants to be a doctor, Willie a lawyer, Sammie a civil engi­neer," and we gave each one the opportunity to get the most highly developed and highly specialized training to make a success in law, or medicine, or civil engineering or what not; but during all that time, no matter what else he was, each of these little boys was going to become a citizen and a voter, and, in the last analysis, a legislator, because in a democracy, in the last analysis, the final de­termination of what shall be the law, what shall be the rule in a given set of circumstances, the rule in the broad, gen­eral sense, is determined by the voter ; in the case of the Constitution you do not fix all the details of the law; you indicate the policy for which you stand and leave it to the legislator to work out the details, and in order that they have that knowledge we have not attempted to require every one of those boys to fit himself for the duties of cit­izenship by studying something of the nature and the func­tions and the history and the principles of human political society. Now, as never before, is it going to be necessary for the citizen to have that specialized training. I risked the as­ sertion a while ago that we had failed; and I base that on this fact-if you will pardon a personality for a moment ; I perhaps have had as good an opportunity as any man living to get in close touch with three large classes of my fellow citizens. I have had a college and academic career, have taught in colleges and universities, and have associated with men of highly specialized training and who had the best that the universities here or abroad could give; I have for a number of years been connected with business enter­prises and have met business men of all classes; and I have for ten years been at first-hand dealing with labor problems and met representatives of all degrees of labor and met laboring men themselves by the hundreds and hundreds, and know them intimately. We can not settle this question by statistics, and each man must take his own judgment; but I venture this statement, that if you take almost any proposition coming before the mass of the people for voting you will get a less intelligent comprehen­sion from your highly educated man than you will get from your commercial man or your working man. The political intelligence that you will find visible in a labor meeting is of a higher character than that you will find in any body of scientific men once you exclude the lawyer or the teacher or the social scientist. I could further say that that course of specialization which you are now giving in the high school-you are allowing the boy now to specialize so he may become a great chemist or civil engineer or something else, and he is taking that time away from studies of larger interest-instead of broadening him as the educated man is supposed to be, you are narrowing him; you are destroying his mental perspective; he is going out with the knowledge that his science is the end of all knowledge and that if he can only reach the highest type of science the world will be safe; and, more than that, it begets a certain aloofness from the rough and ready necessities of your civic and po­litical life. I will venture another assertion, based on per­sonal experience. In my own experience, the social pessi­mist and the political cynic have been among my academic and educated friends, and the social optimist and the ideal­ist have been among those who had not yet finished a gram­mar school education ; and if I am right in those asser­tions it is a terrific indictment of the educational system of the past. Does it mean that we have poured out the blood and the treasure of these four years for the rights of free government, the right to select our own rulers, only to University of Texas Bulletin finally come back to the truth that a great mass of us are not going to take the trouble to say who shall be our rulers and stay away from the ballot box; and you will find that in your educated classes; and if they went to the ballot box they would not have the same degree of political intelli­gence, they would not have the same grasp of the question at issue that the other men have who have not even gone to a high school. Why? It is very simple. The beneficiary never challenges, criticizes nor analyzes that of which he is the beneficiary. The stockholder in the corporation that does not pay dividends looks into the management to find what is the matter; he suspicions that it is corrupt; but the stockholder in the corporation that pays him twenty per cent never makes an inquiry; it never occurs to him that possibly twenty per cent represents corruption; he is sat­isfied. But those upon whom the institution imposes every hardship, those not in society who feel its grinding force, they are the ones that challenge it, they are the ones that investigate it, they are the ones that analyze it, and they are the ones who pursue that process because they are the uneducated, because they are the hewers of wood and the drawers of water; if they challenge your institution they analyze it and pass judgment on it, and it is very often an intelligent judgment. Shall that be the educational sys­tem of the future? Have we exalted free citizenship, have we fought for democracy, have we made the greatest sac­rifice the world has ever seen, in order that we may pre­serve free institutions, and yet say that the first function of our educational system is not to train men to maintain those institutions? Shall we attempt in addition to mere education in specialties, to give men not only knowledge but vision? If you go into detail and ask, "How do you propose to change this educational system?" I answer: First I should require every boy from the day he entered any school, be it private or public, until the last day he left the school, whether it be the eighth or the sixth grade or the high school or the college or the university, that he should give a certain proportion of his time to the study of social science and social problems; if he said, "I haven't time, I have some­thing also more important," he should be told, "Nothing is more important than to fit yourself to exercise the duties of a free citizen." But that is purely a mental training; when you have done that you have done only one-half-­you have not done quite half, because in addition to that you have got to give him a sense of obligation; you have got to impress upon him a sense of duty, and that becomes a moral teaching. We have all these years laid down and accepted the doctrine or theory that knowledge is power. In your presence let me challenge that doctrine. Knowl­edge is not power. Knowledge is dead, inert, static; power is dynamic; character and only character is power, and knowledge without character lacks in driving force, lacks in social value, and may become a menace rather than a social asset. Therefore, as I conceive it, the function of the education of the future, the function of the only system of education that should be tolerated in a free government and in free institutions after they have been preserved at the cost that we have just paid, is the making of citizens. The purpose of society is not the making of wealth or the crea­tion of successful business men. You all remember the story of the distinguished New -York banker who would not employ college-bred men; he said they never made a success. Another distinguished American not long after that in making an address at his alma mater commented on that and said: "If the mere creation of wealth, if the glorified pawn-broker is the ideal of success and the type of success, then unquestionably such institutions as these have no excuse for their existence." No matter what we may do in the way of producing special­ists for scientific research for the spread of knowledge, for the development of industry and the creation of wealth, unless you produce a type of man who knows his duties as a citizen, who has the mental grasp to appreciate them and the character to live up to them, I will not say there is no excuse, but there is mighty little excuse for the existence of that kind of a system of education. I will go one step further and suggest this: You may say-and if you do I agree with you-that I am unloading on the educational system and upon the teaching body, a task almost super­human; it means to a certain extent the revolutionizing of the human character, the remaking of the race--and I agree with you. But that is your task, not only to give mental training, but, as I have always viewed it, to build character; and you can not teach character-you can only impart it; as Carlyle says, it is imparted as one spark transmits fire to another. We have got to come to the frank realization, as we have always believed, that educa­tion and mental training are the basis of free institutions, but we have got to appreciate that in the general sense of education that is not at all true, but that our future de­mocracy with the institutions for which we have fought, if they are to be worth preserving have got to be based upon the educational system. I remember a funeral service by the late Bishop Spaulding over an educator which made an impression that will endure to my dying day: he was criticizing the existing order of society, and he said that his chief criticism of it was this: he said, "You have not appreciated the value of education, you have not appreciated the value of the profession of which this man was a mem­ber; it seems incredible that any state of intelligent civili­zation ever would conscript all the noblest and the ablest and the best and insist that they be its teachers" ; and over against that, another writer who investigated our educa­tional system some years later, said that after studying the history of education and after going over the educational system of the United States he found that this was the only great nation in all history that had been willing to farm out the education and the building up of the character of its citizens to the lowest bidder. If our present-day civi­lization continues on that basis, if it continues to hold that the work of those upon whom, as I see it, the very success, the very permanence of our institutions depends, is worth about as much as the average man in the war time pays the colored cook, then there is not much use of my talking to you or you listening to me, unless we ourselves can lead the citizens into more intelligent appre­ ciation of the problems they have before them and of the value and necessity of an intelligent and much more elab­orate, much more extensive, much more fundamental, far reaching education than we have yet dreamed of. USE OF PICTURES AND LANTERN SLIDES IN STUDY OF THE GREAT WAR* BY PROFESSOR GEO. F. ZOOK, PENNSYLVANIA STATE COLLEGE "Give a child objects, something that can be visualized, let him see it with his own eyes, and it is astounding how rapidly that child will learn," said Thomas A. Edison in speaking of the value of visual instruction. Appreciating this principle energetic teachers of history frequently make pilgrimages to the scenes of historic events and take their pupils to museums containing historical collections. By such direct observation they often secure as much histor­ical information in a very short time as can be obtained by hours of reading. The truth of this observation becomes more apparent when one considers what imperfect ideas are formed by the lively and uncritical imagination of the average young person by reading the usual inadequate his­torical narrative. There are very few people, indeed, who have not had their youthful visionary conceptions of places and events received from early reading greatly altered in later years by the actual sight of historical places. To a less degree, but no less certainly, an adult reader experi­ences the same sensation upon visiting scenes of historic interest. In most instances it is impossible to see the places and events about which we read from day to day. Several mil­lions of young Americans will have an opportunity to see something of the present world war, but on account of their sacrifice the great majority of Americans will be spared this experience. Indeed, although large numbers of Americans may at some time in their lives view some of the implements of war now in use, only a small portion of them will ever visit the scenes where our soldiers are battling with the enemy. Those who do not come in direct contact with the *This and the following article relating to history teaching by means of pictorial material are taken from the Historical Outlook. Great War in all its marvelous variety of action, equipment and setting must perforce depend for adequate information concerning it on historical descriptions-and pictures. The use of photographs as historical data is, of course, quite recent. Although the camera was well known in the days of the Civil War, the Government took no means of preserving a pictorial record of those stirring events. In­deed, if it had not been for the persistent efforts of Mathew B. Brady and a few other photographers whom he inspired, there would have been no photographic record of the Civil War. Brady spent all of his means and risked his life upon numerous occasions to obtain the 7,000 photographs which he left as a memorial of his work. Historians may very well be grateful for his years of self-sacrifice in the Union army. His photographs are now extensively reproduced in our historical literature touching this period. Indeed, so valuable have historical photographs come to be regarded that in recent years few textbooks in history have been considered satisfactory by progressive teachers unless they contained clear, well-chosen maps and illustra­tions. Where the illustrations are meaningless, ill chosen or posed, experience shows that the reader usually pays no attention to them. If, perchance, they do attract his at­tention he gains therefrom only imperfect and false ideas. Such illustrations which do not tell the story truthfully are therefore open to the same objections which may be levelled at historical accounts which leave wrong and inadequate impressions. The imperfection of textbook illustrations of a historical nature have become even more obvious in recent years by the development of numerous series of historical pictures and lantern slides for purposes of visual instruction. There has, therefore, been an attempt to effect a better co-ordina­tion between the usual instruction gained from reading and the increasing possibilities of this new form of teaching. A number of visual instruction departments in various states have collected sets of lantern slides dealing with his­torical subjects which they distribute to their patrons ac­companied by prepared lectures or notes which may be read as the lantern slides are exhibited or used as a basis of in­formation for the reader's remarks. The Great War is a subject in which there is at present universal interest. War books are everywhere in demand. Each new account sheds some light on this stupendous struggle, and yet our ideas of it would be very imperfect if it were not for the pictures. One realizes this when he attempts to visualize a few of those forbidden pictures such as the explosion of a depth bomb, the camouflage of war­vessels or the appearance of American docks in France. In response to the universal interest in war pictures each of the important nations in the conflict has carefully pre­served a pictorial record of the war. After passing the careful scrutiny of the military and naval censors the great majority of these official photographs are issued to the pub­lic by the British, French, Canadian, Italian and American governments. The work of taking these pictures in the war zone for the United States government has been delegated to soldiers in the signal corps, many of whom risk their lives almost daily in order to obtain pictures portraying actual conditions of warfare. These, together with thou­sands of photographs obtained by private persons back of the lines, are being carefully catalogued and filed in the historical section of the war college at Washington. Al­ready more than 300,000 pictures relating to America's part in this war have been filed for the benefit of future generations. For the first time in our history, therefore, we shall have a complete pictorial record of the progress of this, the greatest war in American history. Where such a wealth of pictorial data exist, the chief problem as in all such instances is a matter of intelligent selection and use. The better this is done the greater value these war pictures will have. Keeping the possibilities of effective instruction in mind becomes all the more necessary in connection with the Great War where almost every war picture excites a degree of public interest, but where not all of them are of value for purposes of instruction. The ship's mascot may be amusing and interesting, but when one has seen several pictures of his antics he knows little more about the navy than before. This does not mean that pictures which portray important phases of human life are not in­teresting, because the picture of French women toiling in munition factories in order to make arms for their husbands and brothers at the front, convinces us that all the romance is not in story, and yet such a picture is eloquent in what it teaches. It should be remembered, therefore, that all war pictures lose much of their value if they are viewed in the usual casual manner as unrelated units. In order to secure the best results and give an adequate conception of any phase of the Great War by the use of pictures, there is as much necessity for arranging them in a well chosen series as there is for the logical sequence of paragraphs in a narra­tive or description. Just as historical pictures failed to accomplish their greatest results until they were made available in pictorial series or in sets of lantern slides by the visual instruction departments in our states and by enterprising private firms, so pictures of the Great War will also fall short of their possibilities unless they are made available in the same way. Indeed, it is this quality of a carefully selected series of war pictures or lantern slides which gives value to what otherwise would be an unrelated mass of pictorial data. When such a series of war pictures or lantern slides can be obtained special time may be set aside in our schools with greater profit for consideration of various phases of the Great War just as time is now devoted to visual instruction along many other lines. The experience of visual instruc­tion departments in conjunction with other subjects makes it certain that the most satisfactory method of presenting war pictures is by the use of lantern slides. When care­fully prepared lectures or notes accompany the slides this method of instruction is at its best. Several departments of visual instruction, especially those in the universities of Texas and Wisconsin, have made arrangements to circulate lectures and lantern slides in connection with the war. One or two of the most import­ant commercial makers of lantern slides have seized the op­ University of Texas Bulletin portunity to do the same thing. Probably the most import­ant effort in this direction has been made by the Committee on Public Information which has put at the disposal of the public an entire series of lectures and slides dealing with American war activities. In conclusion, it may be pointed out that the present wide­spread interest in America's war activities will undoubt­edly continue with little abatement for years after the war is over. Our schools will undoubtedly devote considerable time to the study of this wonderful epoch in American his­tory which has placed our nation in the most intimate con­nection with affairs the world over. Unlike all previous wars, there is a tremendous amount of pictorial data which will be of increasing value for historical purposes as the years go by. Whether this data is used to the best ad­vantage largely depends on the selection and arrangement of these pictures in series dealing with various phases and topics of the Great War. If this work is done well our schools may easily become the leaders in the use of pictures to afford their pupils an intelligent understanding of how America went to war. CURRENT EVENTS THROUGH PICTURES* BY DANIEL C. KNOWLTON, PH.D., CENTRAL HIGH SCHOOL, NEWARK, N. J. Pictures as a Medium for Instruction in Current Events Two hundred years and more have gone by since Johann Amos Comenius called the attention of educators to the value of the picture and the wonderful possibilities of the object-lesson by the publication of his Orbis sensalium pictus, sometimes called the Orbis pictus, the first children's picture book. Revolutionary as the idea was then, the pres­ence of pictures in the classroom causes surprise or comment no longer. School administrators, textbook writers, teachers everywhere look upon them as an indispensable part of the paraphernalia of the profession. We even adorn our text­books in mathematics with attractive illustrations, to say nothing of the wealth of such material to be found in text­books for the study of language, geography and history. Their use is not confined within the four walls of the schoolroom. The advertiser and the government official recognize their value, as the use of these in newspapers, pamphlets, posters and the like bear ample witness. "Uncle Sam Wants You" brings before the eye the now well-known poster of James Montgomery Flagg with its pointing finger. The teacher has too often failed to avail herself to any extent of this medium, so generally admitted to possess such gripping power. Our boys and girls have not been edu­cated up to the use of the picture. They see little in it beyond what they are told to see. The fate of the picture rests, as it were, entirely with the person who framed the *The following paragraphs represent some of the classroom ex­perience of the author with Leslie's Weekly Magazine. As editor of the educational department he has sought to direct the attention of teachers to the possibilities of picture study. The general principles which are laid down here apply equally well to any picture study. title or wrote the paragraph accompanying it. This too often suffices, and the illustration is allowed to pass without comment and is thought of merely as one of many attractive features of the up-to-date textbook. The student often strives to recall by its place on the page the accompanying text, missing through lack of guidance or the teacher's fail­ure to develop his power of thought through observation, that power of reproducing the text which is latent in the picture itself when once it has been properly presented. Two main avenues are always open to the teacher to reach the student and to arouse him to that self-activity which is the primary arm of all education. The one is the Emotion, the other the Eye. By the use of the latter, the former is often stimulated to greater activity. A picture appeals es­sentially to the eye, but it must appeal as something more than a mere dash of color, or a few persons or objects thrust against a dimly apprehended background. Some pictures are so conceived and drawn as to arrest the attention. That is essentially the artist's purpose. The "punch" which may seem to be lacking in the picture by itself may be im­parted to it by the teacher if she will perfect herself in the use of these. The principles underlying picture presentation may be illustrated by citing a few concrete examples based upon the use of Leslie's in connection with the study of Current Events. No argument should be needed to convince the up­to-date teacher of the importance of keeping her pupils abreast of current happenings. It may be difficult to find time commensurate with their importance, but some time, some place, must be found for this current material. Intel­ligent reading of the daily or weekly newspaper should be cultivated from the very moment when the boy or girl begins to show an interest in what is taking place in his neighbor­hood; when he becomes an interested listener, and an active participant in the conversation about the dinner table. He is now awake to his own immediate environment; the time has come for directing his attention to that larger world of which his community is but a part. His little village may seem but an eddy in the great tide which engulfs the city, but the world has beeome so small in our day that he may soon find himself struggling in the swift current of the main stream. You protest that he can not possibly un­derstand such a situation as is presented in the Far East or such conditions as are peculiar to present-day Russia. These are tangled skeins to unravel presenting the greatest difficulties even to the keen student of affairs. Interest, however, may be aroused; and a foundation may be laid for an intelligent appreciation of the great world movements and his relation to these. We are possessed for this pur­pose of the most attractive medium known in the entire field of education-the picture. This kind of instruction will make for the best form of patriotism, and this in turn will make for democracy. Let us assume that the approach to the events of a given week is through the medium of a weekly periodical like Leslie's Weekly. The appeal here is a pictorial one, al­though in subject-matter Leslie's will be found to compare favorably with weeklies which stress the printed page rather than the picture. Our issue is that of June 1. We will assume for the moment that no use has been made of the Reader's Guide and Study Outline to be found in each number; that the work is in the nature of an unprepared recitation. Let us thumb over the issue, noting what it con­tains. What are some of the outstanding features? A pic­ture of General Foch; a double page devoted to the Y. M. C. A., which has also been introduced to us by an attractive cover; another double page referring to the "West Front"; some pictures taken on the American sector; some views in and around Paris ; a group of Russian scenes ; and still an­other double page showing the construction of wooden ships. The first questions suggested are: How shall such ma­terial be organized by the teacher for effective use? and when properly organized, how shall it be presented to the class? The first of these problems is solved in part by the Read­er's Guide. A key thought is here suggested, namely, the contrast between the two fronts and America's special in.. terest in the situation in each case. It is the war problem which is emphasized-the war problem which towers far and above all other considerations, absorbing our interest and shaping our entire national life. Chameleon-like, it is constantly changing, or perhaps it might be more appro­priate to say that like the kaleidoscope, it assumes a new form with each passing event and presents aspects which are constantly changing. It may be analyzed and broken up into a series or group of obstacles or problems to be sur­mounted; at other times it may seem to present but one big aspect, and that a vital one. A selection must be made of material from a given issue that will enable the teacher to use what appeals to her as the most attractive and gripping portion of the magazine. Let us assume that the class is studying American history or current events. Assuming no previous use by the student of the material in the Guide, the teacher recognizes at least four problems or points of interest in connection with the events pictured in this par­ticular issue. The first is the testing of our men on the Western Front, and the efforts of Germany through her propaganda to nullify their p ·esence there; the second, the shipbuilding activity; the third, the menacing activity of Germany and Russia; and finally the German drive towards Paris. The class is asked, "What sort of a problem does Rus­sia present? Look at the pictures on page 761, and tell us what is taking place there, and why the situation should be looked upon as serious. The editor has given the group pictures the heading: 'The Tiger in the Russian Tent.' What does he mean?" Nine students out of every ten will proceed to read the captions accompanying the pictures, and answer your questions by repeating the information to be found there. While we admit that these paragraphs are there to be read, the reading of these does not consti­tute a picture study. Far from it! If they begin and end their work here, then the pictures are to them so much in­formation which might have been apprehended just as read­ily from a printed page. What have they seen for them­selves in these pictures? Have the pictures really impressed themselves upon their minds to such an extent that thought processes have actually been stimulated? This is the real test. Let us see if we can attain this much-to-be-desired result. What do you actually see in the picture? "Some men building a bridge, several of them in German dress." "A great crowd lining a street and a procession marching past headed by a band-apparently a procession of soldiers, but curiously enough unarmed; still another view in this same city, showing rather prominently in the fore­ground two men on horseback, apparently of different na­tionalities. In their immediate presence are groups of sol­diers wearing uniforms which seem to indicate that they are not all soldiers in the same army."' What do these pictures mean? What is there in such scenes to excite alarm or fear? Where were these scenes taken? Here the element of geography is introduced, and it is often the key which unlocks the thought processes and enables the boy or girl to really apprehend what is sug­gested in the pictures before him-The Ukraine. Where are they? Why are they of interest? Why should a peace­ful bridge building scene concern us? Why have these Ger­mans interested themselves in bridge building? Why has a bridge building scene been selected to picture what is hap­pening in the Ukraine? What does this mingling of sol­diers of different nations mean? Is it at all common in warring Europe? Where is the danger? How are we in­terested? These and similar questions begin to bring home to the class the idea which the pictures are meant to convey. A live class can be trusted to carry the teacher much far­ther, depending upon the age of the student and whether these ideas have already been presented in some other form. The object of the questions in the Reader's Guide is to arouse in the student just such an interest in the pictures outside the classroom, and to give them a significance which may be easily missed unless they actually begin to apply their own preconceived notions or experiences to the message which they are intended to convey. Often one person sees in a picture something which is lost upon another. Take, for example, some actual data upon the pictures in cut, submitted in reply to the question. What happened "When the Huns struck at Paris?" This work was based upon a study of the pictures which was made in the classroom without any assistance or previous preparation. Here are some of the answers : "Yanks with full equipment and happy." "Poilus cleaning their guns and preparing their kit." "French children probably without mother or father, and nuns with thin faces and exhausted looks." "American troops conveyed to the front in trucks." "Americans, well supplied and well equipped." "First glance at the picture gives the impression of mov­ing." "Refugees flocking to Paris." "Kits hurriedly but thoroughly inspected." Are we satisfied to let these answers pass ; do they indi­cate all that the pictures show? What often seems lacking in such a picture test is the use of the imagination. The student has seen the more obvious details of the pictures, but has failed to endow them with life and reality. He has not reconstructed the scene of terror and confusion, the hustle and bustle, the calm confidence of the veteran, the anticipations of the recruits, the suffering of helpless non­combatants, and the problem of their care. He has not visualized Paris and what a blow at Paris would really mean. He has not contrasted it with the blow at Antwerp or at some other great city which the fortunes of the pres­ent war have placed in the hands of that relentless onrush­ing grey horde of invaders. He has not read or sensed the harrowing details of the invasion of Belgium, so vividly por­trayed for us by pen and pencil. These pictures must in every case be linked up with his experiences, or awaken new ones in order to convey their message and impress the fact or facts upon which they are based. You may by this time be ready to protest that there is not time for such a development of ideas by means of this pictorial material. The process is at best a slow one, espe­cially if little time or attention have been given to picture study. Let the work then be highly selective. Let us take Texas History Teachers Bulletin the two or three events which we regard as most vital in the current issue. Let us build upon them, seeking to im­press upon the boy or girl what it is that he is to look for in these pictures. The Reader's Guide which may be sup­plied by the teacher is designed to economize on the time and effort demanded for successful work along these lines; to constitute as it were a preparation and a following-up process. By following the suggestions to be found there the work of the teacher in the classroom is supplemented and driven home. It is in the nature of an assignment. Space does not permit of questions illustrative of the actual draw­ing out process which becomes the main problem of the classroom. While the work is new, it may be necessary in the actual questioning there to round out and add to the rather brief series of questions which constitute the assign­ment. These questions should touch what might be termed the "high spots." Much depends also upon what the stu­dent has already done in connection with the study of cur­rent topics. More detailed questioning is needed at the outset to draw out the pupil; to encourage him to tell what he sees; and to demonstrate to his satisfaction the values inherent in this pictorial material. The student should leave a clear-cut idea of two or three of the great happenings of the preceding week. If a note­book is kept (and its use in this connection should be en­couraged) what the student learns about world affairs may be jotted down at the end of the recitation or in the course of the discussion. A certain amount of unity is desirable in this part of the work. Let the class suggest what has been brought out about the Russian situation, or the facts as to the drive on Paris. These are noted down as they are briefly summarized by different members of the class. The following week it becomes an easier task to relate the con­tents of the new issue to the material contained in the earlier magazines, and references can be made back and forth which will serve to convey that sense of unity and continuity which is vital to best work in current-event study. One of the most important steps in picture study has to do with the approach thereto. This should be of such a nature 8-J University of Texas Bulletin as to enlist at once the interest of the student. The aid of the student may be invoked to secure a satisfactory approach by asking him to examine each picture carefully before coming to class and bring in a question suggested by each. You must insist that they approach the picture with a chal­lenge; that they analyze it, that they break it up into its component parts. They must be so trained that they will look for a message. This must be conveyed to them in language to which they are accustomed. It must strike a responsive chord in their very soul, or your picture is so much wasted printer's ink. Concentration upon it; time for its consideration; a marshalling of all their related ex­periences about it; these constitute the open seasame which will secure for the picture a place in the galleries of mem­ory, where in company with others it will enrich the ex­periences and enlarge the 1mderstanding. HISTORY IN THE SUMMER SCHOOL History 2, 3, and 5 are open to all Summer School stu­dents, but History 2 is recommended for those who have not previously had a college course in history. History 2, it will be observed, can be completed in the first term; His­tory 5 in either term. These courses are also given by cor­respondence. The course on the history of Texas is open to those who have had a college course in history. The advanced courses may be counted separately and independ­ently. They are open to students who have credit for two college courses in history. Students desiring graduate work may make arrangement with instructors for theses and special work not here announced. FIRST TERM 2 (f). THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES, 395-814. This course is a general survey of the history of Western Europe from the time of the final division of the Roman Empire by Theodosius to the end of the reign of Charle­magne. The work will be carried on by means of informal lectures. discussions, text-book, and supplementary reading in the library. Instructor WEBB. 2 (w). THE FEUDAL AGE, 814-1300. The subject-matter of this course will be the disruption of the Carolingian Empire; the rise of feudalism; the devel­opment of feudal institutions; the countries of France, Ger­many, and Italy under the feudal regime; the secular and religious activities of the Medieval Church; and the Cru­sades. Instructor WEBB. 2 (s). THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES, 1300-1500. This part of the course covers the later Middle Ages. The chief topics treated are: The Papacy and the New Nations, the Hundred Years' War, the Italian Renaissanc€, the Discoveries, and the Close of the Middle Ages. Instructor CHRISTIAN. 3 (s). EUROPE IN THE NINETEENTU CENTURY. A survey of European History from the French Revolu­tion to the present time with special reference to the causes of the World War. Lectures, assigned readings, and dis,. cussions. Adjunct Professor lY.LrnsH. 5 (f). THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND THE REVOLUTION, 1492-1789. This course deals with the planting and development of the English colonies in America, their relations with the British government, the causes, nature, and progress of the Revolution, and the government under the Confederation. Instruction will be given by lectures, parallel reading, and frequent quizzes. Assistant Professor MARSHALL. 5(w). NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND EXPANSION, 1789­1860. In this course the class will review briefly the organiza­tion and working of the government of the Confederation, and will then study in more detail the formation and estab­lishment of the Constitution, the growth of nationality, westward extension, and the beginnings of the quarrel over slavery. Instructor CHRIS'lIAN. 5 (s). DIVISION AND REUNION, 1860-1918. This course will deal chiefly with the development of the controversy over slavery and state rights, the Civil War, the problems of reconstruction, the subsequent great in­dustrial, social, and political developments, and the later international relations of the United States. Professor BROOKS. 102. A. THE WESTWARD MOVEMENT, 1763-1848. This course will deal with the occupation of the country between the Appalachians and the Mississippi, with the Louisiana Purchase, the acquisition of the Floridas, the changing social and economic conditions in the Old West, the fur trade, the advance of settlement west of the Missis­sippi, the Oregon question, the Texas Revolution, the Repub­lic of Texas, and the Mexican War. Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Assistant Professor MARSHALL. 108. A. HISTORY OF THE SOUTH. The develpment of the plantation system; the struggle over the extension of slavery; the secession movement; the organization of the Confederacy in its several phases; re­construction, political, economic, and social. A considerable amount of source material, various collections of reprinted documents, and the best secondary authorities will be used. Supplemental to the lectures, members of the class will make reports on selected topics, and, in addition, will be required to do a certain amount of reading in accordance with a syllabus. Professor BROflKS. 25 (w). A. THE FORMATION OF THE CONSTITUTION. This course covers in considerable detail the constitu­tional history of the United States from 1775 to 1800, dwelling on such topics as the formation of state govern­ments during the Revolution; government under the Articles of Confederation; the formation, ratification, and estab­lishment of the present Constitution; and the beginning of political parties. Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Professor BARKER. 118. A. HISTORY TEACHING. This course endeavors to give practical help in the prob­lems that confront the secondary teacher of history. The purpose of history teaching, its method, and the material•:; to be used are considered. The newer aspects of history teaching presented by the war will receive particular at­tention. Prerequisite: Two courses in Education. May be counted as an advanced one-third course in history by stud~nts 'Yho have had the equivalent of b.vo long-term courses in history. Professor DUNCALF. 137. A. FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED 5'TATES, 1820-1860. Latin-American relations and the Monroe Doctrine; the Northeast and Northwest boundary negotiations with Eng­land; commerce claims, and boundary negotiations with Mexico, leading to the Mexican war; early Canal diplor.1acy, with a brief survey of Canal relations since the independ'3nce of Panama. These are some of the topics covered. The course is a continuation of History 120A, offered in the summer of 1918, but is not dependent upon that course. Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Professor BARKER. 138. A. FRANCE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. After an introductory survey of the French Revolution, this course will consider the development of France under the constitutional monarchy, the Second Republic, the Sec­ond Empire, and the Third Republic. Attention will be given to the Colonial Expansion of France and to the dip­lomatic developments leading up to the World War. Lectures, assigned readings, discussions and reports. Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Adjunct Professor MARSH. 142. A. THE EARLY RENAISSANCE. The Medieval antecedents of the Renaissance, and the Renaissance in Italy. Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Professor DUNCALF. SECOND TERM 2 (s). THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES, 1300-1500. For discription see first term. Instructor CHRISTIAN. 5 (f). THE AMERICAN COLONIES AND THE REVOLUTION, 1492-1789. For description see first term. Adjunct Professor CUNNINGHAM. 5(w). NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND EXPANSION, 1789­1860. For description see first term. Professor RAMSDELL. 5(s). DIVISION AND REUNION, 1860-1918. For description see first term. Assistant Professor BOUCHER. 139. THE HISTORY OF TEXAS, 1803-1846. The course will sketch rapidly the Spanish occupation, the rival claims of Spain and France, the boundary disputes between the United States and Spain, colonization, the Rev­olution and War for Independence, and follow in consid­erable detail the history of Texas during its separate exist­ence as a republic. Lectures, assigned readings, reports. Prerequisites: One college course in history. Instructor CHRISTIAN. 103. A. THE CIVIL WAR. Five hours a week throughout the term. This course will be devoted chiefly to the study of the resources of both North and South and to their use and development in each section during war-time. Some com­parison will be made with the handling of similar problems in the recent war. Aside from this main theme, some at­tention will be given to the political theories of the time, to the secession movement, to the blockade, the efforts of the Confederacy to gain foreign recognition, party politics, and the peace movement. Instruction will be by lectures, assigned reading, and written quizzes. Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Professor RAMSDELL. 25 (f). i. A. THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 1750-1783. Special emphasis will be placed upon the cause of the Revolution-differences between England and the Colonies in political theory and practice. Less emphasis will be put upon the military phases than upon such questions as the organization of the revolutionary movement, the financing of the war, the party of the Loyalists, the establishment of state governments, and diplomatic relations. Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Assistant Professor BOUCHER. 46 (f). i. A. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE LATIN-AMERI­CAN COLONIES. The establishment of the Spanish and Portuguese Colonies in America; the transference of Hispanic institutions to the New World; political, commercial, and religious restrictions which formed the basis of the struggle for independence. Prerequisite: T·wo college courses in history. Adjunct Professor CUNNINGHAM. 105. A. THE BEGINNING O!" THE BRITISH EMPIRE. The conditions that led to English expansion; imperial institutions and problems; development of the colonial na­tions. Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Professor LARSON. 140. A. RECENT ENGLISH HISTORY, 1868-1919. A study of the historical background of the more import­ant contemporary problems of the British kingdom and empire. Prerequisite: Two college courses in history. Professor LARSON.